The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 13, 1928, Page 4

‘ BOURGEOIS DE MOGRACY AND PREDICTS COMING WORKER RULE Conquest of Dawes: de Prerequisite by . Prdetadiat First of Socialism Soviet Democracy of the Toiling Masses To Replace Democracy of Exploiters The Programme Commission 0, Communist International is publisi f the Executive Committee of the hing a DRAFT PROGRAM, The Commission thinks it its duty to declare that while the text of this draft is of course based on the same fundamental principles as those upon which the draft p rogramme provisionally passed by the Fifth Congress of the Communist International was based, never- theless, it differs very considerably from that druft. Commission felt that in view of t The Program he great changes that have taken place in many important spheres of international life and particularly in the revolutionary movement s' ince the Fifth Congress, it could not confine itself to making merely editorial changes in the original draft. capitalism; various groups of powers. Great Qreat revolution in China, which cance of the agrarian-peasant qu made in building up socialism in publics, the Union of Socialist Soviet Rep A change has taken place in the form of the general crisis of a change has taken place in the relationships between events have taken place, like the once again emphasized the signifi- westion. Great progress has been the Union of Socialist Soviet Re- The struggle between the aggressive capitalist world and ublics is becoming acute. Fascism is growing and becoming transformed into the terrorist dictatorship of big capital. imperialism. Social democracy has degenerated into Chauvinist The lessons that have been learned by the Communist International in the fight against opposition tendencies and finally the growth of Communism, the fi become internationalized, the new ‘act that the movement has really tasks that confront the Communist International as a single organization—all this has inevitably made it necessary considerably to alter The general tendency of the and enlarge the former draft. changes that have been mgde is towards more concreteness and greater emphasis upon THE INTER- NATIONAL aspects both in the t heoretical section as well as in the sections dealing immediately with the struggles of the Communist Parties. Acting on the decision of the Executive Committee of the Com- munist International, the Programme Commission, in publishing this draft program, calls upon all com criticism of it in articles, remar! work done on the program has rev in a single document all the probl munist movement. The question central questions at the Sixth Congress. vrades to express their opinion and ks and concrete suggestions, The ealed how difficult it is to embrace lems of the present-day world Com- of the program will be one of the It is essential that sufficient material be collected by the time the discussion of the question takes place at the Congress. The Commit ta join in the fruitful discussion o; ission therefore invites all comrades f the program. THE PROGRAMME COMMISSION OF THE EXECU! TIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL society is separated ‘rom socialist society by a period evolutionary transformation, in ‘which the one changes into the “ther. To this corresponds a polit- “eal transitional period in which the State can be nothing else than the| of the| “evolutionary dictatorship ‘roletariat. The transition from the “orld dictatorship of imperialism to '*he world dictatorship of the pro- ‘atariat extends over a long period of proletarian struggles, defeats and | ietories. This is a period of con-| ‘innous general crisis in capitalist relationships and maturing social yvevolution; a period of national wars} — rebellions, which, al-| in ‘themselves revolu- nd colonial jough not nent part of the world proletarian “evolution in so far as they under- mine the domination of imperialism - systems exist side by side in “peace- ful” relationship and armed conflict. Tm this period federations of social- ist Soviet states are formed which wage war against imperialist States, establish closer and closer ties with colonial peoples, etc. .Bourgeois revolutions signified merely the political liberation of a system of productive relationships that had already established itself and became economically dominant and the transference of power from the hands of one class of exploiters to the hands of another. ‘etarian revolution however, signi- fies the forcible invasion of the pro- | ‘etariat into the domain of bour- teois property relationships, the ex- nropriation of the expropriating classes and the transference of pow- er to a class whose aim is the radi- eal reconstruction of the economic foundations of society and the aboli- tion of all exploitation of man by man. Bourgeois revolutions took centuries to put an end to the polit- ical domination of the feudal barons all over the world and broke that | domination in a series of separate revolutions. The international pro- | letarian revolution will not be a single and simultaneous act, but will extend over a whole epoch; never- theless, owing to the closer ties that now exist between countries, it can ‘ulfill its mission in a much shorter reriod. A prolonged epoch of in- ense work of building up world ocialist economy will set in only after the world socialist revolution has been completed and after the proletariat has consolidated its world power. The conquest of power by the sroletar‘at is a pre-requisite for the srowth of socialist forms of econ. emy and for the cultural growth of the proletariat, which changing its Yery nature, is ripening into the ‘aader of society in all spheres of fe and is drawing into this pro- 88 of transformation all other ionary socialist proletarian move-| S nents, objectively become a compo- t is a period in which capitalist | t and socialist economic and_ social) The pro- | In the struggle for the dictator- ship of the proletariat and for the subsequent transformation of the social system, an alliance of work- ers and peasants is formed against the alliance of the Jandlords and the capitalists; under: the intellectual and political hegemony of the pro- letariat, and this alliance serves | as the ‘basis of the dictatorship of | the proletariat. The characteristic features of the transitional period are: the ruth- less suppressjon of the resistance of the exploiters; the organization of | socialist construction; the mass | training of men and women in the | spirit of socialism and the overcom- ing of classes. | The transitional period begins to | change into Communist society only | after these great historical tasks have been fulfilled. Thus, a necessary condition pre- cedent for the transition of world capitalist economy to socialist econ- omy is the dictatorship of the world proletariat. This dictatorship can be hrought about only after social- | ism has achieved victory in certain | countries when the newly estab. | lished proletarian republics have en- tered into federation with already existing proletarian republics, when |this federation has grown and at. tracted to itself the colonies which | have emancipated themselves from |the yoke of imperialism and finally when this federation of republics | has become the World Union of So- | viet Socialist Republics, which will unite the whole of mankind under the hegemony of the international, | State organized proletariat. | The conquest of power by the proletariat is not the peaceful ‘‘con- quest” of the existing bourgeois | State machine by means of a pi \liamentary majority. The conquest |of power by the proletariat is the | violent overthrow of bourgeois pow- \er, the destruction of the capitalist | State apparatus (bourgeois armies, | police, bureaucratic hierarchy, courts, parliaments, etc.) and its re~ placement by a new organ of pro- letarian power, primarily as a wea- pon for the suppression of exploi. | ters, As was shown by the Russian and Hungarian revolutions — which im- measurably enlarged the experience of the Paris Commune of 1871 — the most expedient form of prole- tarian state power, as a rule, is the Soviet State. This is precisely the type of State, which emerging directly from the very broadest mass movement, brings out the maximum of mass activity and consequently serves as the surest guarantee!of final vic- tory. The Soviet form of State re- presents the highest form of demo. cracy, namely, proletarian democra- cy, as distinct from bourgeois de- mocracy, which represents bourgeois | dictatorship in a masked form, Un-| ian democracy openly |class character and aims avowedly | at the suppression of the exploiters | with the transference of state anc| erty of the capitalist exploiter, the jin the interests of the-overwhelming | municipal communication services to | /iquidation of whicn is an essential | | majority of the population. It de- prives its class enemies of political | rights and grants to the proletariat a number of temporary privileges jover the diffused, petty bourgeois | peasantry in order that its role of |leadership may be consolidated, At the same time the Soviets represent an all-embracing form of unity and organization of the masses under the leadership of the proletariat, and| consequently they in fact draw the | masses of the proletariat and peas. | antry into the struggle and into the | work of building up socialism, and into the practical work of adminis-‘ tering the State. In all their work they rely on the mass organizations | of the working class, put into prac- tice the principles of broad demo- | cracy among the toilers and are im- measurably closer in touch with the | masses than any other form of gov- | ernment. The right of electing and | recalling delegates, the combination | of the executive with the legislature, | the electoral system based on pro- duction and not on place of resi-| dence (election by the workshops, | factories, ete.) — all this marks the | sharp difference that exists between the bourgeois parliamentary repub. lie and the Soviet dictatorship of} the proletariat. Bourgeois democracy, while for- mally recognizing the equality of all citizens before the law, is ‘really based on crying, class, material and economic inequality. By leaving in- violable and even strengthening the capitalist class monopoly of the means of production and other vi- tal forms of material wealth, bour- geois democracy conyerts this for- mal equality before the law, and | these democratic rights and liber- ties into a juridical fiction as far as the exploited classes and particu- larly the proletariat is concerned, and consequently, it utilizes them as a means of deceiving and subjugat- ing the masses. Hence, it is capital- ist democracy. On the other hand, the Soviet State, by depriving the exploiting classes of the means of production and securing for the working class houses, public build- ings, printing plants, means of trav- elling, ete., first and foremost guar. antees to the working class and to the toilers generally the material cofditions for the exercise of their rights. In the domain of formal rights, the Soviet State, by depriving the exploiters and the enemies of the people of political rights, for the first time utterly abolishes inequal- ity among citizens, which, under the exploiting systems was based on differences of sex, religion and na- tionality; in this sphere it estab- lishes an equality that exists in no other country in the world. At the same time, the dictatorship of the proletariat steadily lays down the material basis for the actual Tealiza- tion of this equality by such meas- ures as the emancipation of women, facilitating the industrialization of former colonies, etc. Soviet democracy, therefore, is proletarian democracy, democracy of the toiling masses, democracy direc- ted against the exploiters, The Soviet State presupposes the complete disarming of the bourgeoi- sie and the concentration of arms in the hands of the proletariat: it is the State of, the armed proletariat. The organization of the armed forc- es is carried out on the basis of the class principle, which corresponds to the whole system of the proletar- ian dictatorship and-guarantees the role of leadership to the industrial proletariat. This organization rests on revolutionary discipline but at the same time provides for the main- tenance of close and constant con- tact between the warriors in the Red Army and Navy and the masses of the toilers, and for their par- ticipation in the administration of the country and in the work of building up socialism, The victorious proletariat utilizes the conquest of power as a lever of economic revolution, i.e., the re- volutionary transformation of the property relationships of capitalism into relationships of the socialist method of production. The starting point of this great economic revolu- lords and capitalists, i.e, the con- version of the monopolized property of the bourgeoisie into the property of a proletarian State. In this sphere the Communist In- ternational advances the following as the fundamental tasks of the pro- letarian dictatorship: | 1) Industry, Transport and Com- munication Services. (a) The confiscation and prole- tarian nationalization of all large industrial enterprises (factories, works, mines, electrical power sta- tions) in the hands of private capi- tal and the transference of all State and municipal enterprises to the Soviets. (b) The confiscation and prole- tarian nationalization of private capitalist railways and waterways and the air transport services (eom- mercial and passenger air fleets) and the transference of State and \tatorship and the tion is the expropriation of the land- | (c) The confiscation and prole.* like bourgeois democracy, proletar-|tarian nationalizatoin of private 'for himse:t, who cun ana must be economic, pedagogical and adminis- (telegraphs, telephones, and radio) |the Soviets, 2) Agriculture. (a) The confiscation and prole- tarian nationalization of all large landed properties in town and coun- try (private, church monasterial and other lands) with the transference | of State and municipal landed prop erties ’ including forests, minerals, lakes, rivers, ete., to the Soviets; to | be followed subsequently by the na- tionalization of all the land. (b) The confiscation of all prop- jerty connected with production be- longing to large landed estates, such jas: buildings, machinery and other stock, cattle, enterprises for the working up of agricultural produce (large flour mills, dairy farms, fruit and vegetable drying works, etc.). (c) All large estates, particularly model estates and those which are of considerable economic importance | to be transferred to the management | of the organs of the proletarian dic- Soviet farm or. ganizations, (a) Allotments of land, particu- larly those