The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 3, 1928, Page 8

Ur ROBERT WM. F. DUNNE. :, 4 MINOR... SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Mail (in New York « $4.50 six $ y Mail (out $ , Union Square, New York, N. Y. For President For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER Wm. Z. Foster For the Workers! — VOTE COMMUNIST For the Party of the Class Struggle! ! For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW Ben Gitlow Against the Capitalists! Eleventh Anniversary of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics Eleven years ago the red flag of proletarian , by more than three times the pre-war level. revolution was raised in triumph over the ruins of the Russian ezar’s empire. We celebrate the anniversary of November 7, 1917. We celebrate the concrete realiza- tion within one enormous country, nearly three times the size of this one in which we live, of the hopes and plans of the conscicus sections of the working class of the whole world during the past hundred years. We celebrate the founding of the Union of So- cialist Soviet Republics which is rightfully regarded by every conscious, sincere, intelli- gent worker in every land of the earth as the Socialist Fatherland. The revolutionary state of the Union of Socialist Soviet Repub is the strong right arm of the working class of the world in its class struggle against the capitalist class of the world. The proletarian revolution has won its great stronghold not by “lucky chance,” but by the most courageous action, incredible sacrifice and skillful use of the science of proletarian revolution. The Bolshevik (Com- munist) Party under the leadership of Lenin continued and developed the revolutionary science and courage of Marx and Engels ce- spite all of the corrupting influences of the agents of the capitalist class in the labor movement. When the “leaders” of the inter- national socialist movement in 1924 betrayed the workers of all countries by making them- selves the agents of the imperialist general staffs, the Bolshevik Party alone remaired true to revolutionary Marxian traditions and thus was able to lead the successful revolu- tion. Without the revolutionary Bolshevik (Communist) Party there could not be today a territory covering one-sixth of the surface of the globe under the red flag of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. But as the revolution is the international revolution, so the revolutionary party is the international party of the working class of the entire world. The victory of the revolu- tion in Russia, clearing the minds of the ad- vanced workers of all countries, was followed by the firm establishment of the revo'u- tionary party of Marx and Lenin in all lands of the world. No longer can intelligent, sincere workers be made to believe in the lying words that defend capitalist “democracy” against prole- tarian democracy. The successful revolution has indelibly imprinted on the pages of his- tory. the fact that the construction of So- cialism cannot be begun under the rule of the capitalist cl, Only after the overthrow of the capitalist and the establishment of the working clas s the ruling class, can the building of the socialist system begin. The new socialist order is being built up in the Union t Soviet Republics. The tremendous industrial development, accom- panied by the simultaneous process of sociali- zation, blasts all the arguments of enemies of ass. D the Soviet system. Such attacks come under two heads: (1) that economic life in the Soviet Union is pa d, and (2) that capi- talism is being blished. The data available on this eleventh anni- versary of the Bolshevik revolution shows that within the pz r all expectations have been surpz ¥ Heavy industry, which last year surpassed the pre-war level, has since made tremendous strides forward. Most significant as in- dicating the solid foundation on which in- dustry is being built is the rapid develop- ment of those industries engaged in producing machinery of production. This guarantees the freedom of the Soviet Union from de- pendence upon the capitalist world for its machinery of production. The great electrification projects, first launched by Lenin, have gone forward at a tremendous, pace, until electricity has pene- trated many of the remotest sections, with gigantic power stations dotting the country. The oil industry has passed through a veritable technical revolution. Especially in the/Baku district the equipment for producing oil¥is equal to the highest American stan- dards. Simultaneous with the great revolution in industry proceeds the agricultural revolution. One of the outstanding characteristics of the industrial revolution is the production of As Comrade Bukharin says in an article, “Be- fore the Eleventh Anniversary of the October Revolution :” “The technical and economic revolution is penetrating the villages. It is supporting and developing the cooperative associations of the peasantry. It has already sent 30,000 tractors into the fields and steppes of our country, and the tractor workers, these fighting troops of technical revolution, are no longer rare guests in the most backward and truly barbaric re- gions of