The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 23, 1927, Page 4

Page Four THE DAILY WORKER | Published by tie DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO, Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in New York only): By mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year 98.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. ae Phons, Orchard 1680 “Daiwork” J. LOUIS ENGDAHL Ree UR CHT .. Briss ees: Editors BERT MILLER............ RAR business Manager Entered as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. Y., undez the act of March 8, 1879. Advertising rates on applicatiot, =j». The Importance of the Traction Organization Campaign to the Labor Movement The struggle for the organization of the ‘traction workers is marked by rapid developments. The exchange of communi- cations in the press between Vice President Shea and General Organizer Coleman of the Street Railway Employes’ Union and Hedley of the Interborough Rapid Transit Company is becom- ing exceedingly acrimonious and the I. R. T. continues to defy the labor movement. The Central Labor Council, representing the bulk of the New York City labor movement, following a similar statement by President Green of the A. F. of L., has pledged support to the| organization campaign. A big mass meeting under the auspices - of the Amalgamated Association of Street and Electric Railway Employes and endorsed by the Central Labor Council was held last night. A survey conducted among the I. R. T. workers shows that a big majority of them are for union organization and against the company-dominated “brotherhood” which they are now forced to join. Wages are low, hours are long and the “yellow dog” con- tract puts the workers completely at the mercy of the company. As we have said before, the present struggle is something far more important than a local fight for union recognition. The} whole question of company unionism, in its most vicious form, versus trade unionism, is involved. The outcome of the present struggle will have far reaching effects upon the American labor movement. With the full support of the labor movement a strike is bound to win the right to organize and recognition of the union.| This outcome of the struggle would have a trerrendous effect upon the labor movement nationally and would se~’e to check the offensive of the bosses which shows itself in the mining in- dustry, the building trades and other less well-organized indus- tries. But the interests of the traction workers are paramount now and there must be the greatest care exercised to see that the organization campaign does not become the football of rival groups of republican and democrat party office-seekers. Once a strike is called there must be no settlement without a referendum vote of the workers involved. Any suspicion that | the interests of the workers are being manipulated to further | Results of the Plenary Session of the Executive Committee of the Communist International: the ambitions of one or the other capitalist party political ma- chine will do irreparable harm to the labor movement by creat- ing suspicions among the workers which would make unioniza- tion impossible for years to come. Some Dangerous Aspects of the Opposition Bloc in District 1, U. M. W. A. The convention of District 1, United Mine Workers of Amer- ica, now the largest district in the union with between 80,000 and 90,000 members, shows strong signs of the development of a pow- erful opposition to President Cappellini—the official representa- tive of the Lewis machine in this district. The defeat of the district president and the executive board on the question of extending the term of office to four years was a close but decisive one. This was the issue around which the op- position crystallized. It numbers among its leaders William Bren- nan, who was the candidate for secretary-treasurer of the U. M. W. A. of the “Save the Union” bloc in the last election and was the predecessor of Cappellini in the office of district president. This opposition, however, can play no important part in wrest- ing control of the union from the Lewis machine and initiating a progressive program unless it changes its whole approach to the problems of the union. At present it seems to be without a defi- nite program, there is nothing said so far as can be ascertained about the many vital issues that the strike of the bituminous miners puts before the membership and the progressive program of'the “Save the Union” bloc appears to have been discarded in ler to attract purely job-seeking elements. We are informed that even well-known rank and file mem- bers of the union who took a leading part in support of John Brophy ‘and the “Save the Union” program, are following the leadership of William Brennan in the fight on Cappellini without insisting on such important issues as organization of the unorgan- ized, democracy in the union, a labor party, militant conduct of the bituminous strike—in a