The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 24, 1927, Page 4

AOE 2 Page Four ORR The Gea Ramee rat DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, OCTOBER 24, 1927 U2 BOOKS® THE THEORETICAL FOUNDERS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS, by D. Riazanov. Publishers. International It was the Antonio Labriola, who declared that the of our theory is that it can “ greatest proof xplain its own crigin with its princiy This is precisely the task that D. Riazanov, director of the Marx-Engels Institute at Moscow, set for himself by using the historical method of Marx and Engels to explain their lifetime col- laboration. While not explicit in the work 1f one cannot help but realize the fact hat that stem known as historical rialism, explaining the struggle betwi cl the motive y, could not have arisen pre- vious to the time o rly environment, though different in its superficial in its broad historical | aspects. > Nurtured ir | g embers of the great French revo-| lution that ther m over the} h of the captialist sys’ od the ) had not been able ans for the de-| extinguish, Marx and Engels In n school to the camp of the ar with the great m ists of the 18th century. gh the He; and ng Hegelian: , independently of one another. nd in the early fortie: the Working Class rstanding of historical mati had gathered material for a| England in 1844,”) in which he} lism. Marx had arrived at Only | a period of intense class struggles could t lf upon the mind of me That Marx and Engel: asions inde dently of each other is frequentl ed their efforts in the most ad-| ; which resulted in the greatest contribution | y the world has ever seen. In all previous | f historical movements that characterized the| $s may be sought in in. Neither Homer nor| le, Rousseau nor Diderot could have written| book (“Condition of in arrived at an und identical conclu s as a result of his experiences on the Continent. uch an enviror 1 it: cal cc ory have impresse iden “The Communist Manifesto. All previous h | movement was so slow that its motivating force was imp ptible. The slow, varied, complex movement obscured the mech- anism 0: ory until the great French revolution initiated that series of | intensified class struggles in ope that lasted until the middle of the last On the very eve of the revolution of 1848, when. the gathering for of the cla zle heralded the storm, the “Manifesto” was pub-| lished to the world. But let no one i theorists, viewing t While the publ of socialism from ine for a moment that Ma and Engels were mere | e ntal struggles of their day in a detached manner. lanifesto” marked the definite emergence topia to science, its authors were certainly far removed otion of scientists. They were essentially. men. of ov proves he relates their act y in the struggle. luminating incident in the life of Engels is overlooked; about revolution and worked with other ional tasks, but actually fought with t in a regiment during the Baden-Palatinate in- | n three battles as well as the decisive combat on } ingels”). | This rp and exceedingly welcome contrast to certain dangerc that were spread during, the early days of the | Bolshevik rev We have in mind particularly an absurd} pamphlet written by Karl Radek which was translated in English under the | title “Socialism From Science to Action,” and published in 1919 as the first | pamphlet of the Communist Party of America as it took the first feeble| steps of its infantile existence. The burden of the thing was that Marx and| Engels had developed socialism from utopia to science, and that the Bol- | sheviks had developed it from science to action, This illusion was blasted | most thorough. has written his work. the Murg,” Lenin, and it is in the spirit of Leninism that eer * * * | | There are a few points in the book that are inadequate. While dealing | with German philosophy, particularly Hegel and Feuerbach, as the starting | point for Mar tem, certain errors creep in. Especially is this so when| the author deals with Heine’s criticism of the “Critique of Pure Reason” and} “Critique of Practical Reason” of Kant, which criticism tries to prove that it was t personal influence of a servant who was religious that caused Kant to leave a place in his philosophic system for a god after he had proved that such a phenomenon was unnecessary. | iazanov should have followed this with a criticism of Heine’s| rr it, showing that it was his entire environment and not merely | the pathetic presence of a servant who could not be happy without religion+ that determined the contradictions in the Kantian system. | Another de arture from the general excellence of the book is to be found | in that section of the work ((pp. 38 to 40) which contends that Engels was | exceedingly anti-religious because his father was religious; while Marx was | somewhat indifferent