The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 1, 1927, Page 6

| i Page Six Sacco, Vanzetti Editor Note—The following are excerpts from talk delivered in the Alder i a City Hall 1 a Taub, a v 1 er ho | made a detailed study of the legal se. aspects of the Sacco-Vanzetti Some of the more glaring discre- pancies in the “evidence” presented against the two murdered workers by the speaker. cture was given under the auspices of the Library Free Lecture Association of which Jos P.. Car is president. Just | before the lecture was to begin Capt. Donnelly of the New York police department ed and an- nounced that it would have to be called off. Carney, however, in- sisted on the right of his organi- zation to proceed with the ting, | and Donelly fi withdrew his objection. “There's a whole lot in the Sacco- | Vanzetti that ought to be | cleared ney explained. | The does not agree statement n similar to the i frame-up could not York City, nor does | er’s optimism y (or impor- form in the tts,” but ng be- of cause of the facts presen Drastic reform in the judicial code | of the Ste ssachusetts must | follow disposal of the| Sacco-V : | The pressu outraged public | opinion must an immediate Jure which per- | change in the prc th judge and | jury i man lives are} at stake. During seven lon, rs, the Sacco- Vanzetti 2 t Judge Thay- reme Court of | ard the ap- It can only | and may | And lives of j facts may ved the these t nternationally be- | lieved inx This P otism would | have been ossible in the State of | New York. Had the trial taken place} in New York, the seven judges of the | Court of Appea bany, would | have gone into all questions of both law and fact. | Only Single Judge. | As it is the Massachusetts case! leayes one with something of a sick} feeling when one realizes that one} judge held on to the case from trial} —from 1920 to 1927. Fuller’s Advisory Com- said in its report: Th ought not to have} talked about > case off the bench/ and doing s< a grave breach of | judicial decc If t ryman instead of a Yr ial would have; been de d a new trial granted } to Sacco stti. In this case} Judge Thayer ake the part of a jury and did make remarks outside | the court w trial did| not Dur even years that Massa ith the Ss of thes Thayer sat | as sole different mo- | tions. e new evidence | was pre. pass virt j This jhdge | who, ot irt room, had un- | doubte udicial state- | ments, on to pass on} motions f € , and to decide whether had acted with| prejudic said: ! ti on trial} When the es proved | s identi to be we: cutor shifted his | attack fror ation” to “con- sciousness of It was at this; point that’ the cl for the defense | realized that t would through with radicalism. f Were consc not of murder but of their radicali | \ 1 how seri- ted April in mind— ested on 3 days veen the crime and the o and Vanzetti act g that twenty day period? hey carried on with their usua suits and followed their same gener onduct. A New Hydro-Station in Azerbaidjan.¢ Five hundred workers are engaged in the construction of the Zurkabad hyd tation which was started on th 1 of May. A payt of the dam has been completed and the river i ed through a canal of 3800 | accommodating orkers and other buildings have been completed. oe * Industrial Construction In White Rtssia Intensive industrial work is carried on this year in White Russia. A match factory is being built in Boris- ov. Shortly work will begin in the construction of an electric station with a capacity of 3,000 kilowatt. A wood carving factory is being built in Bobruisk. | Ten new steam mills and several) }of these they were arrested. | the | tt | starch factories are being built in/first few days to the amount of - various parts of the USSR | 6,000.000 roubles. alsedo, another radi a friend of Sacco and V Ss held for several weeks b: 1 authe New Yo wer sor of ugly rumors circu- lated in r rd to the third degree methods t were being applied to him. Then on May 4th-—notice the date, May 4th- edo met a mys- terious death by crashing down on the sidewalk from the rteenth floor of a Park Row building where he was detained. This was the cause “of more rumors, even more frightful now than before. You will remember that his death urred on XM 4th. The next day y 5th, Sacco and Vanzetti were arrested. The a t of these two men was lent. ter their arrest emed at the judge and district referred to as of guilt.” But of their’ radical- Up to May 5th But ¢ attorney their “co they were cons ism, not of murder. there was nothing unusual in their ;conduct. Not even the district at- |torney with all his detecti could find anything strange in the conduct two during the twenty day period between April 15th when the er took place and May 5th, when When they were , they had yester- 9 mind. n't that | y yester May 4th, who was arrested for his n came to a_ horrible death. Before that he been in- troduced to some fanc ps in the “third degree.” But it is suggested that these two men were armed when they were! arrested. That seems to be upper-| most in the minds of many Their Life Blameless. Sacco’s employer