The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 13, 1927, Page 4

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-jage Four THE DAILY WOR KER. YORK, SATURDAY, AUGUST 13, 1927 Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. Daily, Except Sunday 3 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address Phone, Orchard 1680 “Daiwork” SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): 8.00 per year $4.50 six months .00 per years $3.50 six months $..50 three months $2.00 three months ao dress all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. J. LOUIS SDAHL } WILLIAM F. DUN BERT MILLER EPL CAA GAR re Editors -Business Manager -of fi ch Advertising r: class mail at the post at New York, N, the act of Ma » under Saceo and Vanzetti Must Be Rescued Frem the Fiends ‘ of Massachusetts. European papers see in the respite given Sacco and Vanzetti a new hope for their eventual liberation. They deem it incredible that men who have endured the tortures of steeling, themselves to within half hour of being burned to death in the electric chair will again be put to the torture. It surpasses the darkest days of the terror of Terqumeda, the dungeon builder of the Spanish, in- quisition. Yet such is the unexampled fiendishness of the mur- der conspirators, from Governor Fuller down to the miserable creature whose job it is to throw the switch for $150 a death, that they will again take these two working class prisoners from their cells in the main prison to the dungeons o7 the death house on next Wednesday, there to spend agonizing days and nights until the iron doors again swing forth and they take the short walk to the death chamber where chained lightning will shatter every bone in their bodies as the last, final torture of the ignominous crew of labor-haters and assassins who have tortured them for more than seven years. Let no worker in Europe or America be deceived! This res- pite was granted for one purpose only—to quiet the world-wide | formulated in the treacherous theory To succumb that war is a definite break in the ion that the respite means freedom or life to these ‘hain of events, an abnormality that fury against the execution of the two innocent men. to the illu martyred workers is to yield to the wiles of the assassins. Only nine days remain in which to continue and intensify the fight to save our working class brothers and if every ounce of energy is not devoted to this cause Sacco and Vanzetti will burn to death next Tuesday morning, a few minutes past midnight. Mass fury has saved them thus far—it gained the respite for twelve days. Three of those precious days have passed and the agitation is lagging. That is precisely what Fuller and his mur- der gang expected. Thus far their estimation has proved correct. Comrades! Workers! Do not let this maneuver deceive you! Sacco and Vanzetti are still in the shadow of the death chair! They will be murdered during the second night of next week if you do not act! Between the setting sun on Monday and its rise on Tuesday this crime contemplated for seven long years will be an accom- plished fact unless again, and in greater volume than ever, the pretest, of the workers of the world rocks the state house at | Boston. Mr. Broun’s Difficulties With the World. Ralph Pulitzer has asserted his rights as boss of one of the houses of prostitution in the journalistic red-light district of New York. Mr. Heywood Broun, who has been conducting a column in the New York World for years, spoke a bit too emphatically regarding the preparations for the murder of Sacco and Vanzetti. He made e uncémplimentary remarks about Governor Fuller as wel! clothes who aspired to play executioners of workingmen. Two articles of that nature were published. Then someone else took ever the column. There was a few days of! silence; then the notice signed by Mr. Pulitzer that The World, exercising its right of | sion as to what it will publish in its columns, has omitted submitted. by Mr. Broun. Columnists in the reptile press are a specially favored lot; they are permitted to diverge from the general line on occasions. But if they go too far they are summarily silenced, as was the case of Mr. Broun. This case only proves again that there is no such a thing as a free press on the face of the earth, AMI the talk in the cap- italist pr about freedom is so much sentimental drivel, cal- culated to inspire the confidence in American capitalist institu-| tions in general. To work on a capitalist sheet one must possess a mind that is so thoroly polluted with capitalist ideology that he cannot think, or must be a plain mental prostitute. The columns of the great