The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 19, 1929, Page 2

— neem SIE ———— Peer epee may “Page Two *% SA tisk A DAILY WORKER, VEW YORK, SATURDAY, JANUARY 19, 1929 He MOSCOW, August 20, 1918. OMRADES: A Russian Bolshevik who participated in the Revolution of 1905 and for many years afterwards lived in your country has | offered to transmit this letter to you. I have grasped this opportunity joyfully for the revolutionary proletariat of America—insofar as it is the enemy of American imperialism—is destined to perform an im- portant task at this time. The history of modern civilized America opens with one of those really revolutionary wars of liberation of which there have been so few compared with the enormous number of wars of conquest that were caused, like the present imperialistic war, by squabbles among kings, landholders and capitalists over the di on of ill-gotten lands and profits, It was a war of the American people against the English who despoiled America of its resources and held in colonial subjec- tion, just as their “civilized” descendants are draining the life-blood of hundreds of millions of human beings in India, Egypt and all corners and ends of the world to keep them in subjection. Since that war 150 years have passed. Bourgeois civilization has borne its most luxuriant fruit. By developing the productive forces of organized human labor, by utilizing machines and all the wonders of technique America has taken the first place among free and civilized nations. But at the same time America, like a few other nations, has become characteristic for the depth of the abyss that divide a handful | of brutal millionaires who are stagnating in a mire of luxury, and millions of laboring starving men and women who are always staring want in the face, Four years of imperialistic slaughter have left their trace. Irre- futably and clearly events have shown to the people that both imper- ialistic groups, the English as well as the German, have been playing false. The four years of war have shown in their effects the great law of capitalism in all wars; that he who is richest and mightiest profits the most, takes the greatest share of the spoils while he who | is weakest is exploited, martyred, oppressed and outraged to the utmost, In the number of its colonial possessions, English imperialism has always been more powerful than any of the other countries. England has lost not a span of its “acquired” land. On the other hand it has acquired control of all German colonies in Africa, has occupied Meso- potamia and Palestine. German imperialism was stronger because of the wonderful or- patoact iscipli “its” armies, but as far as colonies : “ . ganization and ruthless discipline of “its | French, at times even fighting side by side with the armies of one | | are concerned, is much weaker than its opponent. It has now lost all of its colonies, but has robbed half of Europe and throttled most of | the small countries and weaker peoples. What a high conception of “liberation” on either side! How well they have defended their father- lands, these “gentlemen” of both groups, the Anglo-French and the German capitalists together with their lackeys, the Social-Patriots. American plutocrats are wealthier than those of any other country partly because they are geographically more favorably situated. They have made the greatest profits. They have made all, even the weak- est countries, their debtors, They have amassed gigantic fortunes dur- ing the war. ; t by millions of murdered and crippled men, shed in the high, honorable and holy war of freedom. Had the Anglo-French and American bourgeoisie accepted the Soviet invitation to participate in peace negotiations at Brest-Litovsk, instead of leaving Russia to the mercy of brutal Germany a just peace without annexations and indemnities, a peace based upon complete equality could have been forced upon Germany, and millions of lives might have been saved. Because they hoped to reestablish the East- ern Front by once more drawing us into the whirlpool of warfare, they | refused to attend peace negotiations and gave Germany a free hand to cram its shameful terms down the throat of the Russian people. It lay in the power of the Allied countries to make the Brest-Litovsk nego- tiations the forerunner of a general peace. It ill becomes them to | throw the blame for the Russo-German peace upon our shoulders! The workers of the whole world, in whatever country they may | live, rejoice with us and sympathize with us, applaud us for having | burst the iron ring of imperialistic agreements and treaties, for having dreaded no sacrifice, however great, to free ourselves, for having es- | tablished ourselves as a socialist republic, even so rent asunder and plundered by German imperialists, for having raised the banner of peace, the banner of Socialism over the world. What wonder that we are hated by the capitalist class the world over. But this hatred of imperialism and the sympathy of the class-conscious workers of all | countries give us assurance of the righteousness of our cause. He is no Socialist who cannot understand that one cannot and must not hesitate to bring even that greatest of sacrifice, the sacri- fice of territory, that one must be ready to accept even military de- feat at the hands of imperialism in the