whieh have been cul- tivated by tenant farmers, to be handed over for the use of poor and partly also of middle peasants (the amount of land to be so trans- ferred to the peasantry to be de- termined by economic expediency as well as by the necessity to neutralize | the peasantry and to win them over to the side of the proletariat. This must necessarily differ in accord- ance with different circumstances). (e) The prohibition of the sale and purchase of land. Breach of this law to be vigorously prosecuted. (f) To combat usury. The annul- ment of all transactions imposing conditions of bondage. The annul. ment of all debts of the exploited strata of the peasantry. (g) The organization of credit schemes for the improvement of agriculture. (h) Financial and other support of agricultural cooperative societies. collective farms and communes. 8) Trade and Credit. (a) The proletarian nationaliza- tion of private banks (including the transfer to the proletarian State of the whole of the gold reserve, secur ities, deposits, etc.) and the trans- ference to theproletarian State of State, municipal, ete., banks. (b) The centralization of bank- ing; the subordination of all na- tionalized big banks to the ‘Central State Bank. (c) The nationalization of whole- sale trade (warehouses, elevators, stores, stocks of goods, etc.) and their transference to the organs of the Soviet State. (d) The monopoly of foreign trade. (e) The repudiation of State debts to foreign and home capital- ists. 4) So-called “Intellectual Produc- tion,” (a) The nationalization of print- ing plants. (b) The monopoly of newspaper and book publishing. (ce) The nationalization of the big Cinema enterprises, theatres, etc. 5) Housing. (a) The confiscation of big house property. (b) Confiscated houses to be transferred to the administration of local Soviets. (c) Workers to be removed to the bourgeois quarters. (d) Palaces and large private and public premises to be placed at the disposal of working class organiza. tions. (6) The Working Day and Work- ers’ Management of Industry. (a) The reduction of the working day to 7 hours and the regulation of the working day in harmful occupa- tions with a view to still further re- duction. (b) The organization of workers’ management of industry. The es- tablishment of state organs of | management with provision for the | close cooperation of the trade unions |in the management of igdustry. In carrying out all these tasks the | dictatorship of the proletariat must |bear in mind the following postu- | lates: (1) The complete abolition of pri- | vate property in land and the na- tionalization of the land cannot be brought about immediately in the | more developed capitalist countries | where the principle of private prop- erty has become deep-rooted among broad strata of the peasantry. In such countries the nationalization of | all the land can only be brought | | about gradually by means of a series of transitional measures. Nationali- zation of industry should not, as a rule, be applied to small and middle- sized enterprises (peasants, small artisans, handicraftsmen, small and medium shopkeepers, ete.). First of all because in the first phases of the cictatorship the proletariat in power may not have sufficient organizing forees at its disposal for the purpose of destroying capitalism and at the same time to organize contacts with the small end medium individual ist basis. Secondly, because the pro- municipal transport services to the Soviets. letariat cannot but draw a strict dis- vmtits of production on a new social- | simple commodity producer working socialist construction, and wae prop- | condition for any worker of socialist | | conswruction, | ; (2) The existence of a consider- !ghie numoer of small units of pro- {auction (primarily, peasant 1arms, | farmers’ enterprises, small arcisans, | smali snopxeepers, ete.), not only in | colonies, semi-coionies and econ- | cmically backward countries where | the petty bourgev.s masses repiwoene the overwneuaing majority of the population, but even in centres of capitalist world industry (the United States of America, Germany, and to a certain extent also Mngland), makes it necessary to some extent, in the first stage of development, to preserve market forms of ecunomic contacts, the money system, etc. The existence of a variety of economic forms (from socialized large-scale | lindustry to small ‘peasant and arti- san enterprises), uf a variety vf} class groups having a variety of | stimuli for their economic activities and the existence of a variety of in- terests corresponding to these econ- omic forms demands that the prole- tariat, in 1ts management of mdus- try, shall properly combine large- scale socialist industry with the | small-scale economy of the peasant | simple commodity producers, who | are linked up with each other and with the towns by market relation- ships. For that reason, if diffused, peasant labor occupies a relatively