The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 21, 1927, Page 6

i Page Six WHO AM I? WITH THe The Executive Committee of the Communist Interna- tional Greets Klara Zetkin Hails 70-Year-Old Veteran of Revo- lution Who Has Held High Tradi- ‘tions of Marxism Over Period of More Than Fifty Years of Struggle. I have the toughest pair of lungs in the United States. Senate. I can hurl more moral indigna- H tion\than an angry auctioneer. L oppose the Coolidge administra- tion now and then but I don’t mean any harm to “Cal.” Tho stout of girth I am a slim reed for the workers-and farmers to lean on. I hail from a state that begins with an I and ends with an O, which means that every farmer in IL O owes money to the bankers. French Communist Party | Leads Today's Struggle) \ lof the Workers in France By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL Id s2 we em i vs) YOUNG EDITOR KIDS CAL; GETS FROM COPS W. W. Busick, the 23-year old pub- lisher of “The American Atlas,” a VISIT NOTE.—Here is another sketch of the activities of | the Communist movement in France written by Com- vade Engdahl, who stopped in Paris three days on his) return to this country recently from the Soviet Union. Other articles will review additional subjects of in-| tration had bungled and sent only a couple of detectives. 1 \ | terest. * * * would be easy to draw inferences from the fact | that the headquarters of our French Communist Party is located at 106 Rue LaFayette, the Paris street named after the young French soldier who aided the American | revolution in its struggle against the British tyranny | in 1776. For it is the Communists of today in France, like Jacque Doriot, j returned from China, who are aid- ing the revolutionary movements in foreign lands, not to the liking of French imperialism, especially where its own colonies are concerned. Doriot was acclaimed only by the French workers and farmers on his return | from China. The government had a six months’ prison | sentence awaiting him. The latest reports are that Marcel Cachin, editor of l’Humanite, central organ of the French Communist Party, and Doriot went to prison on Monday of this week. Hankow vs. Nanking in China By ANNA LOUISE STRONG. | SHANGHAI, July 19 (FP).—On the boat from Kobe here I met Hu Shih, known as one of the leaders in the Chinese Renaissance, which was the implification of the alphabet and the use of common life for literature. He is for the Nanking group of Chinese Nationalists and against the Hankow group. The Nankjng crowd claimed that theirs is an anti-Communist pur- pose; the Hankow that theirs is a civil | government versus military domina- | tion. I went to T. V. Soong. Remember- ing him from Canton, and knowing his financial genius, I intended to base | of the Koumintang by a military man | seems to Soong to continue the same old troubles that have ruined China. Graft is rampant; specific instances show that officials, through whom purchases of the Nanking government pass, make 100 per cent on the trans- actions. I dare say graft is rampant in other parts also, including Han- kow. Raids, searchings and round-ups of “Communists,” which means any labor leader, keeps the Chinese city \of Shanghai in terror. Now for the \first time, the British settlement al- | lows extradition of political offenders, \these offenders being labor men. Britain’s partisanship is interesting- While she helps It is remembered that the great key of the Bastille | ay estimate of the two groups on his | ly shown otherwise. was given by LaFayette to the American revolutionist, | Tom Paine, as a present for George Washington, It is now at Mount Vernon, in Virginia, the Washington estate. ‘ Thus Rue LaFayette ‘is linked historically with the Place de la Bastille, or simply “La Bastille,” which was once the site of Bastille St. Antoine, a castle built in 1870-83 and spared when the old fortifications were demolished under Louis XIV. become odious as a place of arbitrary and tyrannical imprisonment was made historically famous by its total destruction on July 14, 1789, by an enraged populace at the beginning of the French revolution of that year. * * * In place of the Bastille, there is now a huge open space adorned by the Colonne de Juillet, erected under Louis Philippe in 1831-40, in memory of those who} fell in the revolution of July, 1830. The giant bronze column, 154 feet high and 13 feet in diameter, rests on a@ massive round base of white marble. Under this base are two huge sarcophagi, for the remains of the victims of the July (1830) revolution, and also for those who fell in the revolution of February, 1848. The Place de la Bastille also played a memorable part in the revolutions of 1848 and 1871. In June, 1848, the revolutionists erected their strongest barricades at the entrance to the Rue du Faubourg-St. Antoine, In May, 1871, this was one of the last strongholds of the Communards, by whom it had been formidably barri- caded. * * * French revolutionary history, however, is still in the making. The Bastille, levelled to the ground and its stones used in