testified in court that Saceo acted as watchman for him and, that it was natural for him to have a pistol. His employer also | said that Sacco was a man of the highest character. Vanzetti was a fish peddler. Hej carried his entire capital of one hundred to two hundred dollars around with him. Often he found himself travelling on the dark roads around smal] New England towns. He feared hold-ups. Neither Sacco nor Vanzetti were ever involved in any trouble. They were not gunmen, but honest hard- workingmen, who were armed only for self-protection. Of course it may be said that Van. | zetti had just previously been con- victed for an attempted robbery in Bridgewater and he had been sen- tenced to jail by the same Judge Thayer. But any one who looks into the facts of the case will see that the | Bridgewater charge grew out of the second, the South Braintree accusa- tion. Vanzetti throughout the seven years struggle insisted that he was as ignorant and innocent of the one as of the other. Toward the end of his talk, Taub declared: Files of Department of Justice. William G. Thompson, a conserva-}levy of impositions; in other words, | and the compradore Chan Lim-pak | tive lawyer, respected in setts as a man of the hi dards and a former pre M chusetts Bar Association, has often stated that he sure that co and Vanzetti were innocent. In 1923 Mr. Thompson became ch counsel for the two men. He has re- peatedly charged that if the f of the Department of Justice were made public, the innocence of the de fendants would be proved. Again and in Mr. Thompson demanded the records from the department of , but every time his request was ed. vo Department of Ju swore that there was a ment between the di and the department of j the Washington authorities were not able to deport these men they struck! a bargain whereby the Federal men| would give the district attorney full details of the defendants radical ac- tivities, while the district attorney | would go the limit in prosecuting them for the Braintree crime. At the trial | for murder, much was made of the| radicalism of Sacco and Vanzetti. | The two former Federal agents who} swore to this special arrangement now hold responsible positions. One is connected with the Beacon Trust, Company of Boston, while the other is with the Attorney General of Maine. At the time of the trial, both of these men were employed by the Federal Government.. Sacco and Vanzetti are dead. But their case must still challenge the at- tention of all those who seek and cherish justice. News from the USSR. Results of Price Reduction Campaign | In Transcaucasia. In the Transcaucasian countries Armenia shows the biggest reduction of prices on industrial products. Its reduction shows an average of 9.4 per cent. Georgia and Azerbaidjan | reduced 7. 8 per cent. The average reduction for all Transcaucasian countries is 8.3 per cent, Prices of | agricultural products have been re-| duced 5.7 per cent, in Georgia; 2 per | cent in Azerbaidjan and 0.1 per cent, for Armenia. Sis. a State Lotteries in Demand. Workers and employees of Lenin- grad show a great interest in the 1927 State lottery. The lottery grants 12 per cent interest. Collective sub- scriptions have been made during the and the Law The Peasant Revolution On War and | Danger of War cr DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, SEPT. 1, 1927 ten ery BY EARL BROWDER (Continued) ndlords Fight For Existence. e landlord class must suppress and prevent the peasants from or- ganizing peasant unions. This is the signif ce showing that the exist- ence of ‘the landlord class depends upon the exploitation of the peasants’ interest and the landlord class will never let the peasants Have unifica- tion which will be an obstacle to their procedure of exploiting the peasants’ inter s. From the peas- ants point of view, the peasant class must protest against the suppres- sion of the landlord cla: in other words, the peasant class have to prevent the landlords from exploita- tion so as to preserve the interest of the peasants and should not let the landlords violate their organiza- tions and exploit their interests. Therefore, the class organization must be demonstrated by the confliction of inter the more the class organi- zation demonstrated, the more uggle is inevitable. Owing to this , a short time after the peasants zanized themselves in 1923, the Hai Fung peasant union was dissolved by the landlords who conspired with the militarists on account of the movement for the reduction of rents. In 1924, on account of the movement for the reduction of rent of the Kwong} Ning peasant union, the landlor conspired with the District Magist rate, the garrisoned troop, and armed militia, killed the peasants cruelly, more than ten comrades being sacri- ficed. Many Instances. “In the same year, the Fan Yuen peasant union the same thing hap-! pened on account of the movement for reduction of rent; the landlords | conspiring with the local officials | and leading the militia, merchants’| struggle because the landlords have | corps, and bandits, ruined the office | of the