The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 16, 1927, Page 4

Page Four THE DAIL Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. Daily, Except Sunday Phone, Orchard 1680 “Daiwork” $3 First Street, New York, Cc Address Pe SUBSCRIPTION RATES is By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per years $3.50 six months i $2.00 three months ¥ WORKER Trends in the American Labor Movement as Shown Flies in the Worker-Employer Co-operation Ointment: RWareEE AL and make out checks t By WILLIAM F. DUNNE. THE DAILY WORI 3 First t, New York, N. Y. IL. fon = ae = miata ie ae IF we understand that the official J, LOUIS E Editors labor leadership has staked all on WILLIAM F. DUNNE a policy of “peace in industry,” work- y., unger RT MILLER. . Entered « F ; N. r cooperation which s strikes unnecessary,” and the establishment of various profit-mak- by Recent Developments derestimate the influence of the de-!try, is fighting for its existence. bacle of trade union capitalism in the) Actually of course the weakening B. of L. E. upon the rest of the | of the union by these methods has re- labor m ment simply because it is| sulted in its having to fight under a not affiliated with the A. F. of L.| tremendous handicap. and because, by reason of its invest- ments in scab coal mines, it came into conflict with A. F. of L. officialdom. {es leadership of the U.M.W. A. has * followed a poli which can mean nothing but destruction for the de- A Muddled Socialist I Becomes a S HE young theatrical season has at least one first rate comedy to its credit which is on exhibition at the Fulton Theatre. “Yellow Sands” by Eden and importation ay a Amusing Play nherits a Fortune and ocial Worker | of the best work of that other accom- plished English comedian, 0. P. Heg- gie. The rather weak and insipid character of Joe, the socialist, is made realistic in the hands of Lester Mat- n application. 4 4 when they arise to onan the creation of a labor party, The Whole Labor Movement Must Know That the Lewis Machine Is Leading the United Mine Workers to Destruction. The Lewis machine in the United Mine Workers, in the face of the national drive on the union by the coal barons and the government, is continuing the suicidal policy of trying to make district settlements. The coal barons, knowing that this is the policy of the Lewis machine, knowing that its continuation means the progressive weakening of the union, are refusing even district settlements on the forr basis of the Jacksonville «wage scale ($7.50 per day) as they did the other day in Illinois? Tinois, I ct 12 of the union, is the best organized section of the bituminous fields. The attempt to make an independent settlement there by the Lewis administration means that Lewis to do exactly what Farrington, former president of the district and since exposed as a paid agent of the Peabody Coal Company, tried to do in 1922—break the Illinois ‘section of the United Mine Workers away from the rest of the organization. The Lewis machine has so: far “fought every attempt to organize relicf on a hational scale for the strike, now in its sixth month. This, combined with the attempt to make district settle- ments, assures the oper that the strike has no honest and capable leadership and they are able therefore to bide their time ling enterprises financed by the union membership, we will appreciate the extent of the recent blows dealt this policy by such developments as: 1 The advocacy of the 10-hour day *for railroad shop-workers by Daniel Willard, president of the Baltimore and Ohio. It was with the aid of Daniel Wil- lard that William Johnston, former president of the International As- sociation of Machinists, foisted the notorious “B. and O.” plan first up- on the machinists and then, with the aid of the other officials and the A. F. of L. executive council, upon other railway unions. The principle in- volved, the enlistment of the unions directly as part of the profit-making machinery, with the necessary ef- ficiency provisions, now is accepted completely by the official labor leadership, | The refusal of the mediation (3 board set up in compliance with) the provisions of the Watson-Parker | law to grant wage increases to the conductors and trainmen on 55 west- ern railroads. The Watson-Parker law, which is the legalization of the B. and O. plan, was supported jointly by the heads of the railway unions and the railway executiv It is designed to pre vent strikes and its enactment is an while procuring sweeping federal injunctions to fight the strike acknowledpementenaeantnl Ger | and smash the union in sections, like southern and eastern Ohio dom of a community of interest| where the rank and file is putting up a militant struggle. shared by the railway capitalists and| * The conduct of the ¢ strike to date by the official union |the railway workers. By its pro- leadership affords one of the most tragic spectacles in American | VPs She (ta aeay wubne are) 1DAde Before the eyes of the labor movement the most the American Federation of Labor is being ronted with a solid wall of opposition from fhe coal barons and the government, the Lewis machine, bold enough in the last five years in persecutions of Communist and | left wing memb of the union, is showing a defeatist spirit which has a most sinister aspect for the whole labor movement. Tied by a thousand strings to the chambers of commerce, aternal orders and political parties which are weapons of the eSp'talist class, having failed to placate the enemies of the labor movement by its open war upon the most loyal and militant mem- | bers. of the union, having by agreement with the coal barons labor history. important union in beaten down. Conf wmdriven out of the union and the industry some 120,000 miners, H having failed to organize the non-union fields that are strangling * the union to death, the Lewis machine, incompetent and rotten to the core with corruption, can no longer pose before the labor mevement as a shining example of “constructive labor leadership.” It can neither build the union in times of comparative peace nor lead it successfully in a strike struggle. This crooked and incompetent leadership must go. The danger which the United Mine Workers Union faces is by no means a question for the miners alone. It is a question | that must be brought to the attention of the whole labor move-| ment, the whole labor movement must be made familiar with the “Save the Union’ program of the militant section of the union and | the tremendous blow to the labor movement that will be dealt by | the defeat of the coal miners must be emphasized. | The United Mine Workers union must be saved and built in spite of the Lewis machine and the whole labor movement must | know this. | Lining Up the South for A. Smith. Wall Street agents are busy in the south in behalf of the candidacy of Governor Al. Smith of New York for the democratic | nomination for president of the United States. spend considerable time and money in an effort to break thru| the hide-bound prejudices of native born, nordic, protestant, 100) per cent Americans in the southern states, from whence sprang | the Ku Klux Klan, in order to put over the Roman catholic fav- | exite of the imperialist bandits of New York. * The biggest venture thus far in behalf of Smith’s candidacy in the south is the purchase of a chain of powerful newspapers by Roger Caldwell, a Nashville, Tennessee, business man, and Colonel Luke Lea, former United States senator. These ventures were financed by the electric power trust. The papers purchased to} aid in the Smith campaign are the fdmous Atlanta Constitution, the Memphis Commercial Appeal, the Memphis Evening Appeal and the Nashville Tennesseean. ; Thus Wall Street takes steps that will assure its domination of the democratic national convention as well as of the republican | party (already completely dominated by Mellon & Co.) which will enable it to dictate the selections of both candidates heading the old party tickets. To be sure the backers of the Caldwell-Lea chain of news- papers do not delude themselves with the idea that Smith will be elected to the presidency. But they will use the Smith can-/ didacy for specific national politigal gains. Their aim is to secure | thé domination of southern deniocracy by the eastern wing of that party and place in the houses of congress pliant tools who will carry out Wall Street policy and eliminate the middle class, ‘spokesmen who frequently and.yviolently conflict with the main | line of the party, especially on international policy. | Also, the inéustrialization of the,south makes it imperative that the dominant political partyin that-pait of the country be completely subservient to the interests “of the industrialists who, | for the most part, are backed by eastern:capital. | It will be interesting to observe the reaction of the Tam-| _ many labor fakers of New York to this: exposure of the backers ‘of Smith’s candidacy, They will have a difficult time explaining | their support of the candidate of the anti-union power trust. | j Through their political alliance with Tammany the labor lieuten- | ants of capitalism are directly connected with the most vindic- ‘tive enemies of labor in the ranks of the powerful capitalist com- | Dinations. This fact must be made plain to the rank and file of | the trade unions so that the labor politicians may be discredited part of the railway machinery and} strikes practically outlawed. The denial of wage increases re-| ferred to is the, first instance where the law has been used for this pur-| pose—something the union heads seem not to have taken into consid-| eration as a possibility, Operating directly as part of the} government, the Watson-Parker law now appears as an agency hostile to! the railway workers in contradistinc- | tion to the description of its purposes furnished . the membership of the unions. when their endorsement for it was secured. 