The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 16, 1928, Page 3

THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, = ! ; , , FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1928 The Struggle A gainst Trotskyism and the Declaration by Central Committee of Workers (Communist) On October 27th the Political Committee of the Central Execu- tive Committee unanimously expelled from the Party James P. Cannon, member of the Political Committee, Martin Abern, member, and Max Shachtman, alternate of the Central Executive Committee, on the fol- lowing charges: “The Political Committee declares that the statements made by Comrades Cannon, Abern and Shachtman and the statements made by other comrades, prove without any doubt that the comrades men- tioned are sharing the views of the Trotskyist Opposition outside the Comintern, are trying to make an attempt to organize a Trotskyist faction within our Party; therefore the Political Committee expels Comrades Cannon, Abern and Shachtman from the Party, stating at the same time that the comrades have the right to appeal against the expulsion to the Plenum of the C. E. C., to the Party Convention and the Comintern.” The C. E. C. refrained from publishing the facts regarding the ex- pulsion, until now because it did not want to distract the attention of the members of the Party and of the working class from the election struggle. Now that the election campaign is over, the C. E. C. takes this occasion to present the facts regarding this new, significant out- break of Trotskyism within the Party and even within the leading com- mittee of our Party. RECURRENCE OF TROTSKYISM IN THE WORKERS (COMMUNIST PARTY. fe The main facts regarding the zppearance of Trotskyism in the party and its leading committee are the following: On October 16th Comrades Aronberg, Bittelman and Foster sub- mitted a statement to the Political Committee containing the following charges against Cannon, Abern and Shachtman: “It has become clear, in recent weeks, that Comrade Cannon, supported by Comrades Abern and Shachtman, is carrying on ac- tivities, leading to the crystallization of a Trotskyist faction in our Party. Comrade Cannon is making a political platform of such propositions as: keeping an open mind on the question of Trot- skyism, studying the question, spreading doubt as to the correct- ness of the C. I. attitude on th@ question and urging the need of re-examining it, etc. (2) Trotskyism has been correctly condemned by the C. I. as a soeial-democratic and counter-revolutionary tend- ency, Trotskyism employs left phrases to cover up right deeds. Comrade Cannon's variety of Trotskyism in the U. S. constitutes a tendency to develop a right wing orientation for the American Section of the C. I., under cover of reopening for discussion the C. I. attitude on the question of Trotskyism. (3) The main dangers in our party, as in the C. I., come in the present period from the right. The minority is committed to an un- compromising fight against the right danger in our Party no matter from where it comes or under what covers it makes its appearance. (4) “The minority therefore completely disassociates itself from Comrade Cannon and those who hold similar views. The minority decides to wage a merciless fight, against this Trotskyist maneuver of Comrade Cannon and to wage this fight as an organic part of its general struggle against the right danger and the right wing of our Party (the Lovestone group).” The Political Committee demanded that Cannon and his assoeiates should give a straight-forward, clear-cut answer to the question: Are they in agreement with the views of the Comintern or do they share the opinions of Trotsky? Cannon, Abern and Shachtman at first evaded giving an unqualified rejection of Trotskyism. Thereupon the Polit- ical Committee decided to remove them from some responsible tasks and to carry on a further thoroughgoing investigation to find out all the ramifications of Trotskyist propaganda and any attempt to crystal- lize a Trotskyist group within the Party. Extensive hearings followed, in the course of which Cannon and his associates had unlimited possibilities to express their views, to de- ee themselves against the charges, and to. produce any evidence they jose. The investigation revealed the following outstanding facts: Already for some months previous Cannon had shown a leaning to- wards Trotskyism. He had minimized the role of the Party and its achievements. He questioned the ability of the Party to lead in mass struggles. Growing pessimism, skepticism, and cynicism characterized his attitude in the Party organization. He showed a growing lack of interest in the affairs of the Party, a failure to contribute anything to the deliberations of the leading bodies.. In the World Congress he used, without mentioning Trotsky’s name, one