interests of victory over the bourgeoisie, in the interests of a transfer of power to the working | class. For the sake of “their” cause, that is for the conquest of world power, the imperialists of England and Germany have not hesitated | to ruin a whole row of nations, from Belgium and Servia to Palestine | and Mesopotamia. Shall we then hesitate to act in the name of the liberation of the workers of the world from the yoke of capitalism, | in the name of a general honorable peace; shall we wait until we can find a way that entails no sacrifice; shall we be afraid to begin the fight until an easy victory is assured; shall we place the integrity and safety of this “fatherland” created by the bourgeoisie over the interests of the international socialist revolution? _ We have been attacked for coming to terms with German mili- tarism. Is there no difference between a pact entered upon by So- cialists'and a bourgeoisie (native or foreign) against the working class, and an agreement that is-made between a working A LETTER TO AMERICA And every dollar is stained with the blood that was shed | N WOR | INGMEN — By V.1. Lenin. | class that has overthrown its own bourgeoisie and a bourgeoisie of | another nationality for the protection of the proletariat? Shall we not exploit the antagonism that exists between the various groups of the bourgeoisie. In reality every European understands this differ- ence, and the American people, as I will presently show, have had a very similar experience in its own history. There are agreements and agreements, fagots et fagots, as the nehman says. When the robber-barons of Germ ies into defenseless, demob d Rui sia had staked its hopes up the in national solidarity of the prole- | tariat before the international revolution had corapletely ripened, I did not hesitate for a moment to come to certain agreements with French Monarchists, The French captain, Sadoul, who sympathized in words with the Bolshev while in ¢ 3 he was the faithful servant of French imperialism, ght the ach officer de Lubersac to me. “I am a Monare My only purpose is the overthrow of Ger- many,” de Lubersac declared to me. “That is self understood (cela va sans dire),” I replied. But this by no means prevented me from coming to an understanding with de Lubersac concerning certain serv- ices that French experts in explosives were ready to render in order to hold up the German advance by the destruction of railroad lines. This is an example of the kind of agreement that every class-conscious r must be ready to adopt, an agreement in the interest of Socialism. We shook hands with the French Monarchists although we knew that each one of us would rather have seen the other hang. | But temporarily our interests were identical. To throw back the rapa- | cious advancing German army we made use of the equally greedy in- terests of their opponents, thereby and the international socialist revolution. imperialism threw their arm- in February, 1918, when Rus- + In this way we furthered the cause of the working class of Rus- sia and of other countries; in this way we strengthened the prole- tariat and weakened the bourgeoisie of the world by making use of the usual and absolutely legal practice of maneuvering, shifting and waiting for the moment the rapidly growing proletarian revolution in the more highly developed nations had ripened. tage of its revolution. When America waged its great war of libera- tion against the English oppressors, with the French and the Spaniards | who at that time owned a considerable portion of what is now the | In its desperate struggle for freedom the American | United States. people made “agreements” with one group of oppressors against the other for the purpose of weakening all oppressors and strengthening those who were struggling against tyranny. The American people utilized the antagonism that existed between the English and the group of oppressors, the French and the Spanish against the others, the English. | and Spanish possessions. The great Russian revolutionist Tchernychewski once said: Poli- tical activity is not as smooth as the pavement of the Nevski Prospect. He is no revolutionist who would have the revolution of the prole- tariat only under the “condition” that it proceed smoothly and in an orderly manner, that guarantees against defeat be given beforehand, that the revolution go forward along the broad, free, straight path to victory, that there shall not be here and there the heaviest sacrifices, that we shall not have to lie in wait in besieged fortresses, shall not have to climb up along the narrowest path, the most impassible, wind- | ing, dangerous mountain roads. He is no revolutionist, he has not yet freed himself from the pendantry of bourgeois intellectualism, he | will fall back, again and again, into the camp of the counter-revolu- tionary bourgeoisie, They are little more than imitators of the bourgeoisie, these gen- tlemen who delight in holding up to us the “chaos” of revolution, the “destruction” of industry, the unemployment, the lack of food. Can there be anything more hypocritical than such accusations from people who greeted and supported the imperialistic war and made common cause with Kerensky when he continued the war? ialistic war the cause of all our misfortune? born by the war must necessarily go on