the building of the Place de la Concorde, may be a horror of history. But there is a neg “Bas- tille” in Paris, for the political prisoners of toflay, La Sante Prison, where Pierre Semar, the secretary of the French Communist Party is being held, and where many other Communists have served or are serving prison sentences for their championship of the new revolution. Semar had been one of the delegates of the French Party at the sessions of the plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International in Moscow. I had looked forward to seeing him carrying on his} work at the French Party’s headquarters in Paris, But instead he vas in prison. I was told that he was not even allowed to see visitors in prison, except for an occasional visit from his wife and child. During Semar’s stay in prison,*his assistants at the party headquarters, 106 Rue LaFayette, are keeping up the work of the party. (Since my stay in Paris, Semar has been re- leased and again returned to prison.) * * * As you walk east in Rue LaFayette, you are first attracted by a magnificent display of literature in front of a pretentious bookstore. Here are not the writings of the revolutionary days that are gone, of Robespierre and Marat, »f Danton and Babeuf, of Rousseau and Gambetta. I had seen many of the books and pamphlets of these earlier revolutionists in the original editions, and copies of the newspapers they had edited, in a carefully prepared exhibition at the Marx-Engels Insti- tute in Moscow. Here on the bookstall of the French Communist Party, in Rue LaFayette, in June, 1927, however, were the books and pamphlets of Lenin and Bukharin, of Stalin and Cachin, of Marx and Engels, of Jaures and Bar- busse, the writers of today’s revolution. * * * The entrance to the party headquarters is thru a hallway to the left, I find a comrade on guard at an outer office. In fact, here in Paris, as at Berlin and Moscow, I found “strictly busimess” the rule of the day everywhere. The party headquarters constituted a place -to work and unless you were vitally connected with this work the comrade in “the outer office” would quickly turn you back. . The comrade here, as at the offices of the l’Humanite, could not read English. But he could understand the meaning of the Hammer and Sickle on my American Communist Party credential. So he pressed a button on his desk that opened a heavy, latticed door that led the way to the stairs to the floors above. * * * “Every party activity had its separate room with the proper sign affixed to every dapr. There was the trade union work, the work in the colonies, woman’s work, work among the youth and the children, the organjza- tion department and the political bureau, Stenographers were busy as usual in the secretary’s office, in fact, some of their typewriters were American makes. The party fraction in the chamber of deputies was in ses- sion discussing policies to be pursued in the meeting that would open shortly this very afternoon. Marcel Cachip is the chairman of the fraction, with Jean Gachery as secretary. There is a bureau for work among the farmers. In fact it was very clear that the French party was functioning energetically in every possible direction, that the party’s 65,000 members are kept hard at work strengthening the forces of the revolution in * * * All Paris is dotted with the memories of revolutions past. At the offices of the French Communist Party in Rue LaFayette, and at the home of its central organ, !'Humanite, in Rue Montmartre, one feels the throb of | labor’s struggle for power today. One may also hear the voice of the revolution in the Palais Bourbon, where the French Chamber of Deputies holds its sessions, and where 26 Communists sit as the spokesmen of the work- ing class of France. This fortress which had | | views. | Shanghai is hardly safe. But he has not gone in with the Nanking crowd and has no intention of doing so. He |advised me personally to, go to Han- | kow at once as the most important place to see real changes. Almost Prisoner. | T. V. Soong is older than when I |saw him in Canton. Then he was a clever in finance; now he is a man jof human life. He could not go up to Hankow now if he would for Chiang | Kai-shek, the Nanking leader in col- \lusion with the British authorities, |searches all boats on the river, and takes off alleged Communists for |court martial. Soong dispassionately analyzed the |mistakes of both ‘goups. | Graft At Nanking. However, Nanking’s defiance of the | authority of the executive committee |north against Chiang. On his drive | |to Pekin he has to cross the Yangtze \river. His opponent, retreating north, \takes all the railroad rolling stock. | Chiang’s troops have to walk. He de-| \sires to ferry some locomotives and | cars across the river from the south- | ern stretch of railway, but Britain) |prevents, alleging the “interest of Some say the British even threatened |the rolling-stock across. | Matters are not so hopeless as they seem on the surface. While the split) jis a real one and a dangerous one,) yet the two Nationalist groups are) prevented