peasant union and burned the} houses of the rural villages; comrade Wong Fook-sam, vice chairman of the| have force of arms and to organize | peasants self-defense corps; such de-| mand is to prevent the landlords from | attacking us with force of arms to} executive committee of the union, was | killed by them. In the same year, Lam Po-shun, the chairman of the executive committee of the first di on Peasant Union of Shi-Zao, murdered by the head of the) Militia Board because Lam Po-shun | made objections against the Militia} Board levyisg impositions. Lei Kao village peasant union of Shun Tak| district had also been disturbed by/ the depraved gentries; the native | bandits and the garrisoned troops, | who were utilized by the depraved | gentries, rushed into the peasant) union to kill the members of the union; seven or eight peasants were | killed and several hundred peasants | time, the imperialists, militarists, and shelters were burnt. On the next) day of the inauguration of the Hah} | Kong village. peasant union of Tung! Koon districf, it was ruined by the | landlords and militia because it set) up the movement for protesting} against the levy of impositions. rent and for protesting against the | ing conditions. of those struggles, we found only the landlords suppressed the peasants fought for their organi- and the great landlord Chan Kung-} ‘zations in order to improve their liv- shau. From the experience rebellion the Kuomintang made ex- that’ periment of her new policies in Can- everywhere and in every time not ton—proposing that the mayor of the| our city should be elected by the citizens. | After the suppression of this peasants but also the local officials, Unfortunately the government offi- the garrisoned troops, depraved cials who were taking charge of the gentries, notorious rowdies, etc., also new policies did not grant the right stood on the side of the landlords of voting to the several hundred thov- | interests to attack the peasants for| sands of peasants outside the Canton) This city. Therefore, the peasants strug-| hastened our peasant comrades to feel gled for the right and conmmenced a, the importance of the political power great the landlord class jointly. and made the peasants organize them- selves better the better to fight for demonstration movement. | Although this struggle was in vain, yet during the day of election the their economical and political emanci-| peasants were present to supervise pation, while the landlord class andj the election. | the other controlling classes joined together to suppress the peasants This showed that they ‘had a suitable recognition of politics |—at present there are three peasant more seriously. Naturally the peas-| delegates taking part in the manage- ants will acclaim the following slog- ans regarding their political strug- gle: “The armies who substantially aid the peasants are the Revo- lutionary Armies. “The government which really helps the peasants is the Revo- lutionary Government. “The counter-revolutionists sup- press and violate the peasants and do not protect their in- terests. “Great federation and coopera- tion of peasants — break into the joint fighting front of the imperialists, militarists, corrupt officials, repraved gentries, notorious rowdies, great land- lords, and all the counter-revo- lutionists. Fight For Economic And Political ‘ Rights. “The organization of the peasants fights for economic and political bet- terment. We are sacrificed on our armed militia and armed garrisoned troops as their forces to attack us. At this moment, we must demand to protect the existence and expansion of the peasant union. At that time the peasant movement had already made great progress. By the awakening of the political struggles, they were led to the field of the na- tional movement. After the Labor- ers and Peasants’ Protection Policy fixed by the First Reorganization Conference of the Kuomintang in 1924, the workers and peasants rose up to take part in the national move- ment and consequently it developed to a greater extension. At the same all the counter-revolutionists were frightened by seeing that the work- ers and peasants are taking part in the revolution.” “Thus, there occured on October 10, 1924, the rebellion of the Canton Merchants’ Volunteers, and the labor “All these were the peasants econo-| and peasant corps suffered great los- | mical struggles for the reduction of | ses. lationship between the imperialists This made us recognize the re- | ;ment of the municipal affairs. This is the result of their struggle. When | in the winter of 1924, peasants elected |and appointed delegates going North) to participate in the National Con- | | ference Promoting Association of All-| | China, it happened in Peking that} some of the anti-revolutionary mem-/ |bers of the party, such a Fung Chi-| yau, Ma So, etc., acted against the |party, surrendering to the imperial- lists and militarists and setting up ‘anti-revolutionary movements. The |Hong Kong imperialists backed up | Chang Chiung-ming to attack Canton {while the late Dr. Sun was having ‘serious sickness at Peking. At the same time, with their English war. ships, they aided the bandits and gar. |risoned troops in Chungshan district to shoot the Wan Tong village, Chungshan, with cannon. Conspired To Suppress Mass Movement. “In view of this continuous chang- ling of the political situation, it made jus understand more clearly that the imperialists, militarists, compradores, landlords, and the anti-revolutionary soldier officials, politicians, ete. in the party conspired with each other to suppress the mass movements of the Chinese people, especially the labor and peasant movements. In February, 1925, the Tungkiang peas- ants positively participated in the movement for overthrowing Chang , Chiung-ming, the hunting-dog of the imperialists. Owing to this, then, we could have a new development in the places of Tungkiang. Moreover, all peasants of the whole province formed | unions of their own class. On the one | side, with the strength of their class organization, they prevented the land- lords from attacking them, and on the other side they substantially par- ticipated in the National Emancipa- ition Movement, exerting efforts to overthrow militarists and imperialists. Developing the Kwangtung peasant movement with the significance af class and nation all peasants have been united and established a chief directing organ. Therefore, on May 1st, 1925, the universal labor day, the First Peasant Delegates Confer- ence of All-Kwangtung was held and the Provincial Peasant Union was in- | augurated. (To Be Continued.) The Young Comrade Section This department was omitted from the New Magazine supplement of The DAILY WORKER last Saturday on account of the Sacco-Vanzetti Memorial Edition. The next Section will appear Saturday. HIS ANSWER TO TEACHER ° Russia Is Dear Comrades: The answer to the teacher is:) + Russia may be a terrible country for the capi- The workers” chil- st not belong to the scouts, they belong to Sov talig dren mu the Pioneers. The workers do no’ cause they are lazy. It is because hours and more money. Otherwi: but not for the workers. exist. I know these facts because my father is a worker——_JOSEPH GOLDFIELD. THEIR SPIRITS LIVE ON! Despite the protests of thousands of workers, in this country and over the rest of the world, the capi- talists of, America murdered our two comrades, Sacco and Vanzetti. After seven horrible torture under the shadow of the electric chair, they were finally burned. Burned for a crime that they never committed. Burned, in the Puritan state of Massachusetts, famous fo: ings not so very leng ago. Tho the Fullers and Thayers may say that Sacco and Vanzetti had a fair trial and were guilty, the rs know that Saeco and Vanzetti received capi- justice, which finds workers always guilty. The workers know that Sacco and Vanzetti were murdered because they were or; fighting for the workers against was their crime and nothing else, Our answer to the capitalists be: “Tho Sacco and Vanzetti are live on,” and where we had but two Sacco and Van- zettis we shall have thousands ready to take their place and ready to die as they did. Sacco and Vanzetti are dead! Long live the spirit of Sacco and Vanzetti! THE WORKER By ANNA LUCYSE Let us open the workers eyes Which are tied with a handkerchief And let us tell him who he is, Like an animal for the bosses. Let us fight for our lives, Like brave soldiers, but not like cowards, Fight till we kill all of them, Who try to make us their slaves. But they won't! . Don’t believe what the teacher says, She wants us to stand against And help the bosses But instead let us stand against And yet the bosses call the Chinese the red fighters, But we must remember not all of up for their people, Because some of them help the bosses. But we must hold up the Workers’ Red Flag which is red for the wa&kers’ blood. Dear Comrade. geography in our : answered, “Russia t go on strike be- . they want shorter se they could not years of the most! The answer to Sylvia Lattiner, r its similar burn- i Nox Albert Myrold, ganizers of labor | phil, Pa. the bosses. That | of America must dead, their spirits in the answer, 2 2085 19 16 1144 {12 9 22 23 851182019 1 HYN. j1 144 20 8 | Comrade Corner, the workers, \% years’ 25c. the bosses. , {Name ...... pe Address ...+.+. the Chinese stand| City State . |SACCO VANZETTI. answered correctly: A Strong Country Last week while we were having class, the teacher asked, “Name a strong country of Europe.” I raised my hand and is a strong country.” The teacher got very angry and said, “Russia is weak and it is going to be weak while under the Sovict rule. It cannot control itself.” argue with her. My teacher knows Russia is a pow- erful country but is afraid to admit it. I sat down not wishing to —JOHN CIBULSKIS. Answers to Last Week’s Puzzle last week’s puzzle No. 28 is: The following have , New York City; Irving Finkel, New York City; Emma Airoff, New York City; Mae Malyk, New York City; Celia Silverman, Brooklyn, |More Answers to Puzzle No. 27 Detroit, Mich.; Charles Murza, THIS WEEK’S PUZZLE No. 29 This week's puzzle