3. The collapse of the great finan- * cial. structure reared by the of- figialdom of the Brotherhood of Loco- motive Engineers. It would be a grave mistake to un- These are matters of minor im- portance compared with the fact that | the trade union capitalism of the B. cisive sections of the union.and sur-| render to a form of company unionism | by those sections which the coal London Adelaine Phill-| thews. Madge Burbage is excellent potts, authors / in the role of the maiden aunt. The of the “Farm-| remainder of the cast is well-balanced jof L. | parable only to the blow sustained by| 3, the largest local union in the In- . was the model after which atterned A. F. of L. policy in field. URING the lifg of the Conference for Progressive Political Action, headed by Johnston of the Machinists Union, many A. F. of L. Unions came talism as practiced by the B. of L. E.} headed at that time by Warren Stone. | Labor officialdom was intrigued by | the 7 ibilities of trade union capi- talism as practiced by the B. of L. E. and, as it had lost both hope and de-} sire ‘to build a militant labor move- ment, it quickly endorsed trade union capitalism as the logical extension of -employer cooperation in in-| barons allow to t. The Lewis policy, which is A. F. of L. policy applied to the miners’ union, can no longer be defended _success- fully before the rank and file of the labor movement. 'VIDENCE in apport of this con- clusion is furnished by the recent convention of District 1, (anthracite now the largest district in the’ union} with some 85,000 membe where | President Cappelini was defeated on the two questions of lengthening the} term of officers to four years and) the censuring of the district and na- | tional off for failing to secure and enforce the check-off in the} agreement negotiated following the| (0 one can say how many articles | /@st pune: i , | have been written and how many Such developments, in view of the} speeches made by trade union offi control of the union machinery by cials on the subject of labor bank-| the Lewis administration, are an in= ing, labor insurance and labor invest-| ‘ication of a deepgoing dissatisfac- ment companies pointing to the foot one tie rank and eile! of L. E. enterprises as shining ex- TN the building trades industry, amples, but there have been plenty—| where more than a million workers especially inthe official proceedings are organized, where the unions have of the railway unions. been almost immune from attack for the last four years and where wage HE collapse in the B. of L, E. of | increases h been the order of. the the grandiose schemes fot freeing | day, the unions are now meeting with yorkers ‘by making them capitalists | defeat, as in the case of the plumbers is a blow therefore to the whole! and painters in New York recently. policy of:trade union capitalism com-| Electrical Workers Local Union No. the defection of the general Daniel | ternational Brotherhood of Electrical Willard from the theory of “peace in| Work has been notified by the] industry” thru the B. and 0. plan. Contractors Association, | Electr Furthermore, the whole affair is| headed by Eidlitz, (a fellow officer | of a character which the trade union; of Matthew Woll of the National | membership can understand quite | Civic Federation) that the existing | easily since it is tainted with the odor | contract will not be renewed when it | of graft and corruption they are| expires on December 31. familiar with in the more prosaic ac- | HE building trades bosses are HGS OTE GY maintaining relations with the old HERE are other flies in the worker- | officials of Local Union 8, (the de- employer cooperation ointment. posed corruptioni , establishing a} The United Mine -Workers, the | Sort of bosses’ union among the elec- most important union in the A. F. of | trical workers as well as in other sec- L., in spite of all the efficiency union- tions of the building trades. ism proposals tendered the operators; The conclusion to be drawn is that by the Lewis machine, in spite of the in the building industry, where boom | offer to make district gettlements, in| conditions have prevailed up to a} spite of the carrying out of the un-| short time ago, the bosses are pre-| | derstanding between the Lewis mach- | paring to fight the unions rather than }ine and, the coal barons by which! give further wage increases. (All | thousands of union miners were sys- | authorities agree that