from fighting each other by | the fact that they would lose tremen- | |dously by doing so. They can keep| morale, which wins Chinese victories almost unaided by guns, only by ad- vancing towards Pekin, So both sides are advancing. | Several of the leading progressives {of Local Union 500 of the Interna- | tional Bakery and Confectionary | Union have been called to the Exec- juative Board and charges resulting | from their activities in exposing some lof the class collaboration manipula- | tions of the officials made in the re- |cent settlement with the Pechter and | Messinger Bakeries. Bad Contract. The right wing officials concluded {a settlement favorably to the bosses |and yielding to them in hours to the | disadvantage of the small bakeries in {the trade. Instead of 7 hours the |bakers will have to work 7% hours. The agreement also provides for | taking care of many of the scabs by | giving the boss the right to have two bakers as managers. It also estab- lishes arbitration to take all com- plaints arising out of the operation lof the agreement, a practice which |before did not exist in this union. The union has done all the arbitra- |ting heretofore. The agreement also | binds the ainion for 3 years instead | of one year, and make it_possible for | \the bosses to establish mixed shops |and thus get additional advantage in | working rules. It leaves room for ‘considerable favoritism in order to | divide the workers. It cuts down the |the free bread allowance to half. | Tried Once Before. The officials attempted to put over |a similar agreement about 2 months |ago but did not succeed. They re- |fused to bring further pressure to | bear upon the bosses after the rank and file had rejected their proposed | settlement by refusing to heed the | repeated request of the drivers to or- | ganize and to walk out in support to- | gether with the bakers. They also | yielded to the injunction granted in | favor of the bosses and ordered their |men to work with Messinger, thus making them involuntarily scab on |the rest of the bakers. In order to |further demoralize the strikers they |made a big issue of a settlement made by Messinger with the Amalga- mated Food Workers involving a | shop employing 2 men setting up the lery that this Union is seabing, and that at the same time the left wingers prevent them fyom making a settle- | ment. They knew perfectly well that | this settlentent involving only 2 men |could not be a decisive factor and | that they were merely using it as a weapon to demoralize the strikers and club: them into accepting the set- |tlement they were negotiating which las many of the workers said was worth $40,000 for the boses to pay for. Gangs Work Together. | The officials of the Amalgamated Food Workers Local No. 3 played into the hands of the corrupt leaders | of the strike by making the settle- |ment with the Messinger shop, and the Amalgamated which is very well known to the officials of the Inter- national. The leadership of Local No. 3 of the Amalgamated is as re- actionary as the leaders of the Inter- the left wing fought against it inside | New York Labor Activities Right Wing in the Bakers Preparing to Disrupt Local Union national and except for the fight put up against their scabing policy, they would have made a settlement with Messinger of the same kind that the International Officials now made, not only with the shop of 2 men with the big firms as a whole. The Left Wing has always advo- cated the amalgamation of these ri- val baker organizations but the local 3 leaders have succeeded in blocking it thus far. Only Lefts Help. The concessions made to the bosses in this settlement will intensify the process of wiping out the small bak- eries where the union has its strong- hold and will further undermine the union strength. Local 164 of the Amalgamated Food Workers con- trolled by the lefts was the only one that really acted in full solidarity with the bakers from the Interna- tional although the same cannot be said from the experience this local had with the International Bakers. The rank and file had understood the game that was put over them in this settlement called an opposition meet- ing at which some of the leading left wingers spoke and this is the crime that they are being charged with and for which the right wing is now pre- paring a civil war inside the organ- ization. The result of which will surely strengthen the bosses at the expense of the Union. WORKERS OF AUSTRIA By ALEX FIELD. Workers of Austria awaking at last surging upward in bewildered mass our comrades are sacred they shall not be dead Proletarian vengeance is now in your hands, they said, you were sleeping and would not awake lulled by misleaders fooled by the phrase bitter the cup of hemlock you drank as you demonstrated Your wrath. Your blood my comrades our blood too, blood of expiation for the right road to follow through forgotten the betrayers the murderous henchmen Liebchnecht, Luxemburg who killed you? Italy stops to hope Hungary waits with bated breath is it time for the toesin call for a new revolutionary