newspapers are open only to these who speak favor- ably to the capitalist class, or who try to speak for the workers in such a puerile and stupid manner that the publication of their communications make the causé of the workers appear ridiculous. Free press, free speech and free assemblage even under the most “liberal” periods of capitalist rule mean very little. The capitalist class owns the great newspapers and decides what shall be published in their columns; it owns the great assembly halls and controlls the radio and movies and other means of informa- tion. Free speech extends only to the ruling class and its lackeys. We, as Communists, likewise frankly admit that our publications are not free. We do not encourage the capitalist class illusions regarding “liberty” of the press, but frankly admit that our pub- [HE DAILY WORKER about Harvard University and the gentlemen in evening | ‘The By H. M. WICKS. | POSTACY to the revolutfonary| movement in Europe on the part of the socialist leaders of the coun- tries participating in the war was condoned by the outstanding socialist | leaders of the United States. At no time did the official socialist spokes- men in the ‘United States ever per-| ceive the full implications of the in-| |famy of the heroes of the second in- ternational. When the war broke out and one so-| cialist party after another went over to the side of its master class and directly aided in the unprecedented |slaughter of the werking class of Europe there was a splendid oppor- tunity for the sogialists of the United States to take the lead in the strug- gle against social patriotism and to strive to mobilize the socialist parties of the neutral countries to work with the opposition elements. in the belli- gerent countries. But such a step would have meant a definite break with the past, a repudiation of the second international. Such a stand would have been taken if the socialist party had been a reab Marxian organ- ization, instead of a weird aggrega- tion of rank opportunists, hopelessly wedded to legalistic formulae. The executive committee of the party could not conceive of such a thing as a revolutionary struggle growing out of the political and economic crisis |generated by the imperialist war. They abandoned all thought of revo- |lutionary activity until the war was over, when again they would dare hope that the socialist parties would resume their course. This ridiculous attitude was the American expression of the opportunistic blight that af- flicted the whole international and that at the outbreak of the war was | bursts unheralded upon the world and, after a period of time, abates, | |when society again reverts to its| |/ Normal course.” They failed to un- |derstand the elementary’ principle hat wars are but a continuation of | peace time policies through the em-| | ployment of other means—that is to} | say, violent means, by fighting out on the battle-fields the differences | that cannot be liquidated through the j customary diplomatic trickery. He who does not understand that war is | nota disease, a madness that seizes | nations, but a continuation of the old political relations under other forms is not competent to speak for the revolutionary movement. * * * (ee. first official war manifesto of the socialist party of America, (August, 1914) did not even mention he renegades of the European par- ies. Its first proclamation was mere pacifist verbiage of which the fol- lowing are the outstanding points: “The Socialist Party of the Uni- ted States, in conformity with the declaration of the international so- cialist movement, hereby reiterates | its opposition to this and all other wars, waged upon any pretext whatsoever; war being a crude, Savage and unsatisfactory method of ‘settling real or imaginary dif- ferences between nations, and de- structive of the ideals of brother- hood and humanity to which the in- | ternational socialist movement is dedicated. + “The Socialist Party of the Uni- ted States hereby expresses its con- demnation of the ruling class of Europe, and points out to the world that by their action in this crisis they are unfit to administer the af- fairs of nations in such a manner that the lives and happiness of the peovle may be safeguarded. “The Socialist Party of the Uni- ted States hereby pledges its loyal support to the socialist parties of Europe in any measures they might | think necessary to undertake to ad- vance the cause of peace and good- will among men. “The Socialist Party of the Uni- ted States hereby calls upon the national administration to prove the genuineness of its policy of peace by opening immediate negotiations for mediation and