word without. connecting the struggle in District 1 with the national problems of the U. M. W. A. Such an opposition, even tho it is successful in defeating Cap- pellini, will only confuse the membership and place in responsible positions men who are committed to no program whatever—which means'that they will do nothing but become the tools of the re- actionary elements which today dominate official circles of the U.M. W. A. The fight in District 1, if it is carried on under these conditions, will continue to be in reality a struggle between democrat and republican politicians. The honest left wing elements in District 1 will have to make an open statement to the miners and demand that the program of the “Save the Union” bloc be made the basis of the struggle against the Lewis machine and Cappellini in this important section of ihe miners’ union. If the leaders of the opposition to Cappellini will not endorse and support*this program, the left wing must expose them as ob- stacles in the way of building an honest and militant rank and file movement around a program of concrete demands whose en- ment will make the U. M. W. A. an effective union embracing al] the coal in the United States by freeing it from the influence of the coal operators and their agents in the union. Marcel Cachin, Editor jof Communist Daily in |France, Goes to Prison By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL | NOTE.—While in Paris on his return to New York from Moscow, Comrade Engdahl attended the session of the French Chamber of Deputies on the - day that parliamentary immunity was denied Marcel Cachin, the French Communist deputy, who is also | editor of the central organ of the French Communist | Party, ’Humanite. As a result Cachin has been | sentenced and will. serve six months in La Sante | Prison as’a result of the anti-militarist activities | carried on by the French party during the Moroccan Engdahl *rites of this historic event as fol- lows: * * * ERE are his words: “T have nothing to ask from the Chamber of Deputies. I am ready to go to prison. I have |been there already. A Communist is not de- | graded by being jailed in defense of the ideals of his party. On the contrary, the more you strike at us, the more sympathy you will create for the Communist Party and for its principles, |in the minds of the working class masses. We | will not cease for a moment to defend peace and. |fight against imperialism.” . 8 ® Thus Marcel Cachin, editor of the French Communist daily, |’"Humanite, thundered against the imperialist re- aetion in the French Chamber of Deputies. It was an historic moment. Only a few moments before I had been admitted to the gallery of the Cham- ber on the invitation of Comrade Cachin. When I en- tered M. Barthou, the minister of justice, was address- ing the Chamber from the Tribune, declaring that the Chamber, had the power and the duty to withdraw the parliamentary immunity that is supposed to be a privi- lege of every deputy. Barthou, sleek, slender and bald- headed, was the typical imperialist statesman. Twenty- five more pounds in weight would have made him the twin brother of Nicholas Longworth, the son-in-law of the ‘late Theodore Roosevelt, who presides over the house of representatives at Washington, D. C. * * * Barthou finishes shortly. Then the spokesmen of the various parties, of which there are many in the French chamber, are recognized in turn by the president of the chamber, Mr. Bouisson, who sits on a high dais. He is dressed in immaculate evening clothes. Speaker after speaker, especially on the extreme right, are repeatedly interrupted by shouts of derision and bitter invective, hurled at them from the left. The Communists are seated at the extreme left of the pre- siding officer. M. Bouisson has a long stick with which he beats upon his table to quiet the turmoil. When this fails he begins ringing a bell, rather violently, and with a great show of temper, There is plenty of noise and action in the French parliament. * * * But there are few interruptions when Cachin speaks. He repeats the stand of the party on the Moroccan war. For that is the charge against him. The government of Poincare wants to withdraw parliamentary immunity So that it can send him to prison because he had helped to carry on the Communist war against the imperialist war that had cost the lives of 10,000 soldiers, workers and farmers of France. Cachin pointed out that this sacrifice in blood had been made for the sole profit of bankes and militarism, | Cachin declared that the Communists had no apolo- | gies to offer for the fight they had made. He declared | that not one word uttered by the party would be re- tracted—the words for which several comrades were al- ready in prison. * * * “During the war in the Riff we called upon the sol- diers of the French republic not to fight their brothers in Africa, We called upon them to say to the soldiers in Morocco: “‘No! We will not fight you. We will join hands with you like brothers. We are equally unfortunate with you. Let us unite instead, and fight against our common enemy!’ “Such was our crime, We called upon each and every soldier of the republic to say to his supposed enemy: “ ‘Brother! I do not come to fight against you. I come to join arms with you. Like you, I am en- slaved. I am armed. I have determined to strike down our common tyranny. I will be free. Do you wish to become free likewise?) There is my hand!” * * * These were the words of revolutionary fraternization that the French Communist Party urged upon French soldiers as they faced their brother workers and farmers in Morocco. Pierre Semard, the party secretary, was already in prisqn. Cachin, the editor of the party daily and leader of its parliamentary fraction, also faced prison. Only the thin thread of capitalist parliamentary immunity had saved him for a few days, That thin thread was now being cut. * * * The socialists were urging that the Poincare govern- ment delay the imprisonment of Cachin until the end of the session, Evidently they thought that the work- ers would:then give less attention to the incident. It was on this motion that the crucial test came in the| voting. The government won by two votes, 241 to 239, with the socialists and radical socialists, who refused to join the fight for immunity for all members of the chamber alike, evidently believing that they would thus stave off the wrath of the workers in their home con- stituencies. They feared the voice of the workers at the next elections. a The Communists abstained from voting. They refused | to violate the revolutionary dignity of the party by) participating in this mockery of capitalist parliamen- | tarism. In the words of Cachin: | “This is the Poincare government’s affair.) We have nothing to ask of it. The workers will judge us.” © * * Not only Cachin, byt the managers of l’Humanite, as well as its printers, face the common six months in prison. La Sante Prison, like the Bastille of old, feeds on new victims. * * * | Down in the reception room of the chamber, however, one remembers that there is a huge painting of Jean) Jaures addressing this parliament of France, when he | was alive and one of its members. Jaures was assas- | sinated on the eve of the world war by a patriotism- crazed jingo, typical of the mob spirit of the day. Jaures, | one of the most persistent anti-militarists jn the ranks | of the Second (Socialist) International before the war, | suffered martyrdom in the struggle that is now being | continued by the French Communist Party. The war againsi the imperialist war marches | on in France in spite of death and prison. ee By N. I. Bucharin. This is the first installment of a speech delivered by N. I. Bucharin, | editor of Pravda and chairman of the | Executive Committee of the Commu- nist International, given at the plen- um of the Moscow committee of the | Communist Party of the Soviet Union |on June 4th, 1927. The subject dealt | with by comrade Bucharin is the re- | sult of the recent plenary session of | the Executive Committee of the Com- munist International.—Editor. wee a Comrades! The Plenary Session of the Exec- utive Committee Communist Interna- tional just ended, although it has been formally an ordinary regular plenum of the Executive Committee Communist International, is no less important, will prove indeed to be perhaps of even greater importance, than the sessions. of the Enlarged Executive. This greater importance arises from the circumstances that the work of the Plenum has been done in the midst of a most extraordinary international situation—extraordinary for a number of reasons. First of all, it was during the ses- sion of the Plenum that the rupture of diplomatic relations between the Seviet Union and the British Empire took place. This in itself was an even fully exposing the extreme acuteness of the international situa- tion. Further, the session has coincided with a new phase in the development of the Chinese revolution, and with this with a new phase in the history of the world. These two events alone suffice to give this Plenary S¢gsion, whose main task it has been to deal with these events, a position of unique importance in the history of the development of the Communist movement and in the history of the struggles of the Communist Interna- tional. The third factor imparting special importance to this session has been the attitude adopted by the Opposi- tion. It need not be said that I do not think of ranking the attitude of The Concert for the Left Wing Defense. The concert to be given at the Coney Island stadium tonight is something more than a splendid symphony and ballet program. It will be a demonstration of solidarity with the striking furriers and with the cloakmakers who have been sentenced to savage | prison terms and at the same time a protest against the shameful | treachery of the Wolls, the McGradys, the Sigmans, the yellow so- cialist leaders under the influence of the Jewish