The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 2, 1927, Page 6

liberal bourgeois groups which are not yet wholly lost for the cause of revolution. The sixth part of the report is entitled: “The Military Factor and the Social Basis of the Chinese Revolution.” The military forms of the national movement did not originate in the revolutionary masses themselves. The armed force of the people (Continued from Page One) the same time there were greater differences among the foreign imperialists, a fact which was reflected in the course of the Customs Conference. 3.—Third Period: From the commencement of the Northern Expedition till the occupation of Shanghai by the National troops. This section was characterized by a renewed rise of the revoluiionary movement. It saw the development of the workers’ movement and the establishment of a broad foun- dation for a movement among the peasantry. At is not yet organized. The present armed forces of the national government have developed out of the old militarist army and consist partly of peasants and partly of the mob. The commanders of these forces are descendants of the landlords class. There- fore the army is a doubtful force. For the revolu- tionary army it is essential that the proportion of riff-raff in the ranks and the proportion of land- lord’s sons among the commanders be materially reduced, The vacillations of the army have their social bases. The seventh portion of the reports treats of “The Territorial Foundation and the Line of Progress of the Revolution.” The general impression is that the | the same time, the struggle against foreign im- perialism increased (occupation ef the British con- ecessions at Hankow and Kiukiang). % The session of the Central Committee of the Com- munist Party at Peking in February 1926 sanctioned TQ em revolution is now progressing in a northwestern di- rection and not towards the southeast, which is a stronghold of imperialism. This question deserves the project of an expedition to the north. Although there were subsecuenily some differences of opinion on various heads, one cannot speak of great mistakes to be elucidated from all standpoints. It is not right that we should be asked to leave it altogether to having been committed during this period. converted into a fight for the land. The peasantry the Huonsistang. Buch a policy bila be tanta- % tae : * : mount to tying ourselves to the apron-strings of the The expedition to the north was the result of is making an elementary upheaval and wishes to K ‘at ea collaboration between the proletariat and the bour- solve the land question itself. The agrarian revolu- eo ee geoisie, At the close of the third period, however, tion is now already no longer a question of theory, , The eighth part of the report refers to “The Re- the struggle of the proletariat against the bour- but of practice. In the province of Hunan a struggle lations of,the Communist Party to the Kuomin- geoisie was aggravated, especially in connection with is proceeding for the equal distribution of the land: tang.” The Kuomintang is a revolutionary associa- the attempts made by the bourgeoisie to exploit the this fight is directed not only against the big land- tion, a revolutionary league of many classes. There- military expedition solely for its own ends. This owners, but also against the small landowners and fore the proletarian party had likewise to enter it, struggle led to the complete rupture, at Shanghai, the big lessees. The struggle is proceeding in an At present the Kuomintang is a union of three between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the elementary manner. classes, the workers, the peasants and the petty latter revealing pronouncedly anti-revolutionary We have conducted an all too peaceful policy. The bourgeoisie. Pisce union will be a as long as tendencies. big landed estates must now be confiscated: at the it is in a. Boston to satisfy the secure vineny of the 4.—Fourth Period: Since the coup of Chiang Kai- same time cogcessions must be made to the small classes it weigher a: and ‘the peasant class i par shek at Shanghai. This last section is altogether landowners who have to be reckoned with. At pres- cular, and provided that the bourgeoisie under different from the preceding ones. The bourgeoisie ent the alliance with the smafl- Tandowners is. still Chiang Kai-shek does not succeed in subordinating has seceded from the revolutionary front. The true necessary. We must not fall into ultra-left errors, it to its influence, nature of the forces which had taken part in the put must pursue a middle course. Nevertheless, even The ninth portion of the report is called “The Re- national struggle has become apparent, and their fer the confiscation of the iarge and middle landed — organization of the Army.” This does not merely attitude throughout the developments becomes in- estates, it is necessary to await the turther develop- mean the reformation of the army or the introdue- 3) creasingly obvious. The result is a censolidation of : ; : ment of the military actions. The only correct solu- tion into it of new political factors. Political pro- } the united front of the proletariat, the peasantry, tion at the present moment is to deepen the revolu- paganda in the army alone is insufficient. The and seins bourgeoisie. The dangers lurking within tion after it has first been spread. army must be brought nearer to the workers and pind ~ utionary movement itself have been greatly The fifth section of the report bears the hea ding »wecially to the peasantry. The porportionate num- “The Hegemony of the Proletariat.” This hegemony ad of members of the landowner class among its is becoming a fact. The strike committee at Canton leaders rust be diminished, Without a change in had governmental authority and exercised great its social foundations there can be no reorganiza- influence among the left members of the Kuomin- 119" of the army. tang. It was, as a matter of fact, a parallel govern- The tenth party of the report