our union. For the first time the steam plough penetrates the soil of the Ukrainian steppes, the land of the cossacks and the banks of the Volga.” In place of the old anarchy of capitalist production, wherein there is a wide gap be- tween industrial and agricultural develop- ment, we see in the Soviet Union the mag- nificent results of a correct co-ordination of the various spheres of production, a dynamic economic equilibrium as a result of conscious planning of the whole national economy. | When we further consider the fact that the | rehabilitation of all other European countries | was attained with the aid of billions of Amer- ican investment capital, and that the Soviet | Union, boycotted by the capitalist world, had | to depend upon its own resources, we get | some idea of the mighty strides forward that | have been made by the Bolshevik govern- | ment in the land formerly ruled by the czars. | So also have the attainments of the eleven years of the Union of Socialist Soviet Re- | publics given the lie to the prophets of the lost faith—to those wavering “leaders” who lose faith in the creative powers of the work- ing class and who whisper to the workers that socialism cannot be built up in one country. That the upbuilding of socialism in one country is impossible, is the verdict of history. Neither those who seek to mobilize the | dregs of pessimism, those who wish to find their way out of the Party of Lenin and thus out of the struggle—neither they nor the | traitors of the Hillquit-Berger-Reverend’| Thomas “socialist” party can successfully | face the glaring light of proof of the attain- ments in the establishment of the socialism THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, S. TURDAY, NOVEMBER 8, 1928 ELEV YEARS AFTER By Fred Ellis By EVE DORF. Hoover is being sold to the Ameri- can masses as a “humanitarian,” a sample of the altruist in polities, with broad sympathies and interest. | His relief record is boasted of by his campaign managers. An exam- ination of this record, however, shows that Hoover has used his re- lief work for capitalist purposes and against the working class to a crim- inal degree. As Chairman of the Corgmittee for Relief in Belgium, Hoover, while pretending relief, combined it with a poisonous war-mongering propaganda and for Allied im- perialism, He was a splendid ad- vance agent for “Black Jack” Persh- ing. As Food Administrator, from 1917 to 1919, and a member of the Supreme Economic Council, he has the distinction (from the point of view of his capitalist masters) of starving the populations of the smaller nations into submission to the demands of American imperial- ism. Obedience to American orders was made the prices everywhere, of relief. During the armistice, Hoo- ver directed the “humane work” of organizing food supplies for Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Austria, and the Baitic States. During this work, he deliberately! Cor : hilov_ | used his position to starve the work-|the international situation and the 'Buncoed the Farmers During the War; Servant for Water Power Trust the Eastern industrialists and bank-|the war, which has meant disaster to ers at the expense of the farmers.| the farmer since the war. He kept Hoover kept prices of farm products | farm prices low, but supported the down during the war, to the ruin of|tariff and high prices for the the farmers. He was responsible | industrialist, at the expense of the for the farm expansion policy during | farmer. PROLETARIAN RED ARMY AND THE WAR DANGER Moscow, U. S. S. R. T the close of the Red Army maneuvers, Comrade Voroschilov. delivered a speech in the town Soviet at Kieff, expressing on be- |half of the revolutionary war coun- \eil cordial thanks to the Kieff pro- |letariat for the brotherly reception given to the Red troops. ‘The feel- ing of the proletariat for the Red Army was well shown today, when the path of the returning troops was strewn with flowers. Comrade Voreschilov dealt with in our Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, |ers and peasants of Hungary, there-|Soviet Union, The relations be- No cries of “degeneration” of the Union of | Socialist Soviet Republics, and no cries of | “red imperialism” can quench the fires of tho | working class’ determination to de by becoming 1 most important fac- tor in the overthrowing of the Work- ers’ Soviet Republic of Hungary. tween the Soviet Union and its near- lost neighbors have become strained of late years. The relations to Ru- | Hoover also withheld food supplies|mania have not improved in the fend our | from other nations until they agreed least. We have had a number of Socialist Fatherland to the last drop of blood, |to wage war against the Hungarian|severe conflicts with Poland, and None can stop mounting tide of leadership | of the Communist International, the world- wide Party of Marx and Lenin. The great Chinese Revolution has, at the same time, despite all temporary checks, given the lie to those servants of capitalism who wail that the period of revolution has sc@, 7 » | The imperialist world war is athering its | clouds. The bloody cataclysm will break over the heads of a working class that is no longer so weakly prepared