because his home environment imposed no religious! epinions upon him. This can hardly be reconciled with the fact that all of | the anti-religious work of Engels during the life of Marx was discussed | jointly by them. Furthermore the inference that Engels’ violent assaults | upon religion was a result of religious oppression in his youth is a departure | from Marxism and smacks too much of the prevailing pseudo-psychology that considers all acts as revolts against some sort of former restraint. | Also we are of the opinion that Comrade Riazanov’s assertion that | Engels erred in his history of the Communist League, written in 1885, is far | from substantiated by his arguments and we will accept the words of Engels regarding his own role and that of Marx rather than any alleged “new discoveries” of investigators, and it is hardly likely that any account that challenges Engels will be pted as authentic now or at any future time by the international revolutionary movement, No one claims infallibil- ity for the founders of the movement, but we do contend that no one is more competent than Engels to write of his own experiences. ‘ The author also should have more carefully elaborated the quarrel be- tween Marx and Bakunin and explained the deep aversion of Marx for that unprincipled and very shady adventurer. 6 * * | Despite its shortcomings Riazanov’s book is a real contribution, expe-| cially valuable for students of the revolutionary movement in the United States, where our Party is very young and where but few workers are fa-| miliar with the life and works of Marx and Engels. Certainly this work) of Riazanov is the very best that can be obtained in English and it would! be absurd even to compare it with such atrocious and disgusting accounts as that of John Spargo, or the occasional writings of Morris Hillquit, which insult the memory of Marx and Engels. | There are some parts of Riazanov’s book that are invaluable, such, for | instance, as that section dealing with the influence ‘of the Civil War in} America upon the labor movement in Europe. How many workers, even in} the ranks of the advanced section of the labor movement, know that the| Civil War was a dominant factor among the objective conditions that brought | about the formation of the First International? | | Another splendid section is that dealing with Marx’s inaugural address |to the winning of higher wages or “A Tremendous Lesson” (The New York Times Takes the Right Wing to Its Bossom.) By WILLIAM F. DUNNE HE report of the Labor Department York state is utilized by y York Times of October 21) four purposes: | t, to take a crack at the strike} Q weapon of labor, second, to do a little lyin: bout the Communists, | third, to pose as a friend the | unions, and fourth, to give aid and} to the right wing in the] needle des. | The Times bemoans the fact that ording to the labor department's | gures, 7,350,000 working days were lost during the la: ar thru strikes The strike of cloakma&kers accounts] for 75 per cent of this lost working | time. Instead of striking, the cloak- makers should have been engaged, according to the Times, in turning} out profits for the bosses, happy in| the knowledge that as part of the industrial machine they were adding to the wealth of th’ eat and pr perous family known as the Amer-| ican nation. Slight of Hand. By some mathematical ight-of- | hand the Times editorial writer ar-| rives at the conclusion that 6,580,000 | workdays, or 90 per cent of the total} were lost thru needle trades strik Horrified by the thot of workers| who were absent for so long a period from the fetid air of clothing lofts| and the whirl of power machines, | the Times hunts for the disturbing | factor and with an unerring instinct | shared by Green, Woll, Lewis, Sig- man and other bankrupt and reac-| tionary official leaders of the Amer-| ican labor movement, discovers that the Communists are to blame. The Times rejects the idea that| the needle trades strikes were for wage increases and for recognition | of the unions. “The strikes were not industrial warfare in the ordinary sense,” says the Times. “The issue,” it continues, “was control of the unions in the interest of the Com- munist philosophy.” “This,” the learned editorial writer states, “does not attach importance the for I a of comfor better working conditions. . . Three Lies in Six Lines. In‘six lines the Times tells three lies. The high average percentage of falsehood in the Times editorials is always exceeded when dealing with Communists and Commuhism. First, the cloakmakers’ strike was for wage demands and organization of the non-union shops, for the 40- hour week and other working con- ditions already obtained by the fur- fiers in their strike, The strike pro- gram of the union was adopted at a huge meting in Madison Square Gar- den which the Times reported. Second, the