a serious slump |and going in for social uplift, mean- | while insisting that he will force the, tematically driven out of the indus-'in building is taking place.) The Party's Shortcom NOTE: This is the fifth install- ment of the report for the Political Committee made by Jay Lovestone, at the recent Fifth National Con- vention of the Workers (Commu- | nist) Party held in New York City. This installment deals with “The Party’s Shortcomings, Mistakes and Problems.” * 2. About the trade union problems: * * | These will be dealt with at length in la subsequent report. Let me state |that it is a basic problem for us to get our members to an increasing, to a larger extent into the existing unions. Our Party has had the cor- It is necessary to) oot position towards organizing new difficulties. Our leading comrades in| unions and towards the whole problem of dual unionism. Our position has been that wherever possible we must utilize the existing trade unions in the organization of the unorganized. If because of the trade union bureau- cracy, if because of the opposition of the labor lieutenants of American im- perialism, the existing unions refuse to do it, then our Party must not stop,. but must go ahead in spite of these factors and go into campaigns, as in Passaic, and organize the un- organized. Once we have organized the workers, our primary task is to) get these newly organized workers into the main stream of the organized labor movement, which today happens to be the Amerfean Federation of La- bor. The conservatism, the class- collaboration schemes, the lack of militancy in the leadership of these unions, are not arguments against our bringing. these masses into the unions. Bringing these masses into the unions does not mean handing them over to the labor fakers. It is necessary to bring in a new stream, a new current from the unorganized workers to tap this great reservoir of mflitaney in order to make more virile and revolutionize the existing unions. The Party can more easily establish leadership over those who have not been poisoned by the bourgeois agents now largely constituting the official labor leadership. Any attitude toward the bureau. eracy of viewing it as one homogen ous mass would be fa The role of the bureaucracy, it is true, is that of imperialist agents today. But in the trade union bureaucracy there are divisions. These divisions must be) utilized, no matter how small they be. | Every breach in the front of the bour- | geoisie is an opening for the Commu- nists. And as Communists we dare not close our eyes to them. It is true there are defects’ in our! campaigns of counter-attack to meet 7 i ears cuacati ‘properly in its trade union work. In| the revolution. the capitalist offensive. It as we this question the attitude toward the tered the third stage in its Chinese ings, Mistakes and Problems jwill be expelled, we will meet with) left wing, the attitude toward the | defeat after defeat in this fight, but | conservative unions, the attitude to- defeats and expulsions are no cause | ward the bureaucracy—these will de- for pessimism. We must fight for | termine the chances of our success to leadership in these labor organiza- meet the offensive. |tions. We will make mistakes; such | A few words about the war |mistakes as attempting to fight! danger and struggle against American | merely for the sake of holding office.| imperialism. A subsequent reporter | Our policy must be as it has been, | will deal at length with that. The rather to take chances of making mis-| Federal Reserve Bank of America is takes and being in action, than being | today the central bank of the world. | pure, without making mistakes at the | In Latin America, in the last seven price of inactivity, ) years, the American ruling class has Mistakes have been made by our| invested as much as the British ruling ‘comrades in the needle trades. But ‘lass has invested in the last hundred the CEC has criticized these mistakes |Ye2"s. In Nicaragua, in Mexico, | | which were made under the greatest American imperialism has become | more and more arrogant. Coolidge’s \the needle trades have made serious |Tecent declaration, of policy towards mistakes. To an extent the CEC has | Central America is a declaration of made mistakes, here also. All of | M0Te aggressiveness, showing the in- |these mistakes have been made in the | CTC2s'n& Wash Gl ei ate ti fi of the greatest hardships. Our | Perialism. (3 is of the opinion that the com-| We must not forget the role of radés in the needle trades, working | American imperialism in the Orient. | |under the most serious objective aie: | american policy in the Orient re- |ficulties, working in the face of the volves largely around its attitude to- spearhead of the onrushing offensive |W@?d China, toward Japan