Daily Forward and |their police and gangster pals, all in the service of the union- | wrecking bosses. It is the task of the musical reviewers to deal with the splen- did features of the program, which is one given at popular prices, | within reach of workers, that is seldom duplicated even at the ex- clusive prices that can be paid by the bourgéoisie. The proceeds | of the concert go to the defense of those workers who are fighting | not only their own fight, but who are today bearing the brunt of | the attack by the reaction. Their fight is the fight of the all militant labor in the United States. If they are aided in this struggle, if they are furnished with the ammunition to carry on the fight, the reaction will hesitate to attack the rest of the labor movement. If they do not win it |means that every section of the labor movement that dares chal- | lenge the right of the bosses to break the union, to beat down the standard of living of the workers and the right of the labor lieu- tenants of capitalism to sign repulsive agreements and force the workers to observe them will be faced with the same fight to the bitter end. The thousands who attend the concert tonight, besides enjoy- ing themselves, will also be contributing to the fund that will ena- ble our valiant needle trades comrades to carry on the fight against the enemies of labor. . 4 the Opposition in a position of im- portance to be compared with the great historical events just men- tioned. But it is none the less neces- sary that attention should be drawn to this attitude, the more that the Opposition has never before expressed itself in such a form, in such a tone, or with such purport. Never before has the Opposition taken a stand so brusk, so anti-Party, and at the same time so ‘decided,” as at the Plenum of the Executive Committee which we have just concluded. There were three important ques- tions on the agenda. The question of the fight against the danger of war and against war as likely to arise out of the present international situation; the Chinese question; the English question. In the course of the session a fourth question arose: that of the judgment to be formed on the attitude of the Opposition. On the War Against War. As point of departure we take the incontestable fact that in China a capitalist intervention is going for- ward against the forces of the Chi- nese revolution; we base our conclu- sions for the most part on the as- sumption—which has already almost become an axiom, or will presently become one—that the British Gov- ernment is working systematically, not only to surround the Soviet Union on all sides, but for the preparation of actual war on the Soviet Union. The problems which the Executive Committee of the Comintern set itself the task of solving at this session are the result of the peculiarity of the present international situation, which differs greatly from the situation in 1914, the period which brought us to the threshold of the “great” imperial- ist war. The tasks confronting us at the present time differ correspond-| ingly from those faced by the organ- izations of the revolutionary prole- tariat in 1914. A large number of the problems, slogans, and various tactical tasks, with which we have to occupy ourselves at the present junc- ture, are bound to differ greatly from the problems, slogans, and tasks fall- ing to the Bolsheviki during the first world war, (To be continued) Mamaroneck Bathing Unsafe. MAMARONECK, N. Y., July 22.— Kp visitor\ to Pleasant Bay Park tomorrow where The DAILY WORKER is holding a Carnival and Fair will be surprised and astonished at the diverse program arranged and which will oceupy the entire day and most of the evening. Below is but a sprinkling of the musical, dance, and vaudeville pro- gram. Dorsha, the inimitable dancer, who needs no introduction to radicals; Florence Stern, the well known vio- linist and a big bill’ of vaudeville will help to make the day a memorable one. Besides this there will be a baseball game, a soccer game, a tug of war match, and a Grand Flower Dance and dancing of course. The complete program follows: The dance program arranged by Dorsha wil linclude; A Gypsy Dance, The East Indian Nautch and March Slav. Florence Stern, violinist, accom- panied by Julius Koehl will play, “Can- zonetta,” by Tschaikowsky; “Land- ler,” Mozart; “Beth Hamidrash,” Ellstein; “Scherzo Tarantella,” Wie- niawski. The vaudeville will include: Jessie Weinstein, songs; The Workers Ballet in a series of dances; Fred Ellis and William Gropper, cartonnists; Sam Nessin, humerous monologue; James E. Philips and Ruth Agee, in folk songs, a special item from WEAF radio station and Tearny Troup who will render a Highland Fling and ON CARNIVAL PROGRAM TOMORROW FLORENCE STERN The noted violinist will render a group of solos at the Carnival and Fair to be given at Pleasant Bay Park tomorrow. Irish Jigs. Pauline Rogers will lead the mass singing. The park is within easy reach of all boroughs. Take either the Lex- ington or the Seventh Avenue Bronx Park subway to East 177th Street and change for the Unionport Car to the end, of the line. LOW PRICES ARE REDUC j ——THEATRE GUILD ACTING CO. { The SECOND MAN Thea., W, 52 St. Evs. 8:30 Mats. Thurs. & Sat., 2:30 The SILVER CORD Jehn 'Th.58,E.ofBwy.