right wing leaders, the left wing leaders, and the Commun- ists in the union, all voted for the strike and for the demands. The decision on these questions was un- animous. his is a complete refutation of the claim that the strike was called to advance the interests of the Com- unists and the Communist Party as against the interests of the union and the workers. Communist Policy. Third, the policy by which all Communist Parties are guided in their trade union activity, was re- formulated and elaborated at the meeting of the Enlarged Executive} of the Communist International held February-March, 1926, The instruc-| tions state: “To enable Communists to take up a correct attitude in all move- ments which bring the workers in- to conflict with capitalism, Com- munist Parties must make care- ful examination of all the factors of the concrete conditions of all such struggles: the nature of the business of the factory or factory groups, the bulk and genuineness of the orders placed, the connec- tion and mutual interrelation of | of the various factories, syndicates and trusts, the organized strength and capaelty for resistance of the employers and also the strength of the trade union organization and the readiness for struggle of | both organized and unorganized | workers, the possibility of the strike spreading and its political consequences,” Why are Communist Parties in- structed to secure this detailed in-j| formation? | Why is it not only false but stupid | to say that Communists do not “at- tach importance to the winning of higher wages or better working con- ditions . . .?” Dealing with these questions in his | pamphlet “The Threat to the Labor before the st International, a masterly apy tion of the tactic that is! Movement,” published by the Work- now known as “the united front,” and which proves that this is not some-| ers (Commu: ist) Party, William F.j thing new or astonishing in the revolutionary movement but has always been| Dunne sa: _one of the fundamental principles of Commu: i | For the student or the general reader who desires to know the factors | {determining the development of Marx and Engels from the radical ‘bourgeois | “movement to Communism, from neo-Hegelianism to historical = | - }the work of Comrade Riazanov is indispensable and we expect a wide use of Sit in all the educational institutions of the left wing of the labor movement. ; —H. M. WICKS, THIS COLUMN WILL APPEAR AGAIN ON WEDNESDAY. i Ya The Reasons. “The answer is obvious. Communist Parties want the w ers to WIN. It goes without saying that if Communists can not show | workers, their class, how to win | strikes, or how to better their con- ditions without a strike at times, then it is very unlikely that the working class will follow the lead of the Communists in a revolution- ary struggle against capitalism The | their “honesty and devotion to the cause of the working class if... Communists are ‘to be in a posi- tion to give exact directions and to ensure that they take the lead in all proletarian ‘counters with capitalism.’ ” The Times editorial writer pauses to wipe away a few tears from eyes imming over at the thot of the sacrifices imposed on the workers” by the left wing and then, from the ame magical silk hat which came the marvelous collection of figures, referred to above, produces a brilli- ant bouquet and hands it to the right wing leadership which has accom- plished the meritorious feat of estab- lishing, with the help of the A. F. of L. leadership, the police and the | bosses, the open shop in an industry formerly fairly well organized. Because it wants to do well by its} right wing proteges, and from force} of habit, the Times tells two more| It says: “Self-preservation has brought back the great mass of workers to the moderate leadership which would have avoided the strike. The unions have been recognized. . . .” The Proteges. The Times, organ of ihe most powerful section of the American capitalist class, takes Sigman, the socialist. party bureaucracy, the Jewish Daily Forward, the special A. F. of L. committee and their gangster-police-frame-up auxiliaries to its ample bossom.” In that snug shelter they nestle most comfortably except that from time to time they utter little shrieks of alarm as a Communist approaches, Another Lie. But the needle trades workers are not with them. Nor is the right wing union a union in anything but name. Neither is it “recognized” by the bosses except as an instrument they can use to lower wages and worsen working conditions. That is why the .