of his documents as a weapon against the C. E. C. He absented himself from voting on the Trotsky question in the 6th World Congress. After his return from Moscow, Cannon and his associates began ® more or less open propaganda Rr the re-opening of the Trotsky question, despite the final decision of the 6th World Congress confirm- ing the expulsion of Trotsky from the Communist International. They raised the slogan of a fake “study” of Trotskyism. They made covert attacks on the policies of the Comintern regarding the Chinese revolu- tion, the Anglo-Russian Committee. They declared that the building” of socialism in one country is a “joke,” despite the fact that they had never raised the question previously. In caucus meetings, Cannon, Abern and Shachtman proposed the issue of Trotskyism as a basis for the coming Party discussion. They put forward the charge against the Communist International and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union that the latter did not publish the Trotsky documents and that the whole discussion about Trotskyism was conducted in an atmosphere of terrorism. + : In the beginning of the hearings Cannon and his associates con- tinued their tactics of evasiveness, because they hoped to be able to continue their seeret Trotskyist propaganda and organization in the Party. But later, under the pressure of evidence, they came out un- reservedly, brazen-faced for Trotskyism. Part of their joint declara- tion reads: , “The opportunity which has come to us in the recent period t> read a number of these documents, dealing with some of the most _ disputed problems of the Comintern in the past five years, together with the rapid confirmation of their correctness by the whole course of events, have shaped our views arfd convictions.. We consider it our revolutionary duty to defend these views before the Party.” “The Opposition in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union led by L. D. Trotsky has been fighting for the unity of the Com- intern and all its sections on the basis of the victory of Leninism. The correctness of the position taken by the Russian Opposition over a period of five years of struggle has been fully confirmed by events. “The struggle led by Trotsky since 1923 for Party democracy and against bureaucratism as the pressure of another class upon the Party of the proletariat, was absolutely correct then and is even more so now.” “The attempts to revise the hasic Marxist-Leninisé doctrine with the spurious theory of ‘socialism in one country’ have been rightly resisted by the Opposition led hy Trotsky.” This statement, which is an outright endorsement of counter- revolutionary Trotskyism, made any further hearings or investigations unnecessary. The Political Committee thereupon unanimously expelled Cannon, Abern and Shachtman. THE OPPOSITION’S BREAK WITH CANNON. The leading comrades of the Opposition who in past Lip in the Party associated themselves with Cannon unquestionably /ren- dered a service to the Party by exposing Cannon’s open embracing Hear fede by bringing the whole case to the attention of the Political mmittee. But at the same time we have to state that some of the leading comrades of the Opposition committed grave political errors in their relations to Cannon in the following ways: (1) The withholding for several weeks of information about the outright Trotskyist attitude of Cannon from the Political Com- mittee by Comrades Gomez, Costrell, Aronberg, Douglas, Hath- away, Gorman, Frankfeld and Wagenknecht in the absence of Comrades Foster and Bittelman, (2) Taking action in regard to the outbreak of Trotskyism first in a caucus, by expelling Cannon from their caucus and there passing a resolution against him, instead of immediately bringing the whole matter to the attention of the Political Com- mittee of the Party. ‘ (3) Failure-to inform the Communist International and the Party delegation to the World Congress of the fact that Cannon absented himself from voting on the Trotsky question in the World Congress. (4) The mistake committed by Comrades Aronberg and Cos- trell in making a joint declaration with Cannon in the Polcom, expressing reservation on the Comintern decisions regarding the American question, although they had already, as their own tes- timony states, some misgivings about Cannon’s Trotskyist atti- tude. This was done in the absence ‘vf Comrades Foster and Bittelman. (5) The unanimous selection by Comrades Gomez, Costrell, Aronberg, Douglas, Hathaway, Gorman, Frankfeld and Wagen- knecht of Cannon as a member of a steering committee con- sisting of Comrades™Wagenknecht, Hathaway and Cannon and as spokesman of the Opposition at the membership meeting of the biggest district of the Party on October 2nd, although in their group meeting, held on the same day, Cannon had already revealed himself as