|Circle Golden Tr ser ree | 5678 The MATING SEASON A SOPHISTICATED FARCE SELWYN West Evenings 8:30. 42 st. | Mats. Wed. & Sat. Little Theatre GRAND Evtniageae aa” STREET WMiURspAv' 2:20 FOLLIES ALL SEATS FOR THE LADDER ED FOR THE SUMMER. BEST SEATS $2.20. SHE L CORT Theatre 48th St. E. of B’way ADDER No Performances Saturday <a | COMMENCING TODAY! | AMERICAN PREMIERE of the Remarkable Film Version of TOLSTOY’S “POWER OF DARKNESS” Enacted by Moscow Art Players ||] Directed by ROBERT WIEN, direc- ||} tor of “Cabinet of Caligari,” “Crime | and Punishment” Continuous Performance 2-11:30 P.M. Popular Prices. 45% ¥ West 55th Street 55th St. Cinema West S5th Street PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. (Continued from Page One) of Venezuela, in which he undertook to air not only the Haitian situation, but also the troubles in Nicaragua. He charged that since the days of Monroe the American government had used its power to obtain a strangle hold on the economic welfare of all Latin America. Salomon De La Selva declared that the real and sole purpose of the pres- ent and past intervention in Nicaragua was to give “New York bankers con- trol of the finances and civil, and po- litical rights, of the Nicaraguan peo- ple.” * * * By MANUEL GOMEZ (Secretary All-America Anti-Impe- rialist League.) WASHINGTON, July 22.—Servile acceptance of the American Federa- tion of Labor “Monroe Doctrine of La- bor” by a unanimous vote, reading of a cabled salutation from President Machado of Cuba, and loud applause for the tirade of Chairman Green, A. F. L, president, against “Communism and every other ‘ism’ which tries to disrupt the labor movement by criti- cizing leaders,” featured the morning session yesterday of the Pan-Ameri- can Federation of Labor, and indicated complete control by Green and his way was paid here. Burlesque First. Green’s speech came at the end of an almost burlesque discussion of a veselution submitted by the A. F, L. delegation on the general principles of the Pan-American Federation of Labor. This was a resolution embody- ing the “Monroe Doctrine of Labor.” It committed tho P, A. F. L. to col- lective bargaining, democracy, and non-interference in affairs of other continents, adding “we will not permit others to dictate to us or impose prin- ciples of tactics. We are not wedded Announcement that bathing in Mamaroneck is unsafe except at cer- tain hours has been made by Dr. Ed- ais M. ney Seetl rpg officer, who sewage pollution has rendered bathing to any theory. We are for democracy.” The resolution also declared in a gen- eral way for political, moral and spir- itual freedom. ‘ Various men over the “paper” delegates, whose | WALL. STREET CONTROL OF PAN-AMERICAN LABOR FEDERATION EXPOSED IN GAG INCIDENT speeches of Green and Morones in or- der to be able to “counteract propa- ganda flooding their countries against the P. A. F. 1, God Save “Leaders.” Green then made a tired harangue, as mentioned above, linking “Reds” and all dissenters with capitalists as enemies of unions. He seemed espe- cially worried by the attacks on lead- ers. He said he wanted Labor to ex- jercise a growing part in the political life of the various countries, that is, regular rights of citizenship. But he added that he wanted labor to be “re- sponsible.” He wanted it to make wage agreements, and observe wage agréements when made, and to liqui- date obligations in an honorable way. This banal buncombe he delivered with the air ofa lecturer to schoolchildren, Browbeaten in Secrecy. Earlier opposition in the resolutions’ committee against Green’s policies was overcome behind closed doors, so that Woll in the beginning of his re- Port was able to declare unanimity on all points and thank the Latin delu- gates for helping present a solid front on the American continent, thus help- ing the Pan-American Federation of \Labor. He admitted that the resolu- tion on Nicaragua had been “slightly modified.” Weak Resolution. When the resolution was finally | presented in the afternoon, it was seen that it contained no real protest and iby inference helped to whitewash |American imperialism. It petitions Coolidge, “respectfully but energet~ ically” to withdraw the marines from | Nicaragua. A resolution against the dictator | ship in Venezuela and one on the Nica- raguan national bank were adopted. No practical trade union proposals were made, nor any against imperial- ism. The greetings from Machado of Cuba were read over the protest of one delegate that Machado is commit~ ting countless crimes against the Cuban workers and that he wanted to _ cover these crimes by a mantle of — pseudo laborism, and for that pur cable to t cab ie had sent an empty