important place in the general econ- omy of the country, market relation- ships will oceupy a correspondingly important place in that economy, and planned economic management will occupy a correspondingly minor place. The general economic plan will be to a greater extent based on forecasts of unorganized economic relationships. On the contrary, if small-scale economy occupies a re- latively minor place, social labor will be correspondingly larger. The con- centration and socialization of the bulk of the means of production will be greater; the extent of market re- lations will be smaller. Planned economy will play a much greater part than unorganized economy and the methods of directly planning production and distribution will be applied on a larger and more uni- versal scale. \ | t. | If the proletarian dictatorship carries out a correct policy, the tech- nical and economic superiority of large-scale, socialized production, the centralization,.of all the. most ..im- portant economic key-positions (in- | dustry, transport, large agricultural enterprises, banks, etc.) in the hands of* the proletarian state, planned management of industry and the power of the state apparatus as a whole (the budget, taxes, administra- tive legislation and legislation gen- erally) will lead to the continuous and systematic squeezing out of pri- vate capital as well as of the new outcrops of capitalism which emerge | with the development of simple com- modity producing economy in the period of more or less free com- mercial and market relationships. At the same time, by organizing peasant farming on cooperative lines and as a result of the growth of col- lective forms of economy, the great bulk of the peasant enterprises will be systematically drawn into the general system of developing social- ism. The outwardly capitalistic forms and methods of economic ac- tivity which are connected with market relationships (money form of accounting, payment for labor in money, buying and selling, credit and banks, ete) serve as levers of the social revolution in so far as they, to an increasing degree, serve the consistent socialist type of en- terprise, i. e., the socialist section of economy. Thus, in the conditions of prole- tarian dictatorship, and providing the Soviet state carries out a correct policy, market relationships, in the| course of other development, bear! within themselves the seeds of their own destruction: by helping to squeeze out private capital, by changing the character of peasant economy,—while the means of pro- duction are becoming more and more centralized and concentrated in the hands of the proletarian state, they, at the same time, help to destroy all market relationships. (3) In view of the possibility of capitalist military intervention and |of prolonged counter-revolutionary wars against the dictatorship of the | for a war-Communist economic | proletariat, the necessity may arise | policy (“War Communism”) which | is nothing more nor less than the| | organization of rational consump- | | tion for the purpose of defence at | a time when there has been a sharp decline in the productive forces of the country, and when the individ- | ualist stimuli to production of small producers are seriously disturbed (the system of confiscation and requisition). Although this policy undermines, the material basis of that strata Within the-country that is hostile to the working class, secures a rational distribution of available stocks and facilities the | military struggle of the proletarian dictatorship,— which gives it its his- torical justification, nevertheless, it cannot be regarded as the “normal” economic pglicy of the proletarian dictatorship. i i The dictatorship of the proletariat is a continuation of the class strug- | gle under new conditions. The dic- tatorship of the proletariat is a stub- tinction between the property of the born fight,—bloody and bloodless, violent and peaceful, military and admits its ;capitalist means of communication | gradually brought into the groove of trative, against the forces and tradi-|letariat is maintained in them, may tions of the old society: against external capitalist enemies, against | exploiting | the remnants of the classes within the country, against the outcrops of the new bourgeoisie which arises on the basis of still existing commodity production. In the conditions prevailing dur- ing the liquidation of the civil war, the class struggle continues in other forms, primarily, in the form of the struggle between the survivals of previous economic systems on the! one hand and socialist forms of econ- | omy on the other; and these forms | of ‘struggle undergo a change at! various stages of socialist develop- ment. In the first stage of the prole-| tarian dictatorship the policy of the proletariat towards other classes and social groups within the country is determined by the following postu- lates: 1, The big bourgeoisie and big| landlords, and