an enemy of the Comintern and the comrades had already full knowledge of Cannon's Trotskyist policies. Following is a quotation from the testimony of Comrade Hathaway at a meeting of the Political Committee of Oct. 18, 1928. “So then we put the question sharply, as to just what Cannon’s attitu@le toward Trotskyism was, and Cannon replied in an evasive manner and said that they were not ready té commit themselves on the question. They still had doubts as to what their attitude would be. At any rate the line proposed by these comrades was rejected as being politically incorrect, harmful to the Party and one that we could not foll#W. In the evening we went to the Membership Meeting.” At the same meeting of the Political Committee the following tes- timony was also given: » “CANNON: meeting? HATHAWAY: We did. Hathaway and Cannon. CANNON: You elected Wagenknecht, Hathaway and myself? Whom did we elect for spokesman at that meeting? HATHAWAY: Comrade Cannon, CANNON: Did I not oppose my selection on the ground that I had certain criticisms of the Ci? And did you not insist in spite of that that I should be spokesman? HATHAWAY: I think not. CANNON: You do not remember my objections? HATHAWAY: No, not on those grounds. CANNON: Do you remember that I was elected unanimously? HATHAWAY: Yes. CANNON: That was after the meeting where I said—but at this meeting you said that I said that we should fight the CI. HATHAWAY: At this meeting you did.” These actions of some of the leading comrades of the Opposition had the effect of weakening and retarding the fight against Trotsky- ism, which is an organic part of the right wing danger in the Amer- ican Party. The declaration signed by Comrades Aronberg, Bittel- man and Foster and submitted to the Polcom on October 16th, which states that not Trotskyism but the “right-wing” leadership of the Party is the main danger in the Party which must have, objectively, the effect of distracting the attention of the membership from the necessity of fighting Cannon’s Trotskyism, and thereby weakening the impetus of the struggle against the social-democratic, Trotskyist deviation. At the same time, the Central Executive Committee of the Party declares itself most emphatically against any attempt to link up the Opposition with Trotskyism. The CEC declares most vigorously against any attempt to dub the comrades of the Opposition as Trotsky- ites. The CEC warns every Party comrade against such a mistake. The CEC declares that it will not refrain from taking disciplinary Measures against anyone who violates this firm policy 3 the Central Executive Committee. The CEC emphasizes this policy with the utmost energy, because of the need of a complete union of all Communist forces in the Party to beat back the counter-revolutionary onslaught of Trotskyism against our Party. THE BASIS OF THE RECURRENCE OF TROTSKYISM. The coming out of Cannon for Trotskyism is all the more dan- gerous, because there are certain factors in the objective conditions of the country and of the working class and in the situation of our Party which. makes a new outbreak of Trotskyism possible. The strength of American imperialism, the contradictions of the simultaneous de- velopment of reformism and the radicalization of certain sections of the working class tend to create confusion in some sections of our Party. The uneven tempo of the radicalization of the unskilled masses simultaneously with the shifting of the labor aristocracy to the Right, the divisions within the working class (organized and unorganized, foreign-born and native, skilled and unskilled, etc.) find expression in differences of opinion and serve as a basis for groupings, within our Party. 3 We are at a turning point in the life of our Party. In the pro- cess of transition from a mere propaganda organization to a political party of action the Party has become a leader of working class mass activities. Some sections of the Party have been unable to adapt themselves to this sharp turn. * The growing attacks against our Party, the united front of the government, the Ku Klux Klan, the American Legion, and reactionary labor. officials and socialist party against the Communists have had the effect of filling some members of the Party with pessimism, of making them capitulate before the growing forces of reaction. A wrong estimation of the international role of the Soviet Union, the growing pressure of the imperialist powers against the sole working-class state, has also had its effects in some sections of the working class in the form of a retreat"before this pressure. On the basis of the contradictions and difficulties of the situa- tion, certain members*of the Party have lost faith in the Party’s ca- pacity to lead, have developed a wrong attitude denying the leading role of the Party in mass organizations, have developed an erroneous