extending every effort to bring about the speedy | termination of this disastrous con- | flict.” The socialist party, in its procla- mation, went on record against ALL wars; including even revolutionary wars, instead of urging the workers ;to turn the imperialist war into a | civil war against capitalism. | While correctly condemning the | ruling classes of the various nations |as responsible*for the war it did not | mention the servants of those ruling |classes of the various belligerant | countries, the social democratic leaders who resorted to the foulest | | ; fore? were correct and they had no oppor-|a peace without annexations or in- ; American Socialists in the First treachery of the leaders of the Ger- man Social Democracy, comparing the “unwilling men caught in the war machine” to a man caught in the factory machine. Said the chief daily publication of the socialist party re- garding the August betrayals: “Our European comrades have done their best. Temporarily they have failed, but their turn will come soon, ‘when militarism and capitalism commence to devour themselves. “German ‘socialists have taken | C@USe he opposed the discipline that} the stand that it was necessary to repel the Russian invasion; that Russia, threatened the socialist cause more than any other factor. But this does not mean that they have become reconciled to German imperialism and militarism. It. is, in their minds, a case of choosing the least of two evils, and no socialist is hypocritical enough to make a vir; tue out of necessity.” Subsequently the Call gradually changed its policy and became mildly critical pf the German socialists after Karl Liebknecht had refused to vote for the second war credits demanded by the Kaiser in December, 1914. But the change was only under the pressure of the membership of the socialist party that was more capable of estimating the acts of the European social, patriots than were their leaders. “To the very last Morris Hillquit, leader of the New York sec- tion of the socialist. party defended | the course of the renegades in Ger- many and other countries. _ Even after’ Liebknecht had broken the iron discipline 6f the German _ sogial democracy and had voted, on Decem- ber 2, 1914, against the second war credits, Hillquit, writing in the Metro- politan Magazine, a capitalist sheet, declared in its issue of March, 1915, that: “The great bulk of the five and a half million socialists and social- ist voters in Germany and Austria spontaneously and simultancously rallied to the support of their couin- tries as soon as war had been de- clared. They had no opportunity for mutual consultation. They ac- ted on impulse, which broke through with elemental force. It was not a decision, not a policy— it was history, and history cannot be seolded or praised; it must be | understood.” Thus with the most debasing and dirty sermonizing about “history,” Hillquit places the blame for the be- trayal of the socialist movement upon the masses, the betrayed, bleeding, disorganized, dazed workers whose leaders to whom they looked for guid- ance in the supreme moment had gone over into the camp of the enemy, and helped the niilitarists herd them into} the slaughter-house. When Hillquit stated that -the leaders of the German and Austrian socialists had no opportunity for “mutual consultation” before the out- break of the war ‘hé lies and official documentary evidence convicts him. Did not the executive committee of the German patty on the 25th of July issue a declaration branding the war as a conspiracy against the working class? Did not the Austrian party issue a similar statement one day be- And even if Hillquit’s version tunity to meet is that any reason why they all*had to become renegades to the revolutionary principles for which they were supposed to stand—the principles of the Basle conference of the international? In the same article Hillquit further defends the apostates and renegades of the German social democracy by declaring: “Whatever the cause of human progress and civilization may gain through a punishment of Prus- sian militarism, it will lose a hundred- fold through a victory of Russian despotism.” Indulging in the most filthy so- phistry Hillquit concludes that a vic- tory of the German side would also be very bad, because the talk about German “culture” is dishonest, hence: “From the true socialist point of view the most satisfactory solution of the great sanguinary conflict of the nations lies in a draw, a cessa- tion of hostilities from sheer ex- haustion without determining any- thing.” This demand is only another way of defending the traitorous “national ydefense” slogans of every apostate