as it was in the “re- | hearsal” war of 1914-1918. This coming greater imperialist world war will find the working class intrenched with its Red Army in one-sixth o£ the entire land of the world. It will find the revolutionary Party of the proletariat grown to a giant, matured in ex- perience, learned in scientific revolutionary wisdom. It will find a tremendous change in | this: that the proletarian movement, now un- der revolutionary leadership, flows together | with a mighty torrent of colonial revolution. For years thereafter, Hooyer and other members of his in- famous “relief expedition,” boasted of their part in destroying the Hun- garian workers’ and peasants’ gov- | ernment, Even in the terrible Mis ippi | flood, Hoover took advantage of the stricken victims to force a loan on the population for New Orleans bankers. Instead of direct govern- ment aid to rehabilitate the section, Hoover saw to it that long term loans were made, mortgaging these sections to the bankers. He never could have prevented such disasters, what must be done to prevent such disasters in the future, and whether the government should nd on the cost of relief. Hoover’s “humane” work has been of great service to his masters, the bankers. The republicans and Hoover have a complete indifference to the farm problem. Coolidge, whom we are asked to endorse, Coolidge, whose |only the persistently peaceful mea- |sures taken by our government have | relieved the strain.- The working | masses of the whole world have fre- quently had the opportunity of con- | vineing themselves that the avoid- ance of an armed conflict with Po- land'is solely due to our consistent peace policy. Comrade Voroschilov adduced a number of facts showing that in the capitalist countries certain strata dream of an intervention against the | Soviet Union. The action taken by ithe Volhynian voyevode Yusefsky | committed himself on the question as/ig the best proof that our neighbors, and | to whether the federal government |only 200 km distant from us and | \working in cities inhabited by Ukrainian working people, have jvisions of the transformation of the Soviet Ukyaine into a Ukraine un- jder the ‘protectorate of Poland. Yusefsky is not the only one who dreams of the overthrow of the Soviet power in Ukraine. Others too cherish this dream, and dream- ing is not prohibited. But the sup- | position that a state with 40 million revolt program Hoover says he will con-|inhabitants cannot realize its inde- against the imperialists. Imperialist war be- tinue, vetoed all the relief measures |pendence except under the protec- tween nations will again be transformed into Proposed by the farmers. The re-|torate of Poland, is not dreaming, a civil war between classes, the struggle of the exploited proletarians n capitalist coun- tries together with the exploited peoples of suppressed nations, colonial and semi-colonial peoples, to overthrow the bloody rule of capi- | talism and to establish the rule of the ex- | ploited. The Workers (Communist) Party of Amer- ica is the American section of the Commu- nist International. It is the Party of Marx and Lenin. Generated in the crucible of class struggle in the country ruled by the most brutal, ruthless and powerful capitalist class in the world, our Party has already gone through experiences that have made it worthy of the confidence of the working class as the vorking class’ organ of leader- ship. Already the working class. of this country has succeeded in creating its party of leadership in the class struggle. Already that sagricultural machinery which has surpassed | Party has reached that stage of development { Fut publican administration never gave any consideration to them, even though they were very adequate and did not touch the heart of the ;rob- lem. Hoover’s record shows service >» | but deliberate preparation for an in- |tervention. We are aware that the Soviet Ukraine has always been the main object of desire of the aggres- sive tendencies prevalent in both the diplomatic and military circles of Poland. The fact that a so-called Ukrainian ‘government exists on Polish soil, doubtless aided by the Polish state treasury in its zealous efforts or thef “emancipation” of Ukraine, shows that the Polish dig- nataries will not be content to dream, but will attempt the realiza- | tion of their dream, War Danger in Peace Pact. Comrade Voroschilov pointed out that the relations between the Soviet Union and Germany have improved. He further explained the reason why the Soviet Union had signed the Kellog~pact. “Had the Soviet Union refused to sign, a pre- text would have been supplied to all bourgeois governments and the whole capitalist press for a cam- paign of incitement against the Soviet Union, and we should have been accused of “red imperialism.” The Soviet government, deciding to sign the pact, has cut the ground from under the feet of all those who speculate on the legend of Red im- perialism. It demonstrates thereby at the same time its sincere will to peace. The Kellogg pact, though of course entirely incapable of pre- venting war in any way, possesses a certain significance for the im- mediate future in so far as it re- stricts the possibilities of