attitude towards the Communist International, challenging the cor- rectness of the Comintern, slandering the leadership of the Communist International as a Right wing leadership, and speculating on the al- leged differences in the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Crass examples of this fundamentally wrong attitude towards the Comintern are to be found in the declaration of Cannon and his associates: “The trend of events and the irresistible pressure of class forces is already driving a deep cleavage in the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and is forcing the Stalin group to struggle against the right wing (Rykov, etc.) with other elements (Bukharin) vacillating between the two. The platform of the Russian Opposition, prepared for the Fifteenth Congress of the C. P. S. U., indicates the revolutionary policy for the present situation in the Soviet Union. The prediction and warning contained in this platform against the inevitable growth and aggressiveness of a genuine right wing in the Party (Rykov, Tomsky, etc.) has been precisely confirmed in the intervening period, particularly in recent months. “The activities of this right wing, which have already nec- essitated organizational measures in the Moscow and other organi- zations of the Party, is a proof of the awakening of the proletarian masses of the Party to this danger. The “left” course of the Stalin group in the direction of a struggle against the right dangers, for Party democracy and self-criticism, against the bureaucrats, the Nepmen and the Kulaks, can become a real left course only insofar as it abandons zig-zag movements, adopts the whole platform of the Opposition, and reinstates the tested Bolshevik fighters, who have been expelled, to their rightful places in the Party. . “The attempts to revise the basic Marxist-Leninist doctrine with the spurious theory of ‘socialism in one cauntry’ have been rightly resisted by the Opposition led by Trotsky. A number of revisionist and opportunist errors in various fields of Comintern activity and its ideological life in general have proceeded from this Did you elect a steering committee at this We elected Comrades Wagenknecht, | Ke Right Da false theory. To this in part at least can be traced the false line in the Chinese revolution, the debacle of the Anglo-Russian Com- mittee, the alarming and unprecedented growth of bureaucratism in the Comintern, an incorrect attitude and policy in the Soviet Union, ete., ete.” THE COMINTERN AND TROTSKYISM. The Ninth Plenum as well as the Sixth World Congress of the Comintern condemned Trotskyism as an outright counter-revolutionary anti-working class ideology. The resolution of the Ninth Plenum characterizes Trotskyism in the following way: “The Trotsky opposition has in all basic questions gone over to the viewpoint of the “left” lackeys of opportunism and has taken on an open counter-revolutionary character. The Trotskyists, who, under the cover of phrases about loyalty to the revolution and the Soviet Union, slander the Communist International, the CPSU, and the proletarian dictatorship, whose outer and inner policies they represent in just as lying ‘and distorted fashion as the social demo- crats, are taking, together with the international social democracy the course of the overthrow of the Soviet power.” “All the worst elements of the working class movement, the openly opportunist elements of the Communist movement, all the little groups of renegades, that were thrown out of the ranks of the Comintern, now rally around the Trotskyist platform of the fight against the Soviet Union, against the CPSU, and against the Comintern, and play the role of one of the lowest tools of the international social democracy against the Communists in their struggle to penetrate the broad masses of the working class.” The Sixth Congress of the Comintern declared: “The Congress considers it superfluous to discuss, with enemies of the C. 1, the counter-reyolutionary political content of the Trotskyist platform, after the combined membership of all Com- munist parties has repeatedly and most emphatically rejected the standpoint of the Opposition.” ns Trotsky and his group were definitely expelled by the World Congress as bearers of a social democratic ideology: “The World Congress fully approves the decision of the 15th Party Congress of the Soviet Union and the resolution of the 9th Plenum of the ECCI regarding the incompatability of membership in the Trotsky opposition and propaganda of their conceptions, with membership in the Bolshevik Party. The Trotsky group has de- generated to the standpoint of Menshevism in its attitude on pro- gram, political and organizational questions and has, objectively, become transformed into an organ of the struggle against the Soviet power. The exclusion of this group