The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 25, 1927, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER “Published by the DAILY WORKE2 PUBLISHING CO. Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, w,. Phone, Orchard 1680 Cab ‘Daiwork” ~ SUBSCRIPTION RATES g | By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): | $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per years $3.50 six months | $2.50 three months $2.00 three months | Addr THE DAILY WOR J. LOUIS ENGD. WILLIAM F. DU BERT MILLER s and mail and make out checks LER, 33 First Street, New York, N +... Editors Business Manager -office at New York, N. Y, h 3, 1879, Support the Colorado Miners! * * rte : [wou cannot k d in! The class struggle is appearing in Colorado in its most naked Ae SOE meek (ae coe Cae ae y The class struggle is apy . iY Gaston B. Means, once an agent form. |of Harry M. Daugherty and associate i The state industrial commission, the local city and county jof William J. Burns in that gentle- 5 governments, the companies with their squads of mercenaries, and finally the state government itself, all are out to smash the coal miners’ strike and jail or deport the “agitators.” Striking miners have been jailed. Women are on the picket line and they too are jailed. | Running true to type, the officials of the United Mine Work- | ers’ union whose failure to organize the miners is chiefly respon- | sible for the fact that the I. W. W. organiz and members are} leading the present struggle, have come out against the strike. Frank Hay former president of the United Mine Workers, and now apparently holding a minor position in the union, is quoted by the Rockefeller press of Colorado as saying that: “The United Mine Wrokers are opposing the action of this group. We have a definite program OF CONCILIATION AND} ARBITRATION, not the direct action sponsored by the I. W.! W. ... the present members of our organization are combatting with every means at their command, the efforts of the “Wobblies” to make this strike a*success. . . .” | The tone of the Colorado capitalist press is vicious in the extreme. It can be compared only to the tone of the whole press in the Rocky Mountain states at the time Frank Little was mur- dered, and the Pacific coast press at the time of the Centralia YHE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1927 — ON THE COLORADO BATTLE FRONT “We Are Going To Stand By Our Men.” : Sa f Current Events By T. J. O'Flaherty $ LF-DETERMINATION in Poland is still in its swaddling clothes. | When the deputies to the Sejm ar- | rived in Warsaw to resume the ses- ‘sion postponed by presidential de- cree they found a note nailed on to the locked door announcing that the ‘session had adjourned sine die. The ;Ceputies twiddled their thumbs and ;went home. They have nothing to do but pass the budget for the com- jing fiscal year. The voting is by a | show of hands with Pilsudski’s sharp- 'shooters behind the guns. i * | man’s patriotic and grafting ac- | tivities, has been quietly serving a prison term in Atlanta for taking a |fall out of his government while serv- ‘ing it. Mr. Means conspired with | others to steal whisky from the |treasury department and failed to | get away with it because he failed to \inflate his bribe sufficiently. Means ‘is now slated for parole and if he | swears that he has no money he can ° \take the pauper oath and get around |a $20,000 fine which he was supposed | to pay before June 30, 1930. A little ‘thing like swearing to a false state- | ment will not impose a severe strain on the elastic conscience of Mr. |Means. His return to public life | should give a fillip to the “red plot” | business. Means was no mean artist jin this line, welcomed afternoon, probably expressed better than anything else said there both the spirit of the meeting itself and the vivid impression brought back by the delegation, of a nation of 140,000,000 march- ing steadily toward socialism. | the First American Trade Union Delegation Sunday? Money Writes o i By Upton Sinclair The greetings of the trade unions of the Soviet Union, 10,-| 000,000 strong, were conveyed by the delegation spokesmen to the! American labor movement. The Madison Square Garden meeting | (Continued from Last Issue.) Ill. |place; so he goes after big game fish, Wright, and set up a clamor that his jand having caught all there are in? works are not great art, and that the jlocal waters, buys him a yacht and |ability to sell a million copies is not i goes cruising to New Zealand—and | the final test of literature; a doctrine raid. In Walsenburg, Pueblo, Aguilar and Trinidad, the business | interests have set up an armed dictatorship. The private police Teas ate on - forces of the Denver and Rio Grande railroad, the gunmen of the) coal and iron companies, the local sheriff's forces, the prohibi- | tion enforcement officials and business men have been mobilized} against the strikers. In Walsenburg, the strikers’ hall was raided by a detach- ment of business men and the records burned in the