open preparations for war and armed at- tacks. The Kellogg pact is to a cer- tain extent a moral obligation im- posed on the bourgeois governments in their relations to the broad masses. It must however be em- phasized that the clauses added to the pact by the imperialist powers greatly reduce its value. Here again we see plainly the war danger with which the Soviet Union is threat- ened, No one can guarantee that the Soviet Union will not be attacked Therefore we are forced to expend certain sums for the maintenance of the army. The Soviet Union would be more than pleased to de- vote these sums to peaceful con- struction. But so long as we have no security that the .Soviet Union will not be attacked, it is our duty to expend the means at our disposal to the best purpose. where every important struggle of the work- ers in several years has, with few exceptions, been led by the Workers (Communist) Party. That Party is now facing the national elce- tions with a growth and influence that has made it possible to place our revolutionary working class candidates on the ballot in thirty-four states. It participates in the capi- talist elections only to mobiliz. and train the working class in the class struggle, not spreading illusions of liberation to be attained through the channels of capitalist “demo- eracy,” but openly declaring in the words of Marx: “The Com muy’ views and aims, Kak The; iin to conceal their openly declare that \ their ends can only be attained by the forcible overthrow of ‘existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains, They have a world to win. Workers of all lands unite!” The Workers (Communist) Party of Amer- ica calls upon the working class to rally in this election campaign, to utilize this oppor- tunity to build up and strengthen the power and influence of its party of the class struggle. Only with the leadership of the Workers (Communist) Party will it be possible for the working class to mobilize to defend the Socialist “atherland of all workers, whese anaiversary we celebrate, Hoover, the Valet of Wall Street | Buncoed the Farmers. | Senator Borah said in 1919, (b2- | fore he became such a loud supporter jof Hoover) that during the control of the Food Administration of Hoover, Hoover was urging the farmers to raise more and more, promising them a_ stabilized price which they never got. At the same time, the monopoly private food in- |terests were receiving 25 to 40 per cent on their investment. George Soule, in the New Republic, Decem- ber 1917, holds Hoover directly re- sponsible for the maximum (low) price of wheat on account of which the farmers have been so hard hit. In his platform and_ speeches, Hoover does not give even premises to the farmer. He does not touch the problem basically. He does rot consider the problem of farm sur- plus, the driving of the farmers off the. land, the exploitation of the farmer by capitalists and bankers. The farmers have nothing to hope for from Hoover and the republican party. Hoover and Water Power. campaign contributions between re- | publican ard democratic parties be- cause both »epresent its interests, because it will suffer from neither, because either party in power will protect their profits and help them to increase them. Big power men are prominent fig- ures in both capitalist parties. and politics are numerous. There is, first of all, Andrew Mellon, who has an unequalled position in public utilities. _)Mellon interests have power assets of over $270,000,000, Edmund Machold, republican chair- man in New York State, is an offi- cial of power companies. He is president of the Northeastern Power Co., vice-president of the Power Co,, of New York, vice-president of the Northern New York Utilities Co, terior, is \an intimate associate of the notorious Insull of Chicago, who is a great power magnate, West has large holdings in the Insull power companies. Insull has been leader in the power propaganda in/the New Ergland schools, West is interested in many power companies, Ottinger, the republican candidate for governor of New York, was a member of the State Power Commis- sion, which tried to give the water power rights of the St. Lawrence away completely to private pcwer companies. Colonel Finney, Senator and many other prominent repub- lican figures are deeply connected with the power trust. Two employees of Hoover's Commerce Department are now officials of big power com- panies, (To Be Continued.) KILLED SON FOR INSURANCE ST. LOUIS, Mo., Nov. 2 (UP).— A warrant charging Michael Meeker of Dryden, N. Y., with the murder of his four-year-old son, Michael, Jr., hore July 4, 1927, to obtain $4,500 insurance on the boy’s life, was issued here today. my An affidavit, sworn to by Mrs. Meeker, was the basis of the war- vant, At the time the child was killed, Meeker, who was with him, reported to police that automobile bandits who had robbed him ot $4 were responsible for his son's death. FASCIST FLIGHT PUT OFF ROOSEVELT FIELD, L. L, Nov. ? (UP).