through the terrible difficul- ties and sufferings that war created, through this heritage of destruc- tion and reactionary mass murder. To accuse us of “destruction” of industries and “terror” is hypocrisy or clumsy pedantry, shows an incapability of understanding the most elemental fundamentals of | the raging, climatic force of the class struggle, called Revolution. In words our accusers “recognize” this kind of class struggle, in deeds they revert again and again to the middle class utopia of “class- harmony” and the mutual “interdependence” of classes upon one an- other, In reality the class struggle in revolutionary times has always inevitably taken on the form of civil war, and civil war is unthinkable without the worst kind of destruction, without terror and limitations of form of democracy in the interests of the war. One must be a | sickly sentimentalist not to be able to see, to understand and appre- | cite this necessity. Only the Tchechov type of the lifeless “Man in the Box” can denounce the Revolution for this reason instead of throw- ing himself into the fight with the whole vehemence and decision of | shis soul at a moment when history demands that the highest problems of humanity be solved by struggle and war. The best representatives of the American proletariat—those rep- resentatives who have repeatedly given expression to their full soli- darity with us, the Bolsheviki, are the expression of this revolutionary tradition in the life of the American people. This tradition originated in th€"war of liberation against the English in the 18th and the Civil War in the 19th century. Industry and commerce in 1870 were ina much worse position than in 1860. But where can you find an Ameri can so pendantic, so absolutely idiotie who would deny the fevolution- | ary and progressive significance of the American Civil War of 1860- 1865? The representatives of the bourgeoisie understand very well that erving the interests of the Russian | | Long ago the American people used these tactics to the advan- | Thus it vanquished first the English and then freed | itself (partly by purchase) from the dangerous proximity of the French | Is not this imper- | The revolution that was | the overthrow of slavery was well worth the three years of Civil War, | the depth of destruction, devastation and terror that were its accom- paniment. But these same gentlemen and the reform socialists who have allowed themselves to be cowed by the bourgeoisie and tremble t at the thought of a revolution, cannot, nay will not, see the necessity | and righteousness of a civil war in Russia, though it is facing a far greater tac®, the work of abolishing capitalist wage slavery and over- throwing the rule of the bourgeoisie. The American working class will not follow the lead of its bour- geoisie. It will go with us against the bourgeoisie. The whole history of the American people gives me this confidence, this conviction. I recall with pride the words of one of the best loved leaders of the American proletariat, Eugene V. Debs, who said in the “Appeal to Reason” at the end of 1916, when it was still a socialist paper, in an article entitled “Why Should I Fight?” that he would rather be shot than vote for war credits to support the present criminal and reac- tionary war, that he knows only one war that is sanctified and jus- tified from the standpoint of the proletariat: the war against the capitalist class, the war for the liberation of mankind from wage slav- T am not surprised that this fearless man was thrown into prison by the American bourgeoisie, Let them brutalize true inter- nationalists, the real representatives of the revolutionary proletariat. The greater the bitterness and brutality they sow, the nearer is the day of the victorious proletarian revolution. We are accused of having brought devastation upon Russia. Who is it that makes these accusations? The train-bearers of the bour- geoisie, of that same bourgeoisie that almost completely destroyed the culture of Europe, that has.dragged the whole continent back to bar- barism, that has brought hunger and destruction to the world, This bourgeoisie now demands that we find a different basis for our Revo- lution than that of destruction, that we shall not build it up upon the ruins of war, with human beings degraded and brutalized by years of warfare. O, how human, how just is this bourgeoisie! Its servants charge us with the use of terroristic méthods. Ha the English forgotten their 1649, the French their 1793? Terror was just and justified when it was employed by the bourgeoisie for its own purposes against feudal domination, But terror becomes criminal when workingmen and poverty stricken peasants dare to use it against the bourgeoisie. Terror was just and justified when it was used to put one exploiting minority in the place of another. But terror becomes horrible and criminal when it is used to abolish all exploiting min- orities, when it is employed in the cause of the actual minority, in the cause of the proletariat and the semi-proletariat, of the working class and the poor peasantry. The bourgeoisie of international imperialism has succeeded in slaughtering 10 millions, in crippling 20 millions in its war. Should our war, the war of the oppressed and the exploited, against. oppressors and exploiters cost a half or a