to the revolution. “Neither defeat nor ,victory,” is not a class formula, but a national formula. Does not every ruling class always deny its imperialist aims? Do not they all loudly proclaim that they want no advantages, but are only fighting for defense and will be satisfied with a “draw,” with a conclusion that brings neither victory nor defeat? All mili- as a reactionary power, | Year of the World War Milwaukee that travesty on so- 1 cialism known as the Berger group wére _ consistently occupied with apologizing for the German social- democracy. In addition to Berger, Mr. Ernest Unterniann devoted his dileged “historical talents to trying to prove that the majority group in the German party was right and even sank so low as to slander Karl Lieb- knecht by darkly hinting that he was not exactly,in his right mind, that he was on the verge of imbecility, be- the. renegades tried to impose upon | the rest of the party, thereby hoping to silence any voice that might be raised in behalf of the workers who were being sacrificed as cannon fodder and against the imperial gen- eral staff. On the staff of Berger’s paper was A. M. Simons, a pro-Britisher who condemned the German socialists for |tHeir support of the kaiser, but not |on revolutionary grounds. Never at any time did any of the dissenters from the Hillquit-Berger_ policies | Suggest’ revolutionary action against the war. Simons handled the pro- British propaganda on the Milwaukee Leader while Untermann handled the pro-German section of the thing— for a time a “neutral” paper. While Simons defended Arthur Henderson and H. M. Hyndmann and the social- ist lackeys of King George, Unter- mann praised Scheidemann and the other vassals of Kaiser Bill. John Spargo, one of the particular bright and shining -lights of the socialist party leadership, who shared with Hillquit the leadership of the party in the Hast, was pro-British, but did not become rabidly so until after the United States officially got into the war in 1917 and it became dangerous to take any other than a patriotic stand. Allen L. Benson, the presi- dential candidate in 1916, made a | pathetic spectacle as he roved up and | down the country talking about the ist, party and advocated a “referen- ; dum vote of the people before war is} | declared.” ‘ | This utopian and absurd campaign |'was based upon the “peace program” | of the socialist party first proposed in December, 1914, which included the ;demand for a referendum before \a declaration of an “offensive” war. Other leading demands included (1) no indemnities, (2) no transfer of. | territory except upon consent and by vote of the people within the terri- all disputes between nations and in- ternational congresses, (4) an inter- national police force, (5) national dis- armament. UCH a “peace” is more deceptive, more poisonous than open and de- liberate betrayal of the workers into | | | | | it is based upon the illusion that | Possible and that capitalist nations | will agree to abandon their imperial- list policies and substitute therefore }a “peace without annexations or in- demnities.” It is precisely such in- sipid pacifism that plays directly into the hands of the secret diplomats of the imperialist powers who indulge |in the most frantic war preparations | under pacifist slogans. ‘ | ‘To speak of a democratic peace, or demnities, without at the same time putting forth the demand that the working class wage war against war, fight to turn the imperialist war into revolutionary uprisings against the capitalist governments is to indulge in-fantasies at best, and at the worst plays into the hands of the war- mongers. As for national disarmament, he who advocates such a fallacious thing thereby abandons the class struggle | and indulges in the utterly idiotic ap- peal to the imperialist bandits to dis- arm themselves when they can only exist through creating ever more for- midable forces and more devastating |instruments of destruction. There is | but one revolutionary attitude on ar- |maments; that is to disarm the eapi- \talist class and arm the working |elass. It is only after the proletariat .with arms in hand has been able to defeat the bourgeoisie that we can speak>of universal disarmament. * * * NEXT ARTICLE: —“The + Official ‘Left’ Elements in the American So- ‘ialist Party During the War.” si ‘ \ | Current Events | (Continued from Page One) ~ mond, son of the old leader of the | Trish Parliamentary Party is as re- | futile “peace program” of the social-} tory, (3) courts for the settlement of | the hands of the imperialists, because | | » peace between capitalist nations is ‘MacDonald type and Captain Red- | “The Russian