| Times praises its leadership. “What was intended as a lesson in class war,” says the Times, “has turned out a tremendous lesson against it.” Once more the Times lies. In no section of the labor move- ment, with the possible exception of the coal miners union, have the work- ers received such training in the class struggle and such concrete proof of the anti-working class role of the trade union bureaucracy and the so- cialist party leadership, as they have in the needle trades. Who Termed the Terror. The workers have seen reactionary trade union officials testifying against strikes and pickets in the courts of the capitalist class. They> have seen the right wing leadership in a united front with the bosses and the government. They have seen the socialist leaders and the socialist press justify everything from in- junctions to the attempts to murder of strikes and left wing leaders . The workers have seen the Fur Workers Union expelled from the A. F. of L. after it established the 40- hour week. They have seen the frame-up worked by right wing lead- ers to railroad strikers and pickets to | prison. The workers have seen The Times, and now see it again, as part of the united front of reaction. The Communists and the left wing are building the unions again. They are the only ones that can and will organize the needle trades. “The great mass of the workers” in the needle trades have not rejected the class war. On the contrary they know better than ever, there has been burned into their minds by the strug- gle, the knowledge that “the moderate leadership” lauded by The Times is a corrupt and incompetent bosses’ leadership, that the class war is a fact that enters in all the daily struggles of the labor movement, that against the united front of reaction reaching from The Times to the socialist New Leader, there must be opposed by the united front of the working class. On one point we can agree with The Times, The needle trades strug- gle has been “a tremendous lesson.” But not against the Communist and the class war. Workers of Marseilles Greet Leningrad Trade Council; Laud U.S.S.R. MOSCOW, Oct. 23.—The Leningrad Gubernia Trade Council has received from French workers in Marseilles the following letter: “Dear Comrades: At the time when the U. S. S. R. workers are prepar- ing for the celebration of the Tenth Anniversary of the October Revolu- tion which has freed them once for all from dictatorship, capitalist the | Eighth Unitarian District of the Mar- seilles and the Amalgamated Uni- tarian Unions of Marseilles, which have thousands of workers in their ranks, send greetings to you. We implore our Russian brothers to continue with their work of build- ing up Socialism in the U. S. S. R, regardless of all difficulties and even of the danger of an attack on the U.S. S. R. by the capitalist countries. | movements of a robot makes his in- A Labor Eiay “The Belt” at the The first attempt to portray the American speed-up system of produc- tion on the stage, is now shaking the | foundations of Greenwich Village and | shocking Times Square thru the! medium of “The Belt,” a three act play by Paul Sifton appearing at The Playwright’s Theatre, 40 Commerce Street. The author gives a fairly convinc- ing picture of modern industry which reduces the slaves of the machine to} mere human caricutures thru grind-| ing monotony of their work and the! uncertainty that hangs over their economic lives. This is accomplished | by the aid of machinery that whirls | and groans as an endless stream of | ears moves swiftly on “The Belt” while the slave with the regular dividual contribution to the finished product. “The Bert” attempts to show the havoc created by the speed-up system on the family, the tired husband un- able to gratify a frivolous wife’s eraving for light pleasure, with the| Playwrights Theatre Is a Wallop at the Industrial Speed-up System |pended on to conduct themselves in the fellow whose voice sounds sus- piciously like that of one of the! flunkeys who accompanied “The Old! Man” to the Thompson home, be as- | signed to the duty of supplying the bawling members of the mob with! throat lozenges after the would-be/ lynching scene. The only place I} know where a real mob scene can be witnessed is Union Square unless it be a cafeteria. I am in favor of sub- stituting robots for human beings in mob scenes, with the exception of the leading characters who may be de- a manner that will permit the audi- ence to hear what is being said pro- vided there is anything worth while to be heard. 2 The last act is just one more. Of course it is meant to be symbolical. The machine age and the jazz age. “The Belt” and the Black Bottom. The | - whirling of the dynamos and the tapping of the drumsticks. The groaning of “The Belt” and the wail- ing of the saxaphones. The last act is worse than just a third act with fo oe CESaaaaSaS= ROBERTA BEATTY One of the principals in the new play “The Love Call,” which opens tonight at Chanin’s Majestic Theatre. And lest anybody should think that this is not a workers theatre, there is t! big red flag over the entrance and Mike Gold, one’ of the “Big Five” in the Playwright’s Theatre modestly If the latter should really carry out their plan, Marseilles workers will and the capitalist state.” “Communist Parties have to prove their capability as well as come to the defense of Soviet Russia. Long Live the Russian Revolution! Onwards towards World Revolution!” result that infidelity raisés its ugly | PUrPose to serve. It is stupid. Pro-jhanding out circulars.