whole million victims in all countries, the bourgeoisie would still maintain that the victims of the world war died a righteous death, that those of the civil war were sacrificed for a criminal cause, But the proletariat, even now, in the midst of the horrors of war, is learning the great truth that all revolutions teach, the truth that has beon handed down to us by our best teachers, the founders of modern Socialism. From them we have learned that a successful revo- lution is inconceivable unless it breaks the resistance of the exploiting class. When the workers and.the laboring peasants took hold of the powers of state, it became our duty to quell the resistance of the exploiting class, We are proud that we have done it, that we are | doing it. We only regret that we did not do it, at the beginning, with sufficient firmness and decision. We realize that the mad resistance socialist revolution in all countries is uv with the development of this revolution, i sesistance will grow. But the proletariat will break down this ret. ace and in the course of its struggle against the bourgeoisie the p*. sriat will finally become ripe for victory and power. ve bourgeoisie against the ““abie, We know too, that Let the corrupt bourgeois press trumpet every mistake that is made by our Revolution out into the world. We are not afraid of our mistakes. The beginning of the revolution has not sanctified human- ity. It is not to be expected that the working clas: who have been exploited and forcibly held down by the clutches of want, of ignorance and degradation for centuries should conduet its revolution without mistakes. The dead body of bourgeois society cannot simply be put into a coffin and buried. It rots in our midst, poisons the air we breathe, pollutes our lives, clings to the new, the fresh, the living with a thousand threads and tendrils of old customs, of death and decay. But for every hundred of our mistakes that are heralded into the world by the bourgeoisie and its sycophants, there are ten thousand great deeds of heroism, greater and more heroic because they seem so simple and unpretentious, because they taken place in the everyday life of the factory districts or in secluded villages, because they are the deeds of people who are not in the habit of proclaiming their every success to the world, who have no opportunity to do so. But even if the contrary were true,—I know, of course, that this is not so—but even if we had committed 10,000 mistakes to every 100 wise and righteous deeds, yes, even then our revolution would be great and invincible. And it will go down in the history of the world as unconquerable. For the first time in the history of the world not the minority, not alone the rich and the educated, but the real masses, the huge majority of the working class itself, are building up » new world, are deciding the most difficult questions of social organization from out of their own experience, Every mistake that is made in this work, in this honestly con- scientious cooperation of ten million plain workingmen and peasants in the re-creation of their entire lives—every such mistake is worth thou- sands and millions of “fautless” successes of the exploiting minority, in outwitting and taking advantage of the laboring masses. For only through these mistakes can the workers and peasants learn to organize bosses reduced the price per gar- |iient the following week. Until now | no union conditions exist. In order to earn a living the worker stays in the shop much longer in order to make a required number of gar- ments, XPOSE HILLMAN IN SECRET PACT ays Workers Socialist Back Betrayal. in When the left wing leadership of | |the cloak and dressmakers unions | “hi ter strike, the right of bosses t “gained” at the dropping of the 40- |dismiss ten per cent of a shop crew | hour demand and granting the right which the right wing International | t° hire and fire at all times on any | officials had already conceded thru sppmenes nates: \the infamous Governor's Commis4 SEPTRBo Sar sion, the socialist press shrieked | BOURBON WHIP QUITS. their indignation at the left wing.| WASHINGTON, Jan. 18.—Repre- | But in reporting the contract signed | sentative John C. Box, democrat, y their Hillman, they hailed as a | Texas, announced in the House to- New Boss Deal re compelled to yield after a bit- istory making victory” the fake day he would resign as democratic unemployment fund and piece work | party whip on March 4. Continued from Page One he strike of a shop in Brooklyn be- ise they went out to fight against i This happened yesterday in the shop of Moskowitz and Jarles, Flushing Av., ooklyn. _ The whole presing crew of this ular shop, a contractor for the big J. Friedman Uo., had walked out p strike. Even the Hillman exe- board of Lecal 262, apparent- not knowing of the e nce of he secret agrement, had sanctioned p walkout. Suddenly Hillman, rush- the defense of his secret pact, guarantees fullest freedom to ustible appetites of the ordered the workers to re- to work, leaving those thrown | jobs. Bosses Praise Hillman. gat hallelujahs of joy went up om anong the New York employ- | when the Hillman-Beckerman ne granted them piece work. ar-sighted man with the inter- the industry at heart,” they ed at Hillman when he attend- ir banquet celebrating the of the pact. From piece big employers only, the ad- tion has enlarged it te c to even the smallest ” And the tailors began ‘the whip of speed-up and When a piece worker irge of a presser. yet against the imperialist powers. revolution. Picture shows a por' of international significance, Moscow Workers Celebrate 11th Ye ar of Soviet Union During the celebration of the 11th Anniversary of the Russian Revolution workers and peasants all over the world proclaimed their determination to overthrow capitaliam and defend the Soviet Union Union workers ani peasants gave mass expression to the ideals of the tion of the demonstration in Moscow, with workers carrying banners 4 GIVEN DEATH SENTENCE. BUFFALO, N. Y., Jan. 18 (U.P).