from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was therefore correct and unavoidable.” Cannon and his group have linked themselves up organically with international Trotskyism, Their declaration Says: “The problems of the American Party are organically bound up with the fundamental questions confronting the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Comintern, and cannot be solved separately from them. The left wing of the American Party, taking shape in the principle struggle against the right wing leadership of the Party (Lovestone-Pepper group) will go forward only insofar as it recognizes the necessity of a struggle against the right danger onan international scale and links up its fight in the American Party with the Bolshevik fight for the fundamental tenets of Lenin- ism in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and in the Comintern.” The declaration of Cannon and his group repeats parrot-like the unfounded accugatfons by Trotsky against “the rule of Stalinist bureau- eracy” in the Soviet Union, the slanders regarding the orientation toward the kulaks and Nepmen, the revisionist and opportunist errors in various fields of Comintern activity, about the “false line in the Chinese revolution, the debacle of the Anglo-Russian Committee, the alarming and unprecedented growth of bureaucratism in the Comin- tern, and incorrect attitude and policy in the Soviet Union.” Cannon | is aping his master in attacking the “spurious theory of socialism in one country”: ry “This new ‘theory’ is bound up with an overemphasis on the power and duration of the temporary stabilization of capitalism. Herein lies the true source of pessimism regarding the development of the proletarian world revolution. One of the prjncipal duties of every Communist in every Party of the Comintern is to fight along with the opposition for the teachings of Marx, Engels and Lenin on this basic question.” Cannon declares himself an organic part of international Trotsky- ismyand puts forward the “charge” that the present leadership of our Party is: “the logical American banner-bearer of the demagogic and un- scrupulous international campaign against the leaders of the Rus- sian opposition.” The CEC pleads guilty to this charge of the renegade. Cannon is absolutely right when he declares that the present leadership of the American Party is the logical American banner-bearer of the general struggle of the Communist International against the leaders of the Russian and international Trotskyist, counter-revolutionary, social- democratic opposition, THE RIGHT DANGER IN’THE COMINTERN AND IN THE AMERICAN PARTY, In the present international situation, the Right danger is the main danger within the Communist International and in its American section. The Right danger has its roots in the stabilization of capitalism and in the existence of reformism in the labor movement which re- tains its hold on large sections of the working class. The Right danger within the Communist International manifests itself in numerous forms. Certain forms of legalism, a tolerant attitude toward the social- ist party; passivity in strikes; underestimation of a nihilistic attitude towards the national question and the struggle of the colonial peo- ples; lack of internationalism; a static attitude on the trade union question; underestimation of the war danger—these are the gravest forms of the manifestation of the right danger within the Communist International. In France, the Right danger crystallizes itself in resistance to the election slogan “class against class.” In Great Britain the Right danger appears in the form of a non-critical attitude towards the Labor Party and the refusal to put up Communist candidates as against the Labor Party. In Germany the Right danger assumes the form of illusions about the “left” Social Democrats and of a resistance against the decisions of the last congress of the Red International of Labor Unions, as well as a tolerance of the Right by the conciliationists, and the new out- break of Brandlerism against the present leadership. In Czechoslovakia the Right danger manifests fiself in provincial- ism, in a legalistic attitude towards State power, in a reluctance to mobilize the masses against the State. In the Soviet Union the Right danger appears in the form of resistance against the rapid industralization and in the tendency to give concessions to ‘the kulaks, Nepmen, and bourgeois intellectuals, An expression of tolerance towards the Right danger was recently evidenced in the Moscow Committee of the Party. In the South African Party the Right danger appears in a reluct- ant fight for the racial equality of the Negroes. Trotskyism is definitely defeated in all the leading parties ‘of the Communist International. Trotskyism is nothing but opportunism cov- ered with left phrases. In the leading