Revolu-| tion” on the Cameo! Screen Beginning Today | “The Russian Revolution” which | commences an engagement at Moss’) Cameo theatre today, represents the work of ten collaborators who ex- amined some 250,000 feet of news-| reel to obtain the particular scenes required for this film. Many of the “shots,” are original and have never | appeared on the sereen before. The | Film Arts Guild is. sponsoring the film. ; | This unique,screen document is in| no sense an active motion~picture. The personalities are actual. Be- ginning with the regime of Czar we; .are led-to the Russian-war front and’ we see the gradual breaking up of the Russian army into bands of discon- eee : tented soldiers finding . their way) hack to normal. ©The climaxes of i home. *We see the protestetiens ‘this train of events is shot through of various groups beginning to crys-'with tremendously vivid scenes talize into a definite eae the | which no motion Slee or news reel Czar is deposed, the army breaks up| has had the boldnss to show before and through a strategic maneuver,| on the screen. “The Russian Revo- Kerensky seizes the reigns of gov-| lution” is probably the first film to ernment, but his hold on them is short present history in a manner which lived. With a~terrific attack, Lenin| does not leave any room for coloring and Trotzky “upset Kerensky and | or compromising. There is no at- | In the Shubert revue “A Night in Spain” at the 44th Street theatre. There follows a most trying period) facts as the photographed in the history of Russia when it is) speak for themselves. attacked on all sides by foreign in-| On the same program will be an .Civil war ensues and we see a wide | e exploits _o: e -Boa' spread chaos seize upon Russia in all | representing the actual sinking of 21 sections.” For a' time it looks as if 4|yessels by the German submarine spare wa note all P teTaice | which was the scourge of the seven | \ jy tremendous exertions of energies the | 8°@s: It was the custom of allsuy Soviet forces triumph and the climax | marines to carry their own camera of the picture shows -the. Bolshevik | man. powers in complete control and the country striving night and day to get events Keep Up the Sustaining Fund | .° The New Plays MONDAY. , “TENTH AVENUE,” a melodrama by John McGowan and Lloyd C. Griscom will have its premiere Monday night at the Eltinge Theatre. William Boyd, Edna Hibbardeand Frank Morgan play the principal roles. a “BABIES A LA CARTE,” a farce by Seaman Lewis will be presented at Wallach’s Theatre Monday night by S. L. Simpson. Mildred a Southwick, Harriet Rempel and Stanley James lead the cast. , TUESDAY “ZIGFIELD FOLLIES” is scheduled to open Tuesday night at the New Amsterdam Theatre. Irving Berlin is responsible for music and lyrics, withidialogues by Harold Alteridge and Eddie Cantor. The cast is headed by Mr. Cantor and includes: Andrew Tombes, Trene Delroy, the Brox Sisters, Claire Luce, Ukulele Ike and _ | Franklin Bauer. _ WEDNESDAY *“A4 LA CARTE,” Rosalie Stewart’s revue will be unfolded Wednesday night at the Martin Beck Theatre. George Kelly and the Hattons wrote the sketches. The cast is headed by Chick York, Rose King, Bobbe Arnst, Harriet Hector, Charles Irwin, Jay Velie, Roy Fant, Helen Lowell and the Giersdorf Sisters. “THE GREENWICH VILLAGERS,” a revue, will open at the Grove Street Theatre Wednesday night, presented by Maxwell Platt. John Milton Hagen composed the musie and Marion Gillespie and Menlo Mayfield did the lyrics, - THURSDAY - \ “WHAT THE DOCTOR ORDERED,” a new farce by Caesar Dunn, will have its premiere at the Ritz Theatre Thursday veening, presented by the Shuberts. - The cast includes: Hale Hamilton, Galina Kopernak, Dedette Lee, Herbert Yost, Eva Condon, Frank Allworth, Eden Grey and Ruth Abbott. . | UNITED ACTORS, Inc. present he LADDER , by J. FRANK DAVIS ~ CORT THEATRE $38) ov gwar EAST OF B’WAY> ’ Special Summer, Prices—Best Seats, $2.20 (No performances Saturday) THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION ‘THE SENSATIONAL MOTION PICTURE IS HERE! See the actual events and actual persons who figured in the great upheaval which shook the world! WAR! { FAMINE! REVOLT! The Cast: LENIN, TROTSKY, KERENSKY, RASPUTIN, THE TZAR, THE NOBILITY, THE MASSES ~ : All Play Their Part in This Picture “Greater than ‘Potemkin’ because this is not acted drama, but the real * actual occurrences of the Russian Revolution.” At B, S. MOSS' Refrigerated BEGINNING CAMEO THEATRE TODAY 42nd STREET and BROADWAY A Film Arts Guild Presentation | Sense: him and his adherents to flee. ; tempt made in this film to doctor the + co aaa . Stu gh RU : t see thinner iat: ‘ DeValera has,.so