The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 23, 1927, Page 9

oie ae “rue PATRIOTS FOR FLAG * ano Countey Pra ae st The Danger of War in Permanency (Continued from Page One) trace the mass movement of the working classes in this period, we see how, in spite of all the signals and cries of warning, they did not properly grasp the danger and were not prepared to meet it in the right way until finally, in 1914, in the twinkling of an eye, they were bowled over by the monster of the world war, and we almost feel the dramatic excitement of the spectator in a cinema who, in the most thrilling scene, wants to jump up and warn the unsuspecting hero of the murderer who is ap- proaching by stealth. The nearer the world war approches, the more zealously and feverishly the governments prepare for it, the more perfect do the arrangements for the pacifist deception become, from the czarist mani- festo to the Hague institutions, from the “guarantee of peace” of the Alliance to the meetings between monarchs. Even at that time, the pacifist humbug penetrated into the Second International. Was not the “long epoch of peace” an important argument of revisionism about the peaceful development into socialism? Was there not Van Kols who saw posi- tive sides in the colonial policy and Karl Leuthners, who saw them in the Triple Alliance? It is also interesting to read today some of the speeches in the Reichstag at the time of the crisis in Morocco. How many forewarnings of the 4th of August did we, as good social democrats, carelessly pass by at that time? The epoch since the world war exhibits all the phenomena of the pre-war period on an extended scale. The almost uninterrupted chain of wars has grown into a-war im permanency. Murder has never ceased at all. We have also entered on a new epoch of colonial wars, the epoch of the defense of colo- nies and spheres of influence against the revolution- ary uprisings of the population of -those districts. The armaments for war, preparations, contradic- tions and dangers of war have become much mightier and more alarming than before the Great War. Con- sequently, the endeavors of the bourgeoisie to de- ceive the working masses as tothe true character of the present character must be much more strenuous. The League of Nations and the guarantee pacts to- gether with all the rest of the pacific humbug are the result of these endeavors, and moreover, behind these institutions, are hidden the efforts of the great imperialist powers to guard themselves against premature explosions; for the experience of the world war has taught them that not only must every preparation be made for a war, but that the moment of its outbreak must be well chosen and should not come by surprise. The imperialists can be well satisfied with the result of their endeavors to deceive the masses as to the true character of the present period as one of war in permanency. Million of workers who are under the influence of the social patriotic leaders, believe their asserations that the danger of war is only a Communist clamor and that the League of Nations, the Treaties of Locarno, etc., are actualiy guarantees of peace. Can there be a greater tri- umph for the imperialist propaganda than the fact that the leaders of the revived Second International can, without being ignominiously turned out, an- nounee to the masses the exact opposite of the truth and can represent the present period when peace is hetter ensured than ever, whereas as compared with the time before the war, the danger of war is far more imminent? Clausewitz, in his famous saying that war is the continuation of politics with other means (i.e., the means of force), has pointed out the close relation- ship between politics and war. Today, his saying is out of date. Even the variation that the wohld world policy of the imperialists since 1918 is nothing but the continuation of the imperialist world war with ether means, does not express this enormous change precisely enough. In the present period of im- perialism, politics and war have been welded into one, they form one unit. It may almost be regarded as a symbol that the imperialist statesmen, at the very time when they are sitting together in League of Nations conferences or peace conferences, issue orders for the bombardment of Chinese towns and Riff villages in Morocco, and that Geneva and Lo- carno are at the same time centres for international profiteers who traffic in war material. Not only the imperialist war, however, but the class war also is in permanency today. The bour- geoisie, from its side only, has declared it in per- manency against the revolutionary proletariat which at the same time has prompted it to conceal this war as it did the imperialist war, behind a pacifist de- lusion, in this case that of democracy and parliamen- tarism, in order to deceive the masses as to its true attitude towards them. The parallel forces itself upon us. Neither the Paris Commune nor the murders in Chicago, neither the intensification of the revolutionary fights in Russia, nor the massacres of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie in other states prevented most of the leaders of the Second Interaational from regarding the period of civil war as finally concluded and from considering it out of the question that the prole- tarian class war should develop into a civil war. The forged preface by Engels to Marx’ “Class War in France” has remained for them the most precious jewel of political Marxist literature, and the ex- periences of the first Russian revolution of 1905 have existed for them only as interesting events in an exotic country which have as much significance for their “own” country, as have the canals on Mars for the actual geography of mother earth. The more the class filghts have been intensified the more obstinately have these leaders