patties of the Communist Inter- national today, after the smashing defeat of Trotskyism, outright opportunism is the main danger. On an international scale open opportunism, open right-wing policy, ig the main danger. To the American Section of the Comintern, Trotskyism, as a chal- lenge, has now come in its last stages of development, in its open counter-revolutionary, in its open Social-Democratic form. The recur: rence of Trotskyism in our Party brings Trotskyism to us as the inter- national flag of all enemies of the Soviet Union, as the tool of Social Democracy against thé Comintern, as the rallying center of all hos- tility against Leninism. In the leading parties of the Communist Inter- | situation in which Trotskyism makes its reappearance, already stri national, after the defeat of Trotskyism, the decisive danger is the outright opporlunist menace, In the Soviet Union, as the October 19th Party of Americe statement of the CEC of the Communist Party of the declares, the fight must be conducted on two fronts: against Tr« and against outright opportunism. Union skyism In the Workers (Communist) Party of America—in the pre: of its left phrases, as outright opportunism—Trotskyism is an org: part of the right danger. In our Party we must concentrate the fiz against two dangers: first, the right danger, against outright tunism and then against its Trotskyist variation, which is oppor covered with left phrases. Both come to a head and converge into common attack against the Party and the Comintern, The Right-wing danger in the Workers (Communi America assumes the following features: ) Party 1. A wrong attitude toward the Socialist Party, as exemplified ir the open letter to the National Executive Committee of the ‘ialist Party and in the Panken case, insufficiently shar ist Party. The May Plenum of our CEC had ady exercised - criticism in regard to these mistakes. The Sixth World Congress criti- cized the wrong attitude of our Party towards the Socialist Par The CEC was only recently forced to condemn an open letter addressed to the state leadership of the California Socialist Party by the California DEC of our Party during the election campaign, 2, A wrong attitude toward the Labor Party. There is a tendency on the part of some comrades to substitute the Labor Patty for the Communist Party or not to maintain the independent role of the Com- munist Party within the Labor Party movement. This erroneous atti- tude found typical expressions in the article in The DAILY WORKER: “The Labor Party Is the Only Hope of the Working Class,” which was condemned by the CEC; in the resistance on the part of some of the leading comrades in Minnesota to fight Senator Shipstead as an enemy of the working class; and in the article by Comrade Raymond ing that we shall fight for the Workers Party until a Labor Party will be organized: “Sooner or later a Labor Party will come into existence in this country which will endeavor to make it easier to organize the 35 million unorganized workers in industry. “Until that day arrives there is only one party that deserves the yote of intelligent workers. That party is the Workers Party. +. A vote for Foster is not a vote thrown away. It is a protest gainst the use of government machinery to prevent the organiza- tion of workers. It is a notice that intelligent workers will no longer support their enemies. It will bring nearer the day when a Labor Party will be organized.” 3. Insufficient energy in organizing the unorganized. The February and May plenums of the C. E. C. had already criticized the slowness of the Party in entering into the mining campaign. The Sixth World Congress of the Comintern also emphasized the Party’s lack of energy in that respect.. There is a certain remnant of craft ideology and practices among the comrades in the needle trades. A certain amount of hesitation showed itself in the organization of the new textile union. 4. Under-estimation of Negro work. In many sections of the Party there is a certain under-estimation of the significance of work among the Negro workers. There are remnants of white chauvinism in our ranks, as manifested in Detroit and California and as it is | strongly represented in certain Party units in the south. 5. Lack of faith in the Party. On the part of some members of the Party there is a wrong estimate of the role of the Party, a certain belittling of the activities of the Party, an attitude of skepticism and cynicism, a conception that the Party is a brake on the revolutionary activities of the masses. There is a strong feeling against the Party assuming the leadership in mass organizations. (The attitude of Sul- kanen and Askeli in the Finnish Workers’ clubs in New York), and re- sistance to showing the face of the Party in mass organizations (atti- tude of some comrades in the Negro Labor Congress). 