the loyal adherents, the officer class,.the generals and the higher bureaucracy, are con- sistent enemies of the working class against whom it is necessary to wage ruthless war. The organizing skill of a certain section of these may be utilized, but as a rule, this is possible only after the dictator- ship has been consolidated and after all conspiracies and rebellions of ex- ploiters have been decisively crushed, 2. In regard to the technical in- telligentsia, which has been brought up on bourgeois traditions, the pro- letariat must ruthlessly suppress every counter-revolutionary action in their ranks but at the same time bear in mind the necessity for utili- zing this skilled social force for the purposes of socialist construction. In the process of developing this work of construction,—economie, technical and cultural, on a wide social scale, the proletariat must systematically win over the technical intelligentsia to its side, eubject it to its ideologi- cal influence and secure its close co- operation in the work of social transformation. 8. In regard to the peasantry, the task of a Communist Party is to rely on the agricultural proletariat but strive to win over to its side all the exploited and toiling strata of the rural districts. The victorious | proletariat must draw strict lines of distinction between the «various groups of the peasantry, properly judge the relative importance of each and render every support to the propertyless and semi-prole- -tarian strata of the peasantry. It must transfer to the latter part of the land of the big landlords, help them in their struggles against usurer capital, etc. Moreover, the proletariat must neutralize the: in- termediary strata of the peasantry and actively repel every attack on the part of the rural bourgeois,— which enters into alliance with the Jandlords. .-As. its dictatorship be- comes consolidated and socialist con- | struction develops the proletariat | must abandon the policy of neutrali- zation and adopt the policy of direct alliance =ith the masses of middle peasantry; but it must refrain from adopting the point of view of sharing power in any way, 4. The petty urban bourgeoisie. which constantly oscillates between extreme reaction and sympathy for the proletariat, must also be neutral- ized and as far as possible won over to the side of the proletariat. This can be achieved by permitting it to retain its small property and a cer- tain amount of freedom of trade and by abolishing usurious credit, etc. In the course of fulfilment of all these tasks of the proletarian dic- tatorship a radical change takes place in the tasks and functions of the mass organizations and primarily of the labor organizations. Wnder capitalism, the mass labor organiza- tions in which the broadest strata of the proletariat are for the first time organized and trained, i. e, the trade (industrial) unions, represent the principal weapon in the in- dustrial struggle and subsequently in the mass struggle against trustified capital and its state. Under the proletarian dictatorship, these or- ganizations become transformed in- to the pringéipal lever of the dicta- torship, into a school of Communism which draws overwhelming masses of the proletariat into the work of the socialist management of in- dustry. Thus, in so far as they pro- mote from their ranks leaders in the work of construction, in so far as they draw into this work the broad strata of the proletariat and insofar as they set themselves the task of combating the bureaucratic distor- tions which inevitably arise as the |vesult of the inadequate cultural de- velopment of the masses and of the operation of class influences alien to the proletariat, the trade unions be- come the backbone of the economic organization of the proletarian state. Notwithstanding reformist uto- pias, cooperative organizations un- der capitalism are doomed to play a relatively modest part and in the en- vironment of the general co:-ditions of the capitalist s)stem not infre- quently degenerate and become transformed into a mere overweight to capitalism. Under the dictator- ship of the proletariat however, they may become the most important units of the distributing apparatus, Finally, peasant agricultural co- operative societies (sale, purchas- ing, eredit and producing co-opera- | ing socialist industry exercises guid- sections of the rural population who support the dictatorship of the pro-| become one of the principal organ- izational means of linking up town and country. To the extent that |they are able to maintain their ex- istence at all under capitalism, co- operative peasant enterprises under the capitalist system inevitably be- come transformefi into capitalist en- terprises, for they are dependent upon capitalist industry, capitalist banks and capitalist environment. Under the proletarian dictatorship however, they develop amidst a dif- ferent system of relationships and depend upon proletarian’ industry proletarian banks, ete. Thus, pro- viding the proletarian conducts a proper policy, providing the class struggle against the capitalist ele- ments in the rural districts is sys- tematically carried on and provid- ance over it, agricultural co-opera- tion may become one of the most important levers for the socialist transformation and collectivizatior of the country'side. t In the course of all this militant| and constructive work carried ,on through the medium of eyery vari- ety of proletarian organization (pri- marily the trade unions and So- viets), which indeed should serve as the levers of the Soviet state and link it up with the broad masses of every stratum of the working class, the proletariat secures and exercises unity of will and action by means of the leading role played by the Communist Party in the system of proletarian dictatorship. The Party of the proletariat re- lies directly on the trade unions and a number of other organizations which embrace the masses of the workers and through them the peas- antry (Soviets, Co-operative socie- ties, Young Communist League ete.), and by means of this system of levers guides the Soviet system as a whole. The proletariat can fulfill its role as organizer of the new society only if the Soviet gov- ernment is loyally supported by al! the mass organizations, only, if the unity of class will is maintained and only under the guidance of the party. The role of organizer of the new human society presupposes that the proletariat will become culturally ripe, that it will transform its own nature, advance from its ranks in- creasing numbers of men and wo- men capable of acquiring a knowl- edge of science, technique and ad- mifistration for the purpose of building up socialism anda new so- cialist culture, In destroying the monopoly of the capitalist class in the means of pro- duction, the “working” class intist also destroy its monopoly of educa- tion, i. e., it must take possession of all the schools, from the elementary schools right up to the highest uni- versities. It is particularly import- ant for the proletariat to train mem- bers of the working class as ex- perts in the sphere of production (engineers, technicians, organizers, accountants, etc.), as well as in the spheres of science, military affairs. etc. Simultaneously the cultural level of the masses of the prole- tariat must be raised; their political education and- their general stand- ard of knowledge must he raised; their technical skill and their ties for public work and administra- tion must be developed and the sur- vivals of bourgeois and petty bour- geois prejudices, etc., must“be com- bated, A particularly important task in connection with the fight against bourgeois prej@lices and supersti- tions is that of combating religion which is opium for the people. The struggle against religion must | ;, be conducted systematically and per- sistently, The proletar:an govern- ment must abolish all state support of the church which. is an. agency of the dominant classes and imperialist cliques. It must prevent all church interference in state organized ed- uation and ruthlessly crush the counter-revolutiona, activities of ecclesiastical organizations. While carrying on anti-religious propa- ganda by all the means at its dis- posal—although permitting freedom of worship and abolishing the privi- leged position ocupied by previously predominant religions—the Soviet government must at the same time reorganize all its educational work en the basis of scientific, materialist philosophy. The International proletarian rev- NEW DRAFT PROGRAM OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL IV. The Period of Transition from Capitalism to Socialism and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Rover SHOWS MEANING OF ety of forms of building up socialism will be. necessary, The. various conditions ‘and ways by which the proletariat will achieve its dictatorship in various countries may be divided schematically inte three main types: Countries of highly developed capitalism (United States, Germany, Great Britain, etc.) with powerful productive forces, a high degree of centralization of production, rela+ tively small significance of small production and with a long estab- lished bourgeois, democratic, polit- ical system. In these countries, the fundamental political demand of the program is direct transition to the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the sphere of economics the most characteristic are: The expropria- tion of the whole of large-scale pro- daction; the organization of a large number of state Soviet farms, only a small share of the land to be transferred to the peasantry; unor- ganizod market relationships to be permitted only on a small scale ‘| Socialist development generally and the collectivization of peasant farm- ing in particular to proceed at a rapid rate. Countries with a medium develop. ment of capitalism (Russia up to 