street. All known active members of the I. W. W. and sympathizers among the miners have been either deported from the various cities and towns or have been given orders to leave. The city council of Walsenburg authorized the posting of the following notice on the strikers’ hall in that city: RESOLUTION. Walsenburg, Colo., Oct. 15. TO THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD, WAL- NBURG, COLO.: That a mass meeting of business men and citizens of Walsenburg, Colo., was held at the county courthouse Oct. 15, 1927, and the city council requested to serve you with this notice: ‘Notice is hereby served that you are hereby ordered to vacate your headquarters and entirely remove yourself and organization from and out of the city of Walsenburg by Sunday noon, Oct. 16, 1927, and any person or persons con- nected with or of your organization are hereby further de- clared a nuisance and as such are ordered to leave the said was itself a huge microphone thru which went out to the Amer-! ican working class, statements by responsible members of the trade union movement, and economists of international repute, | which will give to the American masses, not a revolutionary, and therefore not a fully correct view of the role and achievements of the great proletarian revolution, but the view of the average non- communist trade unionist of that section of the American trade union movement which is not entirely and not consciously sub- merged in the class ideology of American imperialism. In this lies the real value of the trade union delegation’s report—it crys- tallizes the working class opinion of that section of the American workers who, while still subject to the narrowness which must be convinced (after ten years) of the need of international solidarity with the proletarian revolution in another country, is nevertheless not corrupted into an active partisanship with and for the capi- talist class. The resolution adopted by the mass meeting was not the voice of one national section of the revolutionary proletariat speaking to another section in the front trench of the revolutionary strug- gle. It was rather an expression of the liberal view of men not} conscious of the international revolutionary role of the world’s working class, but refusing to support in this period the efforts of imperialism to crush a section of the working class which is; carrying out that role. | The American working class is still under the influence of the capitalist class, accepting that class ideology. Nevertheless American workers can understand such statements as the fol- lowing: | “Dneiperstroi, the second largest electric power station in Europe, was talked about by the czar’s engineers for a quarter of The Settin’ Down Job OOD, clothing, shelter, love, these are men’s primary needs; and im- mediately after them comes enter- tainment. The slaves of the factory and the adding-machine must have a means of imaginative escape, and so we have a whole series of new trop- isms, and a complex of industries exploiting them. Can you dance? Can you sing? Can you draw, or paint, or tell a story, or what have you? If you have anything, there is a nation-wide system for reproducing it a million times, and marketing it to all the world. Can you paint a pretty girl with rosy cheeks and flashing teeth, or a small boy with ragged pants and a bob-tailed dog? Any one of the popular magazines will pay a thousand dollars, and two or three months later your painting will be on every newsstand in the United States and its dependencies. Can you make line or wash drawings of tall, aristocratic young heroes wearing new tailored suits or one- piece underwear? The advertising agencies stand ready to guarantee you a salary of six hundred a week. what more could a steel king do? Or Harold Bell Wright, who also lives out here in the wide open spaces and is so rich—when a new one of his books is published, the pile touch- es the ceilings of all the drug-stores in Southern California. He has hotel and real estate subdivisions named after his heroines—in short, he is a classic right while he is alive. Or Peter B. Kyne—I have had the hon- or of watching him eat spaghetti in a San Francisco restaurant, and hearing him tell how the “Saturday Evening Post” had paid him twenty- five thousand dollars for his new story, and the Laskys had offered forty thousand for the picture rights —not counting book rights, and dra- matization rights, and second serial rights, and foreign rights. Some of the screen writers and stars in Holly- wood are making so much money that it’s a bore taking care of it, and they engage regular business men to look after their investments, again just like the steel kings, and quite as it should be—why should not art be great, and the creators of beauty be looked up to? When such quantities of tincture of gold are poured into the literary aquarium, is it any wonder that the swarm of book urchins go quite mad, and crowd one another out of the tank, and bite off one another’s tails? | obviously inspired from Moscow, and |intended to undermine the founda- \tions of American culture. Also, the occupation of writing is ja dignified and agreeable one. The author lives at home, which pleases leverybody but his wife. He can do his work in his own time, which means that he can play golf every afternoon, and so only the biggest jbankers can afford to associate with him. Also he gets a lot of advertising, and so goes into “Who’s Who,” while his golf associates stand outside and peer wistfully over the fence. Also, in the hours when he does work, there is an impression that he doesn’t work hard; the popular concept of }an author’s job is summed up in an lincident that happened to my wife, |standing by the garden gate, when ja small urchin came along. “Have you got a job for me?” “What sort of a job?” “Well, I’ll tell you, ma’am, The place where I work, they make me hustle too much, and what I’m lookin’ for is a settin’ down job.” There are in America two hundred |thousand persons cherishing aspirae tions towards the “settin’ down job” jof authorship, and the high schools and colleges add ten thousand new \recruits every year. I know with reasonable accuracy, because they jsend me their manuscripts and write me letters telling the story of their (Signed) JOHN J. PRICHARD, Mayor. a century and built by the Bolsheviks in five years.” Or can you make up little tunes?| The jealousies of authors have been |jives, Wach candidate strives with Attest: C. Victor Mazzone, City Clerk. Or: “Russia is gaining in industrial efficiency faster than|Po they come tripping through your ae ie nae ED ae moral, feverish intensity for some new ‘any old world nation.” head, accompanied by words in ae \“line,” some variety of “charm, Similar action was taken in Aguilar. In spite of the suppression, the Colorado press, notably “The| Pueblo Chieftain,” admits that at least 60 per cent of the coal! miners have struck. The strike is against the Rockefeller interests. The Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, a Rockefeller subsidiary, dominates the state of Colorado. Their mines are the largest and smaller own- ers are forced to follow the Rockefeller policy. Company unionism, the so-called “Rockefeller plan,” has been combined with a spy, blacklist and gunman system, similar to that in West Virginia, to prevent union organization or any other means of effective protest by the workers. The present strike has broken thru the front of reaction. The miners and their wives and families are fighting the most pow- erful capitalists in the United States in a section of the country | where the soil is soaked with the blood of members of the work- ing class butchered in similar conflicts. The Ludlow tradition lives again. The working class of the United States must not and will not leave the heroic workers of | Colorado to fight alone. The working class front must be ex-| tended into every local, every workers’ fraternal society and co-; operative. Defense and relief must be organized. The Colorado miners | Must be given unstinted support in their struggle. Again: “There is no czar and there are no capitalists to take away from the workers what they produce.” Such facts explain why it is that an audience of some 13,000 can be told, as it was told Sunday, that “with conviction we could not overlook, the Russian workers told us they intend to defend their government from any and all enemies.” The adoption of a resolution urging recognition, without a dissenting voice being raised in the immense meeting was impor- tant. But far more important than this one act, dramatic as it was, is the fact that the meeting marked the beginning of a new |understanding of the meaning and achievements of the Russian |Revolution on the part of important sections of the American la- |bor movement, and the start of a movement to bring the Amer- ican and Soviet Union masses closer to one another. The guarantee that thousands of American workers repudiate the hostile attitude of the American government and of the agents of the capitalist class in leading positions in the labor movement, is that from their own ranks has come a responsible delegation which, on this issue, challenges both the outright imperialist pro- gram of the American government and the program of the domi- nant official trade union bureaucracy which apes whatever pro- gram is laid down by the imperialists in Washington. We are sure that if the same reports could be made to the Negro dialect, to the effect that I loves my honey and my honey loves me, and I’s goin’ to meet my honey by the old persimmon tree? I'll leave you to guess whether that is the latest “song hit,” or something I just made up. For writing words like that, with little tunes to match, men are paid so much that they become indistinguishable from steel kings and master-bootleggers. They sell a million piano sheets, and two million phonograph records, and never while Broadway and Forty-second street continue to intersect will men forget the story of Irving Berlin, Jewish |Street-rat and cabaret-singer, who won the love of the daughter of Clarence Mackay, lord of railroads and telegraphs, and high muckymuck of the Catholic aristocracy of. the metropolis. The cold, proud father forbade the banns; and then said the jlover—one tells the story in Broad- way dialect, of course—“I love her and she will be mine in spite of you.” Said the cold, proud father, “Sup- pose T cut her off without a cent?” Said the song-writer, with a languid Rockefeller and his government must be made to understand|!