and the} ‘against our Party, have made costly | United States colonial possessions. errors. These errors have been criti-|The American Chinese policy can be cized inside the Party, and publicly. divided into three main stages, here Our CEC is convinced that the com-;and there overlapping, yet on the rades who @made these mistakes are| Whole indicating definite demarcation coming nearer to the Party line and | points of imperialist policy. we believe that everye step must be ‘The first stage is that of the open taken to make these comrades door. It must be remembered that nt Communist leaders in the| American imperialism was a late- class struggle. These comrades who comev in Chinese exploitation, In the! have experience in the practical tests | first stage American imperialism was | of the cl struggle are becoming fighting for equality of booty—for |much better Communists. Our CEC the open door | s_ convinced that no factional use! As An should be made by any grouping in| was bein n imperialist prowess} . ers’ Wife” which ran ,for more than two year: in London and was _ presented here a year ago with Mr. and Mrs. Coburn in the cast, wrote the present Wi . play. on Coleman The scene is laid in the fishing village of Yellow Sands, Devon. The Varwells vegetate as a respectable English family in this setting. All are conservative with the exception of Joe, who is considered hopelessly lost because of his constant and fervent denunciations of the capitalists and his concern for the “under-dogs,” the million or more British workers living on the unem- ployment dole. He calls himself a socialist and his outbreaks classify him as an apostle of Landsbury,| whose radicalism is a queer mixture of reformism and christianism. His uncle, Richard Varwell, is a heavy drinking, good-natured mendi- cant, living off the rest of the family, and proclaims himself a conservative, insisting that he is endowed with superior brains and that the world owes him a living. When a maiden lady, the wealthy member of the is discovered that her estate is left in the hands of the “socialist.” In- stantly he proposes to divide his in- heritance with the unemployed. The old sot of an uncle takes a pencil and paper and shows him that his money would not be sufficient to buy a bo: of matches for each of those living on the dole. _In this scene there is much super. ficial capitalist class bunk about capi- tal existing so that labor can have work. The sentimental young man is finally persuaded that he can do much more for the unemployed by giving some of them work, than by giving away his fortune. One strongly suspects that the authors are taking a sly slap at reformism in general, Finally’ Joe Varwell consoles him-, self with erecting a seamen’s home bricklayers to do a full day’s work during the time they are engaged in construction of the haven of refuge for the seafarers. At the final curtain he is well on the road to becoming a full-fledged capitalist, reconciling his proposed exploitation of fisherman with his brand of reformism. In a very subtle manner the authors spoof. the yellow socialists of all brands, but it is questionable if the audience was capable of perceiving their real intent. The acting of the piece is far above the average Broadway production and Reginald Bach, as the rum-soaked uncle, Richard, is superb, reminiscent | and gives a creditable performance of |this amusing comedy. } | |__ The noted comic is one of the head- jliners at the Palace Theatre this | week, — Sn Tied tna |family, dies—the will is read and it | patie Titeatre GRAND ‘44at ay ys of B’way. STREET Moks shy, FOLLIES |The LADDER | POPULAR $2.20, rE. of nees Wed. Best seats RE, 48th St. Ss. 8:30. Mati- and Sat, at 2:30. DESERT SONG N. Y. & Lond Musical Sensation with Robt. Hal & Eddie Buzzell iva 11 onth CASINO 39 St. B'way. Evs. 8.30 Mat Wed. and Sat. 30 i PRICES. RI HE 7 H E | AC CAA | B.S. Moss’ new theatre now under construction at Myrtle and Wyckoff | Avenues, Brooklyn, will bé known as 'the Madison. The playhouse will open jthis Fall. { i “Chang” the screen classic of primi- tive life in the jungles of Siam will be at Moss’ Broadway all next week. “What Price Glory,” will continue a second week at the 55th Street | Cinema. “Potemkin” the sensational Rus- sian film will return, beginning this Saturday, for an engagement at the Cameo Theatre, under the auspices of policy, the stage of being frankly, aggressively imperialist, and together the Film Arts Guild. = i What the Daily Worker Means to the Workers More Encouraging Contributions to Our Emergency Fund, with Great Britain, Japan, France and Italy, to face what the imperial-} ists called the most dangerous com-| mon enemy, the danger of a socialist | revolution in China, and the danger! of an alliance between revolutionary | bs ond the Soviet Union. i Jomrades, you will note that i: S| then America bombarded Nanking: | Erwan Rodzma, Li But as soon as Chiang Kai-shek com-. BPS: mitted his act of bloody treachery, | © Duchnowski, Long Island, his basest betrayal of the Chinese. Ve cece ects ete eee ees --1.00 revolution, as soon as the danger of | John Tkaezuk, Long Island, N. Y. 1.00 the proletarian leadership of the | Stanley Demilewski, Long Island, Chinese revolution wes thus lessened, Wes Yor : that very moment marked America’s | K, Golub, Long Island, ong Island, oY, ...1.00 again playing its so-called lone pol- icy, and its withdrawal from the five- power group. Once the hopes of bourgeois domination of the Chinese struggles rose again, American im- perialism returned primarily to its second stage of policy. But the moment the danger of proletarian hegemony, of proletarian leadership again increases in China, that very moment American imper- ialism will become as aggressive and brutal as any imperialist power in! a: a a » oped, we entered the! China. With al - the Party of such mistakes in any second stage of Yankee imperialist! the imperiali te Fae Rey ield ‘of wor perialist powers considered, Particularly in the | po): needle trades, in view of all the for- ¢q]; ces involved, must we pursue a party | now fighting for the lead- : . in position ir 1 | and not a fattion attitude. * Ohi : saps et rae | In reference to Labor Unity—I be-|was in a position to « | lieve we will help the left wing if wel and becau will take more steps toward broaden-! jn 4 positic ing the paper, toward making it the | resources, our real organ of the left wing non-Com- i? munist. masses. The same applies to |tHe TUEL. There is clearness and no d Liebert in our Party today) egarding the . bee ‘ EC Fe asa aaa ea aaa | But as these Chinese movements ence to its attitude toward the TUEL | @evcloped, and as the revolution in many months ago. These errors have | China showed increasing dangers to been corrected. This attitude has Jong ; the bourgeoisie, dangers of its as- ago been dropped. We now feel as/S¥™ing a proletarian character the one and stand as one with the Com- | American imperialists greatly feared intern on this question. | that the Chinese proletariat would The question of the Party meeting £002 be at the head of the agrarian successfully the offensive against it ™asses; that together with the agrar- is to answered primarily i® the ian masses the organized workers possibility of our Party reacting; Would give a socialist character to Then America en- American capitalism was to help develop Chinese bourgeoisie favored th development of a bourgeois republi- jean movement, of a rong bourg’ republie, of a bourgeois revolution in ‘ jing featur wards China, American capi- | Particularly between Great Britain | ¥- and the United States and those be- tween the United States and Japan, the truth remains that the outstand- e © of the present Chinese ation is the danger of a united ront of the biggest imperialist pow- against the Chinese revolution nd the Soviet Union. America and Japan in my opinion will yet fight it out for domination of the Pacific. ‘The Philippines will occupy in this struggle the role of the Achilles heel of American -imperial- ism. It has been well said that the Philippines are America’s Ireland, (To Be Continued) DANBURY, Sept. 15.—The dead bodies of two men and a woman lay on the floor of a tiny house in the city hamlet, upper Main Street, here all through the night while police stood guard awaiting the arrival to- day of the medical examiner. B. Zukowski, Long Island, N. Y. 1.00 | Ivan Harbuch, Long Island, N. Y. 1.00 | P. Napiorkowski, Long Island, Pia sidewall ieee cere ++ 1.00 Henry Days, Long Island, N. Y. 1.00 T. Grazybowski, Long Island, NEN. Se tanas aerate aaa 1.00 sny, Long Island, N. Y. 1, Nowicki, Long Island, N. Y. -1.00° 5. Bugaj, Long Island, N. Y. . Bue 4 | Mile Snyder, Long Island, N. Y. 1.00 Vasil Semeniuk, Long Island, 0 fue Long Island, N. Y. . -1,00 yma, Long Island, N. Y. 1.00 j N. ma Long Island, N. August Fauvergue, Girard, bd) UT enn ere er itis te 1.00 R. E. Page, Cunningham, Texas 1.00 Josevh Jaglowski, Rutledgr, Mints ciesoiv! oe San argamn ealeas 1.00 Andy Caramitros and Louis Chris- hochos, Akron, Ohio . J, Normand, Vernon, B. Canada: <icss% vinea samen s C. Goldstein, New York City . Peter and John Krawchuk, We: bury, L. I, N. Y, «42.00 Rose Gertz, New York City ....1.00 Marko Hergovich, Midvale, Ohio 1.00 Robert Liposeak, Midvale, Ohio ..1.00 Frank Plotsky, Midvale, Ohio ..1.00 Frank Baumholtz, Midvale, Ohio. 1.00 Vencent Mravkovich, Midvale, Ohio veces 00 Wm. Schubert, Indianapolis, Ind. 2. Louis Novick, Brooklyn, N. Y. ..1.00 | R. Rosenstein, Los Angeles, Calif. 1.00 Edgar Williams, Baltimore, Md. 1.00 ¢ /