wave? Workers of Austria Millions strong Strike the blow through Leninism to the Soviets, \ |THE Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- national has sent the following letter to Comrade Klara Zetkin: “The ECCI sends its comradely greetings to you on the occasion of your seventieth birthday. Your birth-} day is at the same time an anniversary of revolutionary marxism and of proletarian internationalism. “You comrade have devoted more than fifty years of your life to the eause of the proletarian class strug- gle. You are the living embodiment of the revolutionary traditions of the German and of the international prole- tariat. Your way is the way of all honest, determined and revolutionary elements in the camp of the working jclass, In the time when the proletariat began to col- lect its forces, organize itself and school itself for the class struggle, you, together with Franz Mehring and Rosa Luxemburg, bore the revolutionary lessons of Marxism into the broad masses. You fought mercilessly all attempts to misrepresent revolutionary Marxism. She | bore the lessons of Marxism into the masses as the| greatest lessons of the irreconcilable class struggle, as/| His personal freedom in| Chiang against Hankow, she helps the | the lessons of the proletarian revolution and of the dic- tatorship of the working class. * * * 'HILST Kautsky degraded Marxism to a justification of the passivity of reformist bureaucrats and re- treated step for step in the face of Bernstein’s revision- ism, you steered, despite everything, ‘against the stream,’ in the struggle against the falsifiers of Marx, the vain and petty trade union and party bureaucrats. Even when it was necessary to oppose Bebel, probably the | brilliant youth, Harvard graduate, | British bondholders of the railway.” | pest representative of the old social democracy, you did not hesitate. Your work in the Second International was who has experienced the deep clashes | to blow up Nanking if he tried to take | the exemplary work of a revolutionary Marxist in the time when the the struggle. «YOU have not transformed Marxism into an innocuous parlor socialism unconnected with the class strug- gle as the theoretical philistines of the social democracy have done. Rather you bore the lessons of revolutionary Marxism into the ranks of the workers, amongst the millions of oppressed proletarians, amongst the lowest ranks of the proletariat, amongst the working women, was collecting its forces for proletariat * * * new magazine in Pasadena, has a sense of humor. Furthermore, hav- ing observed that 80,000 men are walking the streets of Los Angeles in search of jobs, he takes Cal Cool- idge’s prosperity speeches with sev- eral grains of salt. He therefore addressed a letter to the Chief Executive of this Glorious Republie which said: Marines For Pasadena. “Recently there were three hold- ups, one murder, two automobiles stolen in Pasadena and I have just received word that an aqueduct has been blown up near here. rines in China and Nicaragua to pro- tect American lives and property, I ask that a troop of marines be sta- tioned here in Pasadena for the same purpose, “The Standard Oil Company has several stations and a depot here, which the marines could protect, making them feel entirely at home. “The schools of Los Angeles are forced to feed 3,000 starving chil- dren. May I have copies of your speech in which you said that the farmers had raised too much food- stuffs? I would like to distribute this speech among these children. Less Food and More Marines. “If it is not asking too much, I would also like to have copies of Mr. Mellon’s speech in which he an- nounced that we are in the midst of a great wave of prosperity. I would like to distribute this speech among the parents of these 3000 children. If you have any extra copies, please forward for distribution to the 80,000 unemployed of Los Angeles. “Yours for continued prosperity, amongst the wives and daughters of the proletarians. Generations freed from the yoke of capitalism will re- | member your work for the emancipation of the work- | ing women with gratitude, your work for the inclusion | of the women’s struggle in the general struggle of the) ) proletariat, your work for socialism. | * * * 1 eis have held high the banner of the revolutionary Marxism in times of ‘peace’ and in the times of war, in difficult times, when almost all socialists be- trayed their banner, you did not let it drop from your hands. In those days when Plechanov, Quesde, Kautsky, not to speak of the lesser important of the reformists | and bureaucrats, harnessed themselves to the war chariot of imperialism and betrayed Marxism and the} revolutionary class struggle, you stood in the centre of | the small group which rescued the honor of the German and the international working class movement. Whilst Ebert, Scheidemann, Thomas, Henderson and the others were honored with seats in the cabinets, your lot was that of which all revolutionaries must be proud. Bour- geois Germany flung you into prison. After the war came the real split iri