1917, Poland, ete.), having consid- erable survivals of semi-feudal re- lationships in agriculture, a certain minimum of industry, sufficient for successful socialist construction and with as yet incomplete bourgeois democratic reforms. In these coun- tries the bourgeois-democratic revo- lution may grow into social revolu- tion. Here democratic demands may be advanced which, in the process of the struggle, may grow into the demand for a workers’ rev. olution, In these countries the agrarian revolution plays a more or less important part. The dictator- ship of the proletariat may not be |brought about immediately, but in the process of the bourgeois demo- cratic revolution growing into the social revolution, 1. e., in the process of transition from the demoeratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry to the socialist dic- tatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry to the socialist dictator- ship of the proletariat. In the Process of expropriating large landed property a considerabie por- tion of the confiscated. land is placed at the disposal of the pea- santry. The extent of market re- Jationships is considerable. The task of organizing the peasantry in co-operative societies and later to combine ‘them in production is one of the most important tasks in the work of socialist construction. The rate of this work of construction is much slower than it will be in the countries in the first’ mentioned group. Colonial and semi-colonial coun: tries. (China, India, ete,). In these countries industry is in an em- bryonie stage, sometimes in a fairly swell developed stage, but inadequate for independent socialist construc- tion. Feudal medieval relationships predominate in the economics as well as in their political super- structure, and the important indus- tries, commerce, banks and prin- cipal means of transport, etc., are concentrated in the hands of for- eign imperialist groups. The most important task in such countries is to fight against feudalism and con- sistently to conduct” thé agrarian peasant revolution on the ore hand, and to fight for national inde- pendence against the foreign im- perialists on the other. ‘The transi- tion to the dictatorship of the prole- tariat in such countries. is possible only through a series of preparatory stages, only after the bourgeois- democratic revolution has grown into social revolution. Successful socialist construction will be pos- sible only on the eondition that direct support is obtained from countries in which the proletarian dictatorship is established. In the present epoch, in which the task of the proletariat capturing power has come to the front in de- veloped capitalist countries, in which the dictatorship of the proletariat is already established in the Union of Socialist Soviet, Republics and represents a factor of world signifi- ene the movement for liberation in colonies and semi-colonial coun- tries brought into heing by-the pene- tration of world capitalism inte these countries, may-—notwithstand- ing the unripeness of social rela- tionships in these eountries—lead to olution is a combination of pro- cesses varying in time and charac- ter—purely proletarian revolutions; revolutions of a bourgeois-demo- cratic type which grow into prole- tarian reyolutions; wars for na- tional liberation; colonial revolu- tions. The world dictatorship. of the proletaria! comes only as the final outcome of the revolutionary process. The uneven development of cap- italism, which became more accen- ‘uated in the period of imperialism, has given rise to a variety of types of capitalism, to differences in stage of ripeness in various countries and to a variety of and specific condi- tions of revolutionary process, These circumstances make it absolutely in- evitable ‘that the proletariat will come to power by # variety of ways and degrees of rapidity; that in a tives) with proper guidance and pro- viding the influence of the toiling tional stages leading to the dicta- torship of the proletariat and a vari- number of countries certain transi-|_ their socialist development, provided they receive the support and as- sistance of the proletarian dictator- ship and the international prole- tarian movement . in general, A The special conditions of the rev- olutionary struggle prevailing in colonial ani semi-golonial countries, the inevitably y long riod of ule required for mocratic tatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry and for the growth of this pa pele i into the dictator- ship of the proletariat, and, finally, the decisive Le ae ge of the na- tional’ aspect of the struggle im- pose upon the Communist parties of all rslenahly Special tasks which represent preparatory stages to the veneral tasks of the dictatorship of the proletariat, The Communist In- ternational considers the most im- portant of these specia ks to be: 1. To overthrow the rule of feudal rulers, of the ‘andlord oy ce ratieed On neat, mee)