6. Insufficient proletarianization. There is a lack of emphasis on shop nuclei, insufficient concentration on factories (especially in the California district, where there do not exist any shop nuclei and where there is not a single shop paper; in Connecticut, where there was mani-_ fested a certain resistance to the formation of shop nuclei under the pretext that the “workers are not ripe for that;” in Buffalo, where there is resistance to shop nuclei because of fear of persecution). Under- estimation of the importance of Party fractions in non-Party workers’ organizations (weakness of trade union fraction apparatus, weakness of fraction work in the Negro Labor Congress, in the I. L. D., in the W. I. R., ete.). Insufficient emphasis on drawing into the leadership, in all Party subdivisions, proletarian elements from the factories. The Sixth World Congress has already criticized this shortcoming of the Party. Comrade Molotov in his report about the Sixth World Con- gress to the Leningrad Party organization also pointed out the neces- sity of a change in this respect. He said: “Even the Communist Party of such a country as the United States of America suffers greatly from this drawback. The Congress drew special attention to the necessity of a decided change in the American Communist Party on this point, advising that every effort be made ‘to promote workers to the leading positions in the Party’”. The declaration of the Party delegation to the World Congress and the declaration of the Political Committee on the decisions of the Communist International regarding the American question acknowledged the shortcomings of the Party in this respect. 7. Capitulation before difficulties. A certain tendency on the part of some of the needle-trades comrades (Chicago, Boston, New York) to give up the fight in the face of the strength of the enemy. The utter failure of the District Committee of the California district to put the Party on the ballot, to make a serious attempt to collect the necessary signatures, and their retreat in the face of the difficulties confronting them in this task. 8. Pacifism and an underestimation of the war danger. This is a most dangerous manifestation of the Right Danger. The Party has not shown sufficient energy in fighting American imperialism. This shortcoming has already been pointed out by the theses of the Sixth World Congress. On the part of some of the leading comrades there is a certain underestimation of the war danger in the form of denying the primacy of outer contradictions of the imperialist powers in the present period of post-war capitalism. Pacifist errors, like issuing the slo- gan: “Stop the flow of blood in Nicaragua.” An excess of emphasis on petty bourgeois liberals in our anti-imperialist work, an under- estimation of working class elements. Insufficient contact with the Communist Parties of Latin American countries, 9. Wrong attitude toward the Communist International. This is one of the worst manifestations of right-wing danger in our Party.. On the part of certain comrades there is a tendency to accept the C I. decisions only with reservations. The tendency to attack the leadership of the C. I. as a right wing leadership, to attack the C. E. C. of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, to speculate on alleged differ- ences within the leading group of the Russian Party, undermining there- by the prestige of the leadership of the C. I. (Cannon). The substitu- tion for the Leninist conception of the Communist Party the theory of permanent factionalism, disregarding openly or covertly all instructions of the Comintern. 10. Trotskyism is the most comprehensively developed system of opportunism with an international basis still seeking to hide its Social democratic character by covering itself with left phrases. Trotskyism, in its last stage of development, is the summing up, ‘ is the unifying force of all these opportunistic, Right dangers. skyism, the crassest, the most complete example of opportunism, coming to a head in an open attack on the Party, on the i and on the Soviet Union. . ESTIMATE OF RIGHT DANGER AND THE TASKS OUR PARTY. The CEC declares that never before did the Party interests. as imperative as today the complete unification of all Con forces in our ranks. The CEC warns most emphatically agai: underestimation of the Right danger in our Party, Already has carried his fight against the Party to outside forces, The 7; ites and all Right elements are mobilizing their forces Party and its CEC. Cannon is circularizing Party, non-Pay socialist party elements with his statement against the Party ai Comintern. Cannon is travelling very fast in his attack on. the and the Comintern It took him but a few days to reach } stage of treachery that it took Fisher, Maslovtand company g Continued on Page Four i ’ Page inree ‘ nger