the German social democracy. The opportunist wing turned itself into a wing of the bourgeoisie, into a. bourgeois workers party. The pres- ent social democracy has forsworn*Marxism. The name of Bernstein is written on its banners. + * * byl Hie Kautskys have capitulated before Bernstein’s revisionism, but the Zetkins have held up the ban- ner of Marxism, the banner of the proletarian revolu- tion. * . * “THE founders and the leaders of the Second Interna- tional today are Noske and Wels, MacDonald and Henderson, Renaudel and Thomas, the enemies and mur- derers of the working class, the servants of international capitalism, the privy councillors of His Majesty, The Communist International sorrows that the great pioneers of the proletariat, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht were murdered at the bidding of Noske and Wels and have not xpérienced the days of storm and fame accom- panying the development of the revolutionary struggle over the whole world. But the Communist International is proud that you, Klara Zetkin, were amongst its founders. The Communist International and its German section are proud that such old and tried fighters of the proletarian cause, such tried and trusted Marxists as you are fighting in their front ranks today. The Russian revolution and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union are proud to have in your person a self-sacrificing friend, comrade and pioneer to defend the cause of the Party, of the revolution,.of Leninism against all attacks, with all the power of your burning zeal, your great heart and your revolutionary passion, * * * “on your seventieth birthday Klara Zetkin, we express the conviction that in the near future, the proletariat of Germany and other countries which has seen such leaders as Liebknecht, Luxemburg, Mvhring and you Klara Zetkin, will rally in its overwhelming majority around the banner of Communism-Leninism under which Liebknecht, Mehring, Luxémburg, Knief and Jogiches fought and under which you are still fighting today. Your whole life has been devoted to the struggle for the inter- national revolution, for the German and for the Russian revolution, to the struggle of all the oppressed for the emancipation of the whole. of humanity. Upon your seventieth birthday the Communist International eg- presses its firm éonviction that you will be fortunate enough to experience further fruits of your fifty years work and struggle. Long live Klara Zetkin, the old fighter for revolution- ary Marxism and the international Working class move- ment! Long live Klara Zetkin, the oldest leader of the Com- munist International and the Communist Party of Ger- many! ; Long live the coming revolution in Germany! Long live the proletarian world revolution! The Exeeutive Committee of the Communist International, ' SEND IN YOUR LETTERS The DAILY WORKER is anxious to receive letters from its readers stating their views on the issues con- fronting the labor movement. It is our hope to de- velop a “Letter Box’ department. that will be of wide interest to all members of The DAILY WORKER family. Send in your letter today to “The Letter Box,” The DAILY WORKER, 33 First street, New York City. less food and more marines, The Edi- tor.” ; Virtues Reward. Busick sent his letter to the Chief Executive, before he had left for the Black Hills and donned a ten-gellon hat and chaps. On July 13th Busick was rewarded by a visit from two detectives. Here is the way in which he (Busick) desribes the session: “The more pompous of the two, who exuded a genuine movie detec- tive: atmosphere, opened the clothes closet and surveyed its empty ex- panse. Guardians of the Law. “Then the gentlemen seated them- selves, Neither’ wore derbies, but since the gentleman with the gener- our abdomen smoked a huge black cigar and knocked his ashes on the cbarpet I assumed they were ‘plain clothes’ guardians of the law. “After inquiry as to my business, one of the gentlemen drew from his pocket a blue print. It was a copy of my letter. to Coolidge. “I had mailed this letter to His Excellency weeks ago. I had asked for marines. But again the adminis- It is well to note the progress of the educational work of the Young Workers League. The district schools thruout the country can very well demonstrate this fact. The following schools have been organized this | year: Ohio, Massachusetts, Oregon |and Superior. I do not know the de- ‘tails of all these schools, but just a few remarks on the Superior Young Workers League School, or the Young Workers League Educational Courses. | There are forty seven students at- tending the classes: twenty four boys jand twenty three girls, averaging | 17% years of age. I was very much | surprised to see how seriously these ;young workers take their studies. | This fact makes one believe that each one of them, is determined to go back to their pective localities, and put their knowledge into practice, which I also learned from different *|conversations with some of the stu- dents. if | The students are not only taught | theoretical subjects, but they are