—T. J. 0. head and disaster threatens to engulf |letarian eyes that had witnessed many | Flaherty. the home of a once happy proletarian | industrial struggles, that saw men ——_—__—__—__ family. eee ah aoe vant had al eee eae ae ARP ee ; : ae jnessed police clubbing strikers and} “The Good Hope,” the new Civic ele cae ne the | arresting them, popped with amaze-| Repertory Theatre production, will terest of a “benevolent” master is| Met a8 flappers streamed into a|pe given three performances this pictured when “The Old Man” in-|} tended to‘represent Henry Ford visits a loyal worker who served ten years on “The Belt” without the loss of a day, pins a medal on his chest in recognition of faithful service, and outdances him, This contribution to the dramatiza- tion of our modern factory slave-sys- tem is made by Mr. Siftom in the first act. From then on he flounders, and like a drowning man grasps at every straw that promises salvation, dragging in an unklux-like K. K. K.} mob, an artificial love scene which would pass for a fairly realistic pet- ting party, a strike leader who acts | like a City College student practising | for an initiation in a fraternal order, | and a strike scene with wailing saxa- phones, mammy string music and blackbottoming flappers, pulling workmen off ‘The Belt” despite “The Old Man’s” urgent pleas to stick to their jobs and not to go back on him. | The “revolt” ends with ‘pieces of | machinery bouncing off the stage, the appearance of half a dozen cossacks with shotguns, the arrest of the strike leader and the curtain falls on a speech, in which the strike leader admits that he can do nothing for the workers, they can do nothing, nobody can do anything, perhaps, perhaps, perhaps.... Twenty years from now, they may get somewhere, but anyhow they had the satisfaction of telling the boss to go to hell, to stand on their hind legs and hit “The Belt” below. z “The Belt” goes artistically off the shaft when the author greases it| with moral froth that forms on the| lips of the phobic proletarian husband when he finds his daughter and her! lover asleep on the couch at 2 a. m.| in the morning. Instead of going nutty over the sight, the average pro-| letarian would tip-toe noiselessly back to bed, awaken his wife and) whisper in her ear that the prob- | ability of their daughter being! married to her beau is now practically cinched. And if this prediction turned out to be a dud, the parents would console themselves with the thot that | their daughter’s refrigerated lover didn’t amount to much anyhow. Why are couches in proletarian sitting rooms? This useful piece of furn- iture was invented before the movies and is now seeing the flivver’s dust as a hot bed of love-making, but there | ~ was a time when a couch was a couch and no ambitious father with a marriagable daughter would con- sider his house completely furnished without it. Mr. Sifton’s proletarian family is too tired. Had Mr. Thompson gone down to his cellar and imbibed a few beakers of the beer he was afraid Ford’s snifflers would locate, instead of talking about it, we might have a better first act. worried as much about the trifles as the author of “The Belt” would have us believe industrialized countries would be one gigantic madhouse. Bill Vance, the strike leader, rattles his words out like brick going down a chute. His slang is too perfect. And it is hardly likely that a young revel worker would refer to a radical speaker whose program he accepts, as a “bull artist.” Mr. Sifton’s strike- leader is a futile individual. Indéed, outside of the fact that his stomach can look a revolver in the eye with- out collapsing, there is little excuse for his presence. This is no reflec- tion on Mr. Lawrence Bolton who plays the role. The K. K. K. mob of gesticulating males and gum-chewing females that is called in to initiate the strike- leader into the mysteries of an up-to- date lynching, leaves us cold. Lynch- ing mobs are businesslike and do their job expeditiously lest the in- tended victim should accidentally dis- cover a live lobe in their brain cavities and start them thinking. The leader of Mr. Sifton’s mob was the worst offender against expeditious- ness. While he gaped and posed Bill Vance and Nancy Thompson turned his “belt” patriots into rebels and they left him holding the bag. If this mob wouldn’t mind take a little bit of friendly advice, I suggest that the gum ration be reduced and that ctl | by her lines and is “like a candle that If the workingelass | . factory and by the use of swaying induced. the workers to leap from| their jobs into the arms of the sirens | | whose calls had more drawing power | than the admonition of “The Old, Man” to stay on the job. | And why. the machine-smashing? | The old days when the workers were foolish enough to believe that the! machine was the cause of their econ- omic trouble, that it was industrial | efficiency instead of the private) ownership of the productive machine did them out their jobs, are gone. And what strike leader would admit in the crisis of a struggle that he, could do nothing for the workers and | that nothing could be done, except! perhaps in the dim and distant fu-! ture? But hats off to Mr. Paul Sif- ton’s police captain who stood like aj gentleman with drawn revolver while the strike leader he had declared un- der arrest delivered his message of despair to the strikers. While believing it necessary to ap- ply the rod of castigation to “The Belt’s” artistic hide, in spots it must be understood that this play is written for the workers with the best of in- intentions,.and that the group of ar- tists that have undertaken the task of producing labor plays should be supported and encouraged by the workers. There is little art in “The Belt,” but here and there, there are good chunks of propaganda. Gail De Hart as Nancy Thompson, the factery stenographer, does well gleams in the window at night” thru the first two acts. Mr. Sifton knows his flapper. Ross Matthews makes one feel like hurling a brick at Jim Thompson occasionally and George N. Price as ‘The Old Man” is good jin the last act tho too dumb in the first. Jane Barry as Flora Thompson is handicapped by a role that makes | her pipe like a male marcurist. week; on Tuesday and Wednesday | hips and sensuous bodily contortions | evenings and Saturday matinee. “The Cradle Song,” will be played on Mon- day and Friday nights and Wednes- day matinee. “Three Sisters,” will retun to the repertoire on Thursday and be repeated Saturday night. “The Love Call,” the new musical play, based on “Arizona,” will have its premiere at Chanin’s Majestic Theatre this evening. The Palace bill this week includes: Eddie Leonard; Blossom Seeley with Benny Fields and Charles Bourne and Phil Ellis; Jay Brennan and Stanley Rogers; John T. Murray and Vivian Oakland; Jean Adair and Company; Gaudsmith Brothers and Co. Sam H. Harris’ next production will be “The Medicine Man,” a comedy by Elliott Lester. The cast which is now in rehearsal includes; Minor Watson, Howard Lang, Mayo Methot, Clyde North, John Daly Murphy, Ralph Locke, Bruce Evans, William John- stone and Stephen Zebrock. George Jessel’s next picture is to be called “The Broadway Kid” and its chief character is said to fit him like the proverbial glove: Byron Has- kins is to direct this picture, the story of which was written by Anthony Coldeway. VAUDEVILLE BILL AT MOSS’ BROADWAY RIVALS ANY ALONG THE “STREET” Kitty Doner heads the vaudeville bill at B. S. Moss’ Broadway this week. Al K. Hall and the Wilton Sisters, are the other headliners. “Underworld” is the screen feature. BUY THE DAILY WORKER AT THE NEWSSTANDS J io Wheatre, 41 St. W. of B | National [fYs's:s0. Mts Wed.@Sat.):30 | “The Trial of Mary Dugan” y Bayard Veiller, with | ANN HARDING—REX CHERRYMAN Wm. Fox presents the Motion Picture Ss U N R I S ik Directed by 8 FW. MURNAU | By HERMANN SUDERMANN } Symphonic Movietone Accompaniment | ‘ ‘Thea., 42a St., W. of Bwa: Times Sq. pwr DAILY, 2:30-3:30. POPULAR PRICES. Best seats $2.20. CORT THEATRE, 48th St..| E. of B'way. Eves, 8: nees Wed. and Sat. at 2 “Audience Quaked Delightediy.” —Woolleott, World. aewest Shudder FULTON gw. CIVIC REPERTORY THEA. | 14 St. & 6 Ave, Prices 50c to $1.50 EVA LE GALLIENNE Tonight—"“THE CRADLE SONG" «8 8 Era £39 | Wed & Sat, 2.39 The LADDER} RACU .. H WALTER E N in Ibsen's comedy “AN ENEMY OF THE PEOPLE” Hampden’s “"ivenings’ at 8:30. Matinees Wednesday and Saturday 2:20 The Desert Song Ha with Robt. y & Eddie Buszeli th Month nd The Theatre Guild Presents PORG Matinee Performanie . | Pues. ‘Thurs. & Fri, /at 3 ‘d | A. H. Woods and Arch Selwyn Present ‘The Don Russian Quartette re Direet from Paris and Londdn. In a Series of Russian Songs. Sents Now—Prices 500 to $2. Plus Tax. I 1 EES) DO) RV ee The NewPlaywrights Theatre i “The Theatre Insurgent” Sheridan Square Sta, West Side Subway. THE ONLY HOME FOR LABOR PLAYS IN AMERICA § COMMERCE sr, Announces a season of productions dramatizing the class war! THE BELT An industrial platy with an acetylene flame Other plays by PAUL SIFTON. o be selected grom SINGING JAILBIRDS, by Upton) Sinclair THE CENTURIES, by lim Jo Basshe HOBOKEN BLUES, By Michael Gold ‘ and ae ae PICNIC, byt Francis Edwards Faragoh AIRWAYS, INC, by John Dos a play by Jolin Howard Lawso: Passos rn Tickets on sale at DALLY worn office, 108 Ent Mth Street.