#bor movement in all decisive industrial centers as were made in smile, “In that case I suppose I'l that the fight is not confined to Colorado but that behind the) N°W, York Sunday, that not only will recognition become a major|have to give her a million or two men and women who face his gunmen are other workers in vast} political issue in the trade union movement, but that the rank | myself.” And so he did, perhaps; any- numbers who likewise are determined that if a second Ludlow and file of the labor movement will take its place in the battalions |h0w, they were married, and so great comes it shall not end in the defeat of the Colorado miners as in 1912—but in their victory. The New York Report of the First American Trade Union Delegation of the world proletarian army which is determined that the Soviet torious for ten years in the face of all of imperialism’s might, shall be defended now, and as long as need be, from all its enemies, allowed to live and grow as the hope, inspiration and living ex- ample of proletarian power. The Madison Square Garden meeting in New York can very }was the public excitement that re- porters for the tabloids climbed up | Union, the first workers’ and peasants’ republic in the world, vic-|and peeked through the transom, and the happy pair had to flee to Paris, and sneak back by way of Canada. Or can you tell stories? Then you are luckiest of all—the masters of world-tropism will send their rep- resentatives to camp on your door- work is the first in which the cause is set forth. The desperately compe- titive nature of authorship derives from the fact that the product can be reproduced without limit. When a man grows cabbages, he does not put all cabbage growers out of busin- ess; one cabbage is one cabbage, and there is no way to turn it into a million cabbages. But when Harold Bell Wright produces a book, it be- comes a million books in a couple of months, and compels several hundred other authors to grow cabbages for a living. Therefore they hate Mr./ some local color that has never been exploited, some plot that has never j been unravelled. And meantime, upon the watch-towers of several thousand newspapers, magazines, publishing houses and theatrical producing of- fices sit men with spy-glasses watch= ing for new talent, and when it ap- 'pears, they grab it, and concentrate all the arts of civilization upon the task of coining it into the greatest | possible number of dollars in the fewe est possible number of days. . (To Be Continued.) Lenin Said:- “Not a single class in history achieved power without putting forward its political leaders and spokesmen capable of organizing the movement and leading it.” ‘ And he proceeded to organize the Bolshevik Party of Russia without which the Russian Revolution would have been impossible. We must organize a strong party in this country that will be able to organize and lead the masses. The Workers (Communist) Party asks you to join and help in the fight for: A Labor Party and a United Labor Ticket in the 1928 elections, The defense of the Soviet Union and against capitalist wards The organization of the unorganized. y Making existing unions organize a militant struggle. The protection of the foreign born, oo ot cnn nnn nny) Application for Membership in Workers (Communist) Party (Fill out this blank and mail to Workers Party, 43 E. 126th St., N. Y. City) j f 3 ( eaPRRO ETA | eceece ese wrenreteceraee ‘ geen : ., Well open a new epoch in American labor history—an epoch in! step. Consider my neighbor, Zane|Name -+-+-++++ SEMA SSB As ae cit MR ROARS ARE CA mU Ae oa waite steeeccceaae | __uife in the United States is organized around business; in| which those trade union leaders who base their policy on that of |Grey. He eannot go walking without Soviet Russia, life is organized around labor. American imperialism will discover that the impact of the ex-|seeing his name on billboards, nor Address ....... er Rene ts ac OR arsine he OER OKA SE This sentence from the speech of Frank Palmer, member of| ample and proud attainments of the working class republic, born |Tesd the Papers without seeing, pie- : A fy rs * . r ly heroes rescuing the Typographical Union and editor of the Colorado Labor Advo-|in the fires of revolution, break down the wall of reaction which his lovely heroines. He grows tired|Occupation .. awe 4 cate, at the Madison Square Garden meeting in New York which ” \ they have built around the American labor movement. of them—as I would if I were in his ¢ (Enclosed find one dollar for initiation fee and one month’s dues.)