refuse] to enter into any definite discussion, not to mention making any practical preprations for more serious methods of fighting. They have not gone beyond the ballot paper. What are the occasional massacres instituted by the bourgeoisie against the proletariat from May 1871 in Paris to the fights on the Lena in 1912 as compared with the sanguinary war of extermina- tion which the bourgeoisie has been carrying on against the revolutionary Labor movement from Oc- tober 1917 until the present day? How many thous- ands of proletarians have been slaughtered by the bourgeoisie and their social patriotic executioners in Russia, Finland, Bavaria and Hungary, in the Ruhr district and in central Germany, (March 1920 and 1921), in Roumania and Poland, in Yugoslavia and Italy? Has this murdering, this blood-thirsty class been stopped for a single year? The bour- geoisie carries it on uninterruptedly, whenever there is a pause, it prepares for the next wholesale slaughter, —h— AFTER SEVEN YEARS (Continued from page 3) to “Abessalum,” “so that at a favorable moment we may be able to rely on them to arrest the Bol- shevik officers and soldiers in the army.” The “Czech” tactics are t cs. of PLOTS in contra- distinction to the tactics of MASS ACTION. These are tactics of the coup d'état, in contra- distinction to revolutionary tactics, they are not at all the tactics of peaceful propaganda and legal pro- tests. ; * * * OT having behind them any ise natural for them tc c es outside of Georgia. On this point we find the mcet interest- ing parts of their correspondence. “The Bolshevik order destroyed the Georgian nation, its national system and culture,” writes Jordania (“the Bolshe- vik order” accomplished this in an extraordinarily conspirative manner so that not only outside ob- servers, but even the Georgian people themselves could riotice it. What devilish bloody people the Bol- sheviks are!}, “but it advanced nationally other, non-historieal (!) nations and directéd them on the path of regeneration. We were for instance the eye-witnesses of the creation of the Ukraine. This 40 million strong nation represents such an enorm- ous power that should it want to separate from Moscow (! !) the latter would have to concede in- voluntarily. The other nations would follow after- wards. For us this would facilitate methods as the Ukraine would stand between us and Moscow and would liquidate our common borders therewith (Moscow). The dismemberment of the Soviet Union into national units can be accomplished in a better organized form if the Ukrainians would take this task upon themselves. Under such conditions. the Georgian nation would enter the framework of the Ukrainian nationalist tmovement.” (The reader, if he pleases, can put here as many exclama- tion marks as he likes). J ET me first of all congratulate the Ukraine for Y being classified among the “non-historical na: tions.” I must say that as a “Russian historian” of the old order I feel greatly offended. The devil take it! The Ukrainians are not a historical nation? Ex- cuse me! And what about the Kamelnitsky episode, is it not history? in Georgia, it Then, I cannot but congratulate also the Georgian nation with Noi Jordania’s plan to hide it behind the broad shoulders of the “non-historical” Ukrain- ian. This is a great honor indeed. I must frankly admit it suits me better than when I see Jordania and Co., sitting not behind, but a bit lower under the British generals. What can I do. I am only an old “Russian historian” after all. As long as I live I will repeat only what I have imbibed with my mother’s mill. Noi No. 2 concretises the general reveries of Not No. 1. “Our perspective is mostly connected with the second policy outlined by Jordania,” says Rame- shvilli to Abessalum (Jordania mapped out three possible ways of the “regeneration of Georgia”: 1.—The collapse of Bolshevism from within; 2.— National uprisings in the border lands, and 3.—An Anglo-Russian war, “namely, the consolidation of the nationalities. This is precisely why we organ- ized the ‘Committee of Caucasian Independence’ and published the ‘Prometheus’ in the French language. This committee is comprised of our representatives and representatives from Azerbadijan and the moun- tain republies,'two from each republic. The ‘Cau- casian Committee’ is closely connected with the ‘Turkestan Independence’ and with the ‘Ukraine’ (Levitsky, Petliura’s representative). It is our aim to separate from Russia by common action of these nations and by the establishment of a military al- liance both during the war with Russia and after iE? 5 eres not only is a mass rising in Georgia im- possible and undesirable, but isolated action by Georgia will lead nowhere. “The nations which are in the same position as we have at last realized that in order to destroy the enemy, unity and joint action is necessary,” says Oliko, “the Ukraine, Caucasian and Turkestan have united. . .Their joint action is an accomplished fact. The consolidation of a united front is a question of the near future.” We may rest assured that before very long there will be a*scrap amongst them. For the Ukraine, the Sochi. Denikin episode. (see “Georgia Under British Rule”) is a guarantee. Father Levitsky surely thinks that Kuban is Ukrainian. And from the point of view of Jordania’s political geography this ghould be so, if one looks at it. But it is unlikely that we shall ever see this “immediate future.” The dialec- tics of history have brought about a situatfon when the once seemingly powerful national groups have become metamorphosed into weak groups of plot- ters which have no roots in the masses, as they them- selves admit. This is definitely so in Georgia. This is more than probable in the Ukraine and in Turke- stan. The dialectics of history was always on the side of the Bolsheviks, and where else could it be? TAYE aN Se