deals with “The Es- ment. In the province of Hunan, the influence of tablishment of Revolutionary-Democratie Power.” The regime of the national government is naturally The prospects for the near future figure as fol- lows: Accentuation of class differentiation; growth of the forces of tre proletariat, peasantry, and petty bourgeoisie and of the military resources of the revolution, the further development of which thus appears assured. The second section of the report bears the title; “~~~ “The Role of the Bourgeoisie in the, Revolution.” From a historical peint of view, the defaction of the Chimese bourgeoisie is no new departure. In history, the bourgeoisie betrayed every revolution. The Chinese bourgeoisie is opposed to the militar- ists but favors a compromise with the foreign im- perialists, from whom it hopes to receive rewards and favors. The Chinese bourgeoisie is not only no regime of militarists. But we are still far from a revolutionary-democratic order of things. This fact must be admitted even by the left members of the Kuomintang. We are faced with the task of starting to erect a really revolutionary-democratic authority as soon as the situation in regard to the national government has changed and the threat of foreign intervention and a militarist offensive has disappeared. opposed to the proletarian revolution, but is. not even able to carry out a bourgeois-democratic revolu- tion. After taking part in the revolution for a short time, the Chinese bourgeoisie became counter-rev- olutionary. Chiang Kai-shek represents the left bourgeoisie, which turned pronouncedly counter-rey- clutionary after April 12th, 1927. The right wing of the Chinese bourgeoisie, the so-called “Compra- dores,” it is hardly worth while to mention in this connection. The national government can look back on an eventful history. At present it is the government of an alliance of the left Kuomintang and the prole- tarian party, some.of the ministers in the cabinet being Communist proletarians. We may, however, net cherish the illusion that this government is already a realization of the principle of revolu- tionary-democratic dictatorship. This would be a mistake. And wherefore is the present government pacar ater" sea Ss Bene Sip alba OA Sauer not yet a realization of that principle? Because The third part of the report is entitled: “The Re- In the reeling shed of a silk filature at Shanghai. it is not yet a government of the masses of workers lation of the Proletariat to the Petty Bourgeoisie.” Note the steam and the small children who work and peasants but only a block government of their The participation of the petty bourgeoisie in our standing up in the atmosphere of a foul Turkish leaders. On the other hand, the present government revolution has been characterized throughout by bath for 12 hours or more per day. must by no means be under-estimated, for it un- vacillations. The proletariat must make concessions doubtedly represents a step forward on the way to ‘ to the petty bourgeoisie for the sake of having its a Renae od i emaesty dictatorship. This stage support. In this connection we have not been able er : ‘ . lust be exploited if we are to arrive at a govern- properly to earry out the resolutions of the C. C. doth et te eae ae ment which is controlled by the masses, ie., at of the Chinese C. P. passed at the plenary session 314 under the leadership of the proletariat. In north- {Re Tevolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the of July 1926. In the provinces many mistakes have or China the Communist Party also plays the lead- Y°™Kers, the peasantry, and the petty-bourgeoisie. been made in this regard. Our task now consists id Pett, I ; ur te s ing role in the revolutionary movement. At Shang- The eleventh section of the report is called “The in drawing the petty bourgeoisie into the Kuomin- hai the proletariat was often isolated, but since May Financial and Economic Situation.” Formerly we ‘ tang. 30th the fight has been waged under the auspices Were little interested in the problems of financial os The fourth section of the report bears the title: of the proletariat. “The Land Question.” The main work in this ques- tion after the fourth Party Conference of the C. P. of China held in January 1925, consisted in organ- izing the peasantry and in the fight for the re- and economic construction. We had not enough de- a ‘ ‘ termination to take part in the government. In The proletariat does not yet aspire to full auth- i . ority; it is not yet in possession of decisive power. er ae ping tein ee nd sd given Ch core ied ts tions of the mass movement, but also to financial duction of the rent of the land, This movement is governnient. The treachery of Chiang Kai-shek and economic factors, if, we desire to consolidate the now passing over to a higher stage and is being means the defaction of 99 per cent of the big and Sreneatiems ‘ot We" revolution. een middling bourgeoisie. Together with the peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie, the proletariat must create new forces, The question of Shanghai is also a problem of the mutual relations of the bourgeoisie and the pro- | letariat. The proletariat of Shanghai fought splen- | didly, but it must be borne in mind that the city is not only a centre of the proletariat but also a very important stronghold of the bourgeoisie. Even com- bined with»the petty bourgeoisie, the proletariat of | Shanghai is insnfficiently strong. The opinion pre- vails that Shanghai cannot become the basis of the national revolution. Indeed, it is said that it will only be possible to deal imperialism at Shanghai a decisive blow when the national revolution has taken firm footing all over China. This essentially mech- See 5 See es vis anical theory of determinism is not devoid of certain Weadquarters of the All China Laber Federation af elements of truth. Nevertheless, I consider this ar- Canton. gument mistaken. At Shanghai there are even some Headquartess of She Kwangtong Peasants’ Union, PRE geno /