— Milton F. Harris, 25, was sentenced by County Judge George Rowe to- PORTO RICANS | 8 for the murder of Louise Friday, Prominent Nationalist |1®, formerly of Silver Creek, here Urges They Attend _ Pari In an interview yesterday with J. E. Cuesta, member of the Nation- \alist Party of Porto Rico and con- jtributor to the American and Porto \Rican press on subjects connected iwith that country, Cuesta urged all |Porto Ricans in New York to attend |the Lenin Memorial at Madison | Square Garden Saturday evening. | “It is to the interest of every orto Rican, regardless of his par- cular political belief, to join forces | with the Anti-Imperialist movement, which seeks to overthrow the op- \ pressor of the Porto Rican people. | “It is not necessary to be a Com- munist in order to take part in the janti-imperialist movement. As a |Porto Rican, interested in freeing |the Porto Rican people, it is suf- | ficient reason to know that the Anti- Imperialist League is fighting for the liberation of all peoples oppressed {by all imperialisms, “The solution of the social and political problems of the island is to be found only through its independ- ence, through its release from the tentacles of American corporations who are sapping the life blood of the |population and who exploit the prole- \tarian class especially under condi- tions akin to slavery. For that rea- son I urge every Porto Rican to at- tend the meeting at Madison Square Garden Saturday evening, as it is to be a demonstration of all anti- limperialist ican workers,” The Communist Party of the 3. their new existence, to get along without the capitalist class. Only thus will they be able to blaze their way, through thousands of hin- | drances to victorious socialism. Mistakes are being made by our peasants who, at one stroke, in | the night from Ostabet 25 to October 26, (Russian Calendar) 1917, did away with all private ownership of land, and are now struggling, from month to month, under the greatest difficulties, to correct their own mistakes, trying to solve in practice the most difficult problems of organizing a new social state, fighting against profiteers to secure the possession of the land for the worker instead of for the speculator, to carry on agricultural production under a system of Communist farm- ing on a large scale. Mistakes are being made by our workingmen in their revolutionary activity, who, in a few short months, have placed practically all of the larger factories and workers under state ownership, and are now learn- ing, from day to day, under the greatest difficulties, to conduct the manrgement of entire industries, to reorganize industries already or- ganized, to overcome the deadly resistance of laziness and middle-class reaction and egotism. Stone upon stone they are building the founda- tion for a new social community, the self-discipline of labor, the new rule of the labor organizations of the working class over their members. Mistakes are being made in their revolutionary activity by the Soviets which were first created in 1905 by the gigantic upheaval of the masses. The Workingmen’s and Peasants’ Soviets are a new type of state, a new highest form of Democracy, a particular form of the dictatorship of the proletariat, a mode of conducting the business of the state without the bourgeoisie and against the bourgeoisie. For the first time democracy is placed at the service of the masses, of the workers, and ceases to be a democracy for the rich, as it is, in the last analysis, in all capitalist, yes, in all democratic republics, For the first time the masses of the people, in a nation of hundreds of mil- lions, are fulfilling the task of realizing the dictatorship of the pro- letariat, without which socialism is mot to be thought of. Let incurable pedants, crammed full of bourgeois democratic and parliamentary prejudices, shake their heads gravely over our Soviets, let them deplore the fact that we have no direct elections. These people have forgotten nothing, have learned nothing in. the great upheaval of 1914-1918. The combination of the dictatorship of the proletariat with the new democracy of the proletariat, of civil war with the widest application of the masses to political problems, such a combination cannot be achieved in a day, cannot be forced into the battered forms of formal parliamentary democratism. In the Soviet Republic there arises before us a new world, the world of Socialism. Such a world cannot be materialized as if by magic, complete in every detail, as Minerva sprang from Jupiter’s head. While the old bourgeoisie democratic constitutions, for instance, proclaimed formal