The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 2, 1927, Page 5

| THE New Macazine Section of The DAILY WORKER \ meena nant? SATURDAY, JULY 2nd, 1927. CUT OUT THE BLAH! you DAM RED! This Magazine Section Appears Every Saturday in The DAILY WORKER. “WHEN iN THE COURSE DEEN MERE The Day They Celebrate 5 1.1, ofc, 0X July 4, 1776, there was published a document known as the Declaration of Independence, which served notice on the world and particularly on the British government that the thirteen American col- onies would henceforth be known as the United States of America. This document claimed among other rights that all governments derived their just powers from the people and that whenever a government ceases to serve the people it is supposed to represent, it is the duty of the people to put it out of business. This healthy doctrine flourished for decades in the United States and the chin shrubbery of every patriotic American banker, of the days when hirsute adornment was a sign of respectability, would trem- ble with patriotic pride when a barrel-voiced Fourth of July orator pulled the stops on the revolutionary declaration that was taken as a signal of revolt wherever the heel of the oppressor dug into the face of a subject people. But those days are gone by and a fervent admirer of the Declaration of Independence today had better watch his step if he wants to keep out of the clutches of the present day patriots who look on the revolu- tionary document as a skeleton in the political closet, in much the same light as a modern society lady would regard the indiscretions of a buccaneering ancestor. Much water has flowed by the historical bridge since 1776 and the United States that was then fighting a revolutionary war against the British Empire and offering a haven of refuge to those fleeing from tyranny is today the most imperialistic country on earth with its flag flying over ‘millions of exploited slaves, this flag no longer the symbol of struggle against oppression but the banner of the predatory interests of Wall Street. During the World War, in which the United States participated to protect the millions of Morgan and Company invested on the side of the allies, several workers were sentenced to long terms of imprison- ment for publishing excerpts from the declaration of independence. In those hectic days when our monied aristocraty was engaged in a crusade to save the world from German militarism and make it safe for Wall Street investments, the ghosts of the authors of the Dee- laration of Independence were only invoked by the radicals. Not that the revolutionists were deluded into the belief that they were the inheritors of the fruits of the 1776 revolution or that the “fathers of this country” had the slightest regard for the interests of the exploited industrial and land work- ers of those days, but because the revolution. struck a blow at the infant imperialism of Great Britain and pushed the hands of the clock of social evolu- tion forward on the dial of time. In the sense that the revolutionists of 1776 fought on the side of progress, they are the revolutionary ancestors of the revolutionists of today. The rising bourgeoisie of colonial days found themselves eco- nomically hog-tied by the legislative restrictions placed upon them by the British parliament. So they took steps to break the chains that bound them and they were not finicky as to methods. Let those paid and voluntary patriots who rave today about the Communist contention that no rul- * ing class in the history of the world relinquished its power without a physical struggle and that a (Continued on Page Six) ALEX BITTELMAN, Editor *, Soctestectrctoctoatectootectoctect, Seat, Prstestestestoctes?, *: steelonleetontoefeodooteefoofonfratesteoteefoatosteeteelveleeteetecfontecteadeetecfeotoe ebeobesfeciecie? % t The Fifth Party Conference : ofthe C. P. of China Political and Organizatory Report of the Central Committee Foti first part of this report bears the heading “The Tactics of the Party in the Course of the Last Two Years.” In this respect, Comrade Chen Tu Su distinguishes four periods. 1.—First Period: From the 4th Party Conference of the C. P. of China to the Rebellion of Kuo Sun Ling (in December, 1925). This stage is charac- terized by the rise of the Communist movement, which reached its highest point in’ the events of May 30th, 1925 (shootings in Shanghai). In the period in question, the proletariat was fighting for the hegemony in the revolutionary movement, a de- velopment which led to emphasizing class differen- ces. We could then observe the beginnings of bour- geois defaction, the bourgeois ideology being inter- preted in Tai Tsi Tao’s book, “The Philosophical Foundations of Sunyatsenism.” In southern China it still proved possible to maintain a united front with the bourgeoisie against the two militarist lead- ers, Li Chen Hui and Yang Shi Min, but the Hong- kong strike was already waged altogether under the slogan “The labor movement must be combined with the national movement, the dominating role of the proletariat in the latter being fully maintained.” In this first period the Communist Party of China committed no mistakes. Tt waged determined war against the tendencies voiced by Tai Tsi Tao and maintained the principle of a union with the left wing of the Kuomintang for the purpose of a com- mon fight against the right wing. The same policy was observed at the Second Party Conference of the Kuomintang. The accentuation of opposition to British imperialism must be regarded as a step in the right direction on the part of the Communist Party. h _ 2.—Second Period: From the rebellion of Kuo Sun Ling in December 1925 till the retreat of the National army. from the heights of Hankow. This period.is mainly remarkable for the recession in the revolutionary movement and the strengthening of the reaction. At the commencement of the second period, southern China saw the continuation of the fight against feudalism, which found expression in the murder at Canton on August 25th, 1925, of Lao Chun Kai, minister of finance to the Canton gov- ernment (killed by the accomplices of the feudal lords) and in the fights which followed it. The struggle against the bourgeoisie also grew in vehem- ence during this period. The bourgeoisie was en- gaged in organizing its political parties. In this period Chiang Kai-shek played the part of an “armed Tai Tsi Tao,” The events of March 20th, 1926, were no mere coincidence. (We here refer to the armed demonstration organized by Chi- ang Kai-shek at the head of his troops against the government of which Wang Tsin Wei was at the head and against the workers’ strike committee, a development which led to demissal of Wang Tsin Wei, to the temporary weakening of the influence of the left Kuomintang members and the Commun- ists in the