No, 29 is a word puzzle. The rules are as follows: 1 in the puzzle stands for A for B and 3 for CG, ete. Let’s go! 9189 156 1912815 22.1 14.26 2 20 209 15 14 9 14 20 8 5 56 11212 28151811 5 18 19 5 9 18 38912 4185 14 Send all answers to the Daily Worker Young 33 First St. N. Y/ C., giving your |name, age, address and number of puzzle. RUTHENBERG SUB BLANK Send subscriptions to the Young Comrade Corner, 33 First St, N. Y. C. 1 year 50c. (Continued From Last Issue) mittee of the Communist International on May 29, 1927. It gives the official Communist viewpoint on this impor- tant question. “The boycott of war is a stupid phrase,” wrote Lenin. , (b) On the strength of the experi- ence of the war of 1914, Bolshevism also exposed the treachery of those who substituted empty phraseology for serious and preservering prepara- tion of war against war. As everyone knows Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg were the authprs of the amendment to the resolution of the Basle Congress which recommended—in the event of an outbreak of war—to work for the “acceleration of the collapse of i This is the Eighth Installment of the Theses on the war danger adopted at the Plenum of the Executive Com-! (b) unusual accentuation of the misery and poverty of the oppressed | classes; (c) considerable increase, owing to |the above-mentionéd circumstances, | in the activity of the masses. | 2—But these objective reasons | alone are not enough to bring about a | victorious revolution. To them must |be added: | The ‘subjective “capacity” of the | revolutionary class for revolutionary | mass actions strong enough to over- throw its own government or put it | with back to the wall which will | never—not even in the epoch of crises | 1” unless it be “made to fall,” | (Lenin, Vol. XIII, p. 189, and 140 | “Collapse of the Second Internation- jal”). | 3—Apart from this, the revolution- lary class must have an experienced evik leadership (today the Com- Strike) capitalism in the spirit of the Com- mune and of the October (General and December rising) event in 1905.” But Bolshevism fought against an (Moscow ‘munist Parties) capable of preparing and organizing revolutionary mass lactions of this class. In the period | preparatory to revolutionary mass ac archo-syndicalism and the old Hervé | school, which, while talking big about a “General Strike,” about “insurrec- tion” and about “sabotaging mobili- zation,” did not take a single prac- tical step to prepare themselves for {war against war in order not to be | utterly helpless at the moment when | war was declared. The wrold war has indicated the worst suppositions in ‘regard to this type ef “revolution- | | aries.” | 28. The position of Lenin on the | question of “the transforming of the imperialist war into civil war” con-| | firmed subsequently by the experi-! lence of the Russian -revolution, can | be summarized under the following main points: 1.—For the revolution to be suc- cessful there must be first of all the existence of a revolutionary Situation arising from a series of military fail- ures and defeats of the capitalist gov- ernments engaged in the imperialist war, that is to say a situation in which | it is | : (ay impossible for the dominant | classes to prserve their domination un- j changed; various crises among the} “upper classes”; tions, this leadership, making use of every “legal” opportunity, must carry fon an incessant agitation among the masses against the imperialist war, junder the slogan of transforming it into civil war. In connection with this, Lenin took into account that this agi- tation will meet with fierce resistance on the part of the ruling classes. “Not only in war,” so he wrote, “but in absolutely every acute po- litical situation let alone any re- volutionary action of the masses, the government of even the freest democratic country will also threat- en to break up the legal organiza- tions, seize their funds, arrest their leaders and other similar ‘practical measures.’ What is to be done?” To this Lenin replied that besides the activity of the legal workers’ pars ty: “It is necessary to supplement it by establishing an illegal base, an illegal organization, an illegal social democratic (today read Communist} activity without, however, surrend- ering a single legal base.” (Lenin, Vol. XII, p. 128, “The Collapse of the Second International”). (To Be Continued.) THE STORY OF A $ (International Propaganda Commit- tee, Transport Workers.) “Thrift and Economy,”’—these are| the things usually preached by the bosses to their wage-slaves who, as a rule, don’t earn enough to keep body and soul together, let alone to save.... At any rate, it ought to be admitted that the bosses them- selves do practice economy and sav- ing—of course, at the expense of their workers. Example of “Thrift.” Take, for instance, the case of the Holland-American Line, a wealthy and prosperous steamship company whose vessels make round monthly York. At Rotterdam the ships usu- ally stay about a week, loading and unloading. Some time ago the ship- a fresh crew before sailing. Thus, fects _a saving of one week’s wages. Workers Disagree. « The Dutch seamen, however, failed to appreciate the bright ingenuity of their bosses, and on June 14th last when the usual trick was performed aboard the S. S. Rotterdam tempt made to sign on a fresh crew, the seamen, supported this time by their union, refused to sign on, de- manding that the company give up the thrifty habit of signing on a new crew for each trip. » To be sure, such strikes are fairly common occurrences and it were hardly worth while to dwell on this particular strike, but for one peculiar fact which we are going to narrate, The official organ of the so-called “International Federation of Trans- port Workers” (“Press Reports,” July 1927), in telling the story of this strike, goes on to describe how the company, after futile efforts to se- cure a blackleg crew in Dutch ports, was compelled to take on a Chinese crew which brought the vessel to the port of New York. Even this, as we are told by “Press Reports,” did not end the shipowners’ troubles, Ac- cording to report, seventy-six of the Chinese seamen had been arrested by the authorities at Hoboken for fight- ing the police and the deck officers, and for an attempt to go ashore without leave. A Fake Report. Well, the information of “Press Reports” is neither complete nor ac- curate. It is true that the Chinese had been signed on as blacklegs, but of this they learned to their great in- dignation only later on, when the ship was already on the high seas, and upon arrival at Hoboken they cate- gorically refused to stay. on board and demanded that they be taken back to the Dutch port. The Chinese seamen did not fight the police as reported in “Press Re- 3” what actually did happen was invited by the deck officers, the Hoboken police had boarded the ship and after beating up the strikers car- ried them off to Ellis Island prison “for the convenience of the company,” as it was bluntly explained a ‘+ By ALEX. ¢ trips between Rotterdam and New| owners hit: upon the bright idea of} discharging their crews upon arrival) in the Dutch port, and of signing on) once in five weeks the company ef-. of the} Holland-American Line, and ah at- TRANGE STRIKE From the American labor press we learn that the case had quite unex- pectedly gained considerable public- ity. Even the so-called “International Seamen’s Union of America,” yield- ing to pressure from the rank and file members admiring the pluck and the splendid proletarian solidarity of the Chinese seamen, was constrained to intervene. We are told by eminent lawyers of the “Great Transatlantic Republic” that compulsory labor is forbidden by the laws of the United States. Ape parently the authorities at Hoboken had acted with undue zeal. Under | the well-known La Follette Act any seaman, even including Chinese and Lascars, has the right to demand his jdischarge at any American port with jhalf-pay and free return passage to the port of signing. Ignore Laws. Despite this and similar liberal laws of “democratic America,” at the time when the New York Chinese Seamen’s Club and the International |Seamen’s Union intervened, 16 peo- ple had already been deported for |mutiny, a similar fate awaited 38 more on Ellis Island, whilst 30 of the Chinese seamen had made good their escape. . | System Universal. Facts of the kind just described should be food for thought for all the labor organizations, and particularly for those of the seamen. For Rotter- dam is not the only port where the labor of the seaman is “free.” In most of the other ports the same sys- tem of “shanghai-ing” crews, partice ularly of foreign seamen, is practiced by hosts of shady agents, nicknamed “shanghai-ers.” Each “pub” in eve ery port furnished a happy hunting- ground for these dealers in human toil and sweat. This system, of course, is connived at by the shipping companies, to the great detriment ef the seamen and their organizations, "Hence the control over the signing on of crews should be the immediate task for the seamen’s unions, Race intolerance and contempt fer “coloured” people — happily, more widespread among union bureaucrats than among rank and file seamen—~ constitute a grave menace and ob- stacle to the everyday struggle of tha seamen against the shipowners, Attitude a Disgrace, Before embarking upon a fight against the shipowners the Central Union of the Dutch Transport Work- ers did not think it necessary to in- form about it the numerous Chinese and Lascar seamen in the port of | Rotterdam, and this enabled the ship- jowners to use the class-conscious |Chinese seamen against their Dutch ‘comrades. This contemptuous outlook |upon the Chinese seamen on the part of the bureaucrats in the Dutch Transport workers’ union is entirely unwarranted in view of the heroic conduct of the Chinese seamen, their role in the Chinese Revolution, and their militaney outside of China. Finally the central organ of infor- mation published by the so-called In- ternational Federation of Trans; workers, instead of ill-disguised bait- ing of the Chinese comrades, should of | | rather fight for the fan