in order to “give; Little Theatr lication is a CLASS publication and that no capitalist spokesman | ae oe Me Pe the work-| tarists claim that they are opposed | tionary as. his father, |DeValera a: chance to save his face, | 4i:h st, W. of mee GRAND ean air his views in our colymns. The other newspapers are also) A ee puree fe the qathe Na ‘alist |20.8%; but that théy must be pre- a age aay ._ | somie slight changes may be suggested | 12\' eat 8:80, STREET CLASS publications and no competent spokesman of the working | Party Pre the United panes orate [pared to resist defeat of the ration|{OWEVER there is a mass. senti-/¢> the British government and enough | {QS:NEES CUES. , 30 FOLLIES class is permitted to air his views in their columns. The differ- ence between Communist newspapers and capitalist publications | heing that we frankly admit the CLASS character of our paper and proclaim the fact that no such a thing as a free press can exist as long as class society exists. We suggest to the World as successor to Mr. Broun that notorious enemy of labor whose talents particularly commend him for a labor-baiting job. We refer to Mr. John J. Leary Jr. who writes “labor stories” for the World and has proved himsel the most mendacious, malignant and unprincipled enemy of labor over a long period of tims. He is safe and his master, Mr. Pulitzer, will never have to male embarrassing apologies for him! pledges its loyal support to the so-! cialist parties of Europe in any| measures they might ‘think necessary to undertake, etc.,” the leaders of the | American party completely identified | themselves with the crimes against | the working class of the apostates of | European socialism, although they did not offiically approve the wer stand) of any one of the groups. Like Wood-) row Wilson who urged that the Uni-! | ted States remain neutral “in thought | | as well as in deed,” the socialists of | this country certainly officially re-| mained neutral in deed. But un- officially some of the gallant leaders! | of American socialism supported one side of the world war while others} supported the other side. * * * ment driving the Labor Party and by an enemy power as the only, z DeValera forward to some ji New York Call ‘apologizing in the most poisonous manner for the means of securing “peace.” Thus, Hillquit’s interpretation of the “true” socialist point of view turns out to be nothing but the “true” capitalist point of view and exposes the utter incompetency and theoretical bank- ruptey of this socialist leader. Hillouit’s article in the March, | 1915, Metropolitan Magazine is about the most poisonous document written by an American socialist. Unques- tionably it is a vindication of the German socialists. Hillquit as much as says that if he had been in Ger- | many he would have supported the war, but also adds that the socialists of the allied countries were justified in supporting their governments. This despicable apology for social patriotism went unrebuked as far as the rest of the American socialist party officialdom was concerned. A more | vigorous action against the Free, State government than mere empty} platitudes. The refusal of the Re- publicans hitherto to recognize the existence of the Free State govern- ment sounded good to the ears of political infants and always got a big hand among .Republican sympa- thizers in the United States, but if they permitted Cosgrave with his | minovity government to put thru his “Hanging Bill” they would soon have further tangible proof that they were |not dealing with a myth, but with a terribie reality. * * ONE of the first moves on the part of the Labor-Republican coalition is said to beg revision of the oath of allegiance, Bousicn ‘of the Labor Party has no scruples over it but | eommas may be shifted by the latter | to enable DeValera to develop int a fully-fledged minister of the Iris! V'ree State. —THEATRE GUILD ACTING es | The SECOND Ets | | GUILD Thea., W. 52 St. Bvs. 8:30 | | i Mats. Thurs. & Sat. 2:30 * * * que present development in Iréland} can be, turned to good account} against Brtish imperialism in Ireland.) as well as elsewhere provided the} radical cleménts in both the Labor .and Republican parties push for an poesressive anti-British policy and a re-opening of the treaty that created the Free State. The struggle for complete national independence must be placed first on the agenda and the establishment of a Workers and Pea- sants government instead of the present instrument of, British im- perialism. _B.S. MOSS’ BWAYs:: Beginning MONDAY EXTRA ADDED ATTRACTION Don’t Forget the Sustaining Fund!

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