—The flight of the Bellanca monoplane Coiumbia from New York to Rome again was p>stponed today, due to unfavorable weather conditions, The giant power trust divides its! The republicans who link power | Roy West, Secretary of the In-) Lenroot, Ransom, George Cortelyon| Oil and the Imperialists in Mexico (Continued., Another phase of the war against Mexico ‘is the aid American inter- ests are giving to the clerical reac- tion and the landowners—as evi- \denced by American arms found in [the hands of the Catholics, by the |publie collections for the church, |made in the U, S. All this proves \that the U. S. would like to estab- jlish in Mexico a reactionary gov- ernment favoring Yankee imperial- ism. Towards the Right. | The Mexican government is | marching with all haste towards the right. As an immediate consequence of the accelerated pressure of the U. S. over our government, this “pull” to the right is evident in all public acts. The metropolitan press speaks shamelessly of the establish- ment of a “right” government, of liquidating agrarian reforms, of lyielding to the demands of the church. ‘Fhe majorities of both houses of congress are composed of right elements and the same can be said of the generals of the army. The Obregon bloc has lost what- lever “petit-bourgeois” aspect it may have had and has converted itself |into an open tool of the reaction and the agrarian bourgeoisie. It is un- questionable that once in power Ob- regon would have established a military dictatorship—the famous “strong government” for which the reaction and American imperialism has so long been striving. Obregon dead, this process towards a “strong government” develops with greater rapidity—with no attempt on the part of the group in power to cover up its betrayals of revclutionary principles, Reaction lifts its head! The memorial of the 139 Catholics to congress is the sign of a new of- | fensive against the petty bourgeoisie jand the establishment of a govern- | ment of the reaction. A reactionary congress will not elect a revolutionary president— that is obvious. The new president will be an instrument of this reac- tion and of American capital. The Position of Calles. General Calles has placed himself between the sword and the wall. |His speech at the opening of con- lgress has nothing to do with the \real situation. To make a philoso- |phic dissertation on democracy and against personal leadership, to |preach morality to an assembly not | 10 per cent of which was elected by democratic proceedings—to speak of the “harmony among the revolution- |ary family” at the very moment |when this “great family” is shat- tered to bits, to preach peace and | tolerance while the reaction is pre- paring an attack against the gov- ‘ernment in broad daylight—is some- thing which can be done only by one prepared to fool himself and to be- |tray others. This speech of Calles is the swan song of the petty bourgeoisie, which lafter twenty years of struggle is abandoning the field to the rights. Soto y Gama and Morones. In the agrarian sections the divi- sions between the right and left pro- gresses very rapidly. Soto y Gama, the traditional leader of the national agrarian party, has become the de- fender of the agrarian bourgeoisie end the large landowning interests, thus betraying the aspirations of thousands of peasants fallen in the \fight for land. The national agra- rian party is fast becoming a polit- \ical eadaver which sooner or later | the reaction itself will enter. Who speaks today of reparation of land? On the contrary, they speak of returning the land to the former owners. The lands which for years have been worked and im- proved by the peasants of the agra- rian communes will be thé price with which the reaction and imper- ialism will buy the generals and po- litical chiefs such as Soto y Gamas {and Cox, Who speaks’ today of arming the peasants? On the contrary. They speak of taking their arms away from them, to prevent them from impeding the transfer of power to | the landed and clerical reaction. | The “agrarian” Soto y Gama now bas nothing to do with the agrarian |movement. The true agrarians— |the peasants of the revolution, must throw cut of their midst those who speak of peace with the enemy— those revolutionists, of yesterday |who today are landowners them- selves and the allies of the reaction. The leading group of the Mex- | ican labor party and the leading group of the Mexican Federation of Labor (CROM) are one and the jsame. The director of both groups |--the political boss—is Luis N. Mo- | rones, |. In reality there is no difference between Soto y Gama and Morones. One is the: agent of the agrarian bourgeoisie among the peasant masses; ‘while the other is the agent of the industrial bourgeoisie and Yankee imperialism among the masses of the workers. gle between these two men is the struggle of two. dogs over the same bone. 2 ‘ Tf Soto y Gama has betrayed the peasant masses, Murones has be- trayed the working class. I’ Soto y Gama is today a large landowner, Morones is a partner in oil com- panies and‘owner of much real es- tate. If Soto y Gama urges peace with the land barons, Morones preaches peace with the industri: i The face of Soto y Gama is the face of Morones. It does not matter that one is thin and the other is fat—the face of all betrayers of the cause of the proletariat—the so. cial revolution—is the same. (To Be Caspepineayy % The strug- — , Ag