also organized in. the so-called model league, which is composed of shop and street nuclei. This league is put- ting into practice the theory of or- ‘ganization which they learn in the ‘classes, as far as its environment and limited industrial surroundings per- mit. This gives those who belong to the league a chance to learn how the work of the Young Workers League should be conducted and those who don’t belong to the Young Workers League, a chance to find out the structure of our organization so that when they join the league, and I am sure they will, they will be able to become active from the very first day of their entering the League. The subjects included in the six week courses are as follows: So- cialogy, American History, Marxian Economics, Class Struggle Theory, Public Speaking, Young Workers League Organization, Current Events, Saeialist Reconstruction ete. which is devided between two instructors: Comrades A, J. Hayes and J. Wil- liamson. The relationship between the stu- dents and instructors is very com- radely, but at the same time the stu- dents ‘feel that they must study their subjects, as there is a check up on “ " | Inasmuch as our nation has ma- “Authoritatively knocking more ashes on the carpet, the custodian of the law inquired if the signature to the letter was mine. I volunteered that at least it bore a very close re- semblance. “The the leader of the bluffing ex- pedition turned loose a barrage of questions. “Do you belong to any organization to overthrow the government?” he asked. I suppose this shrewd Sher- lock expected if I was so affiliated I would break down in tears'and con- fess. “T answered: ‘No.’ “Do you distribute atheistic litera- ture to school children?’ was his next inquiry. “No? “Mo you distribute political lit- erature to children?’ “‘No, is it against the law?’ “No, but we look after it.’ “During the inquisition both of the super-sleuths had been taking a sample of everything but the glue. The gentleman seated by the pile of ashes on the carpet swooped up my bank book that was lying on the desk, There was a look on his face that indicated a great mental effort, followed by a prolonged silence, then by a light of exaltation. Finally he phrased his thought: “Who financed your magazine?” “I had to admit I was guilty of the crime. “What do you mean by writing to the president and telling him what an awful city Pasadena is?” Cal’s Permission. “I tried to explain that the letter wasn’t a slam on Pasadena, but rather a satire on the Coolidge and Kellogg policy of sending marines to butt into other people’s business. “The ‘Badge’ with the big cigar flecked another inch of ashes on the carpet. “Do you believe in the govern- ment?’ “I asked him what he meant by ‘the government.’ “*You ought to know,’ he replied. “At this the silent sleuth, who had been busy reading over a copy of my magazine, offered: ‘He doesn’t be- lieve in the government. Right here he criticizes Coolidge having a third term.’ ‘ “Another flutter of ashes to the floor and I was told that I had a right to my opinion. “But did you get Coolidge’s per- mission to use his name in your magazine?’ the gentleman with the cigar asked. % “ don’t think he would have to get Coolidge’s permission,’ the silent sleuth hazarded. the sleuths to the police station, where, after an examination by the chief, he was allowed to go his way. THE Y. W. L. DISTRICT SCHOOLS the work of each student, so that their time and the time of the school is not wasted. Especially interesting is to witness the Public Speaking Class. It ia noteworthy to see how these young workers and farmers get up in front of the class and relate their experi- ences in factories and farms or else choose general subjects as “Condi- tions in China” ete. When the in- structor asked if there are any volmn- teers to make another speech, about fifteen hands went up. They got over their first (stage fright) period and are ready to get up in large au- diences and freely express their opinions. The other classes are also very in- teresting and of great importance to this new squad of Young Workers League functionaries, as I am suve that 99 per cent of them will be of great value to the League. These young workers and farmers who are in constant touch with the masses who are not class conscious will utilize their knowledge and ex- periences to organize them into the ranks of the Young Workers League. More district schools, more Com- munist education in our ranks «will help to build up a mass Young Workers League which is one of the most important tasks of the Young Workers League at the present time. pA IRN eit PS ARIE POROUS Lai H Oe x Marks the spot where the Rs sub blank will be found. put your name on it, cli out, add a dollar (it doe: matter how old it ist) send it to get a year’s seription to the Young Work- er. Here's the address—The Young Worker Ed. Committee, 33 First St, New York, N. ¥+ ».¢ HERE'S THE SPO’ Enclosed $1 for a year's sub to the Young Worker, Name" Street . City .. : Beate cicrseccossscesseeeee Busick said he then accompanied — i Hi 2 BRoovreooriry