equality and the right of free assemblage, the con- stitution of the Soviet Republic repudiates the hypocrisy of a formal equality of all human beings. When the bourgeoisie republicans over- turned feudal thrones, they did not recognize the rules of formal equal- ity of monarchists. Since we here are concerned with the task of over- throwing the bourgeoisie, only fools or traitors will insist on the for- mal equality of the bourgeoisie. The right of free assemblage is not worth an iota to the workman and to the peasant when all better meet- ing places are in the hands of the bourgeoisie. Our Soviets have taken over all usable buildings in the cities and towns out of the hands of the rich and have placed them at the disposal of the workmen and peasants for meeting and organization purposes. That is how our right of assemblage looks—for the workers. That is the meaning and content of our Soviet of our socialist constitution. And for this reason we are all firmly convinced that the Soviet Republic, whatever misfortune may still lie in store for it, is uncon- querable, It is unconquerable because every blow that comes from the pow- ers of madly raging imperialism, every new attack by the interna- tional bourgeoisie will bring new, and hitherto unaffected strata of workingmen and peasants into the fight, will educate them at the cost of the greatest sacrifice, making them hard as steel, awakening a new heroism in the masses. We know that it may take a long time before help can come from you, comrades, American workingmen, for the development of the revolution in the different countries proceeds along various paths, with varying rapidity (how could it be otherwise!) We know full well that the outbreak of the European proletarian revolution may take many weeks to come, quickly as it is ripening in these days. We are count- ing on the inevitability of the international revolution. But that does not mean that we count upon its coming at some definite, nearby date, We have experienced two great revolutions in our own country, that of 1905 and that of 1917, and we know that revolutions cannot come neither at a word of command nor according to prearranged plans. We know that circumstances alone have pushed us, the proletariat of Rus- sia, forward, that we have reached this new stage in the social life of the world not because of our superiority but because of the pe culiarly reactionary character of Russia. But until the outbreak of the international revolution, revolutions in individual countries may atill meet with « number of serious setbacks and overthrows. And yet we are certain that we are invincible, for if humanity will not emerge from this imperialistic massacre broken in spirit, it will triumph. Ours was the first country to break the chains of imperial- istic warfare. We broke them with the greatest sacrifice, but they are broken. We stand outside of imperialistic duties and -considera- tions, we have raised the banner of the fight for the complete over- throw of imperialism for the world. Communists Direct Socialization the construction of sociahism, This ship flies the banner of the Ham- mar and Siskin ond % ateared by the compass of Lenininm, 1A @ We are in a beleaguered fortress, so Jong as no other international socialist revolution comes to our assistance with its armies. But these armies exist, they are stronger than ours, they grow, they strive, they become more invincible the longer imperialism with its brutalities con- tinues. Workingmen the world over are breaking with their betrayers, with their Gomperses and their Scheidemanns. Inevitably labor is ap- proaching Communistic Bolshevistic tactics, is Preparing for the prole- tarian revolution that alone is capable of preserving culture and hu- manity from destruction. We are invincible, for invincible is the Proletarian Revolution. WHALEN BOASTS OF HIS CRUELTY | Will Disregard Rights; Freeze His Victims PROPOSE NEW CALENDAR. ALBANY, N, Y., Jan. 18 (U.P).— New York state was asked to adopt @ year of 364 days divided into cal- endar months of 28 days each, in a bill introduced in the legislature today by Assemblyman Louis A. Cuvillier. Police Commissioner Grover A. Whalen yesterday announced that he ‘~ intended to continue his rough treat-. ment of arrested persons. “They are worrying about their © constitutional rights,” Whalen thun- dered. “The rights of whom? The’ gangsters? The bandits? The fel- low who owns the dive? Who is going to worry about their consti tional rights?” “Well, you’d better get a new po- going to worry about the rights of ~ that kind.” Whalen did not say how he could tell who was « “bandit” or ‘what he would do to strike pickets if his police happen to call them “rioters” as they have in the past. In reiterating his intentions: to continue his vigorous policy, includ- ing the third degree, Whalen reveal- ed how he worked it. “We put them in cold room with not much, leave them there to think f€ over,” the police commissioner explained. ‘UNIT 2F, SECTION 1 MEETS. A report of the delegation to the section convention and the report of the executive committee will be given at the meeting of Unit 2F, Section 1 of the Workers (Commu- nist) Party to be held Monday eve- ning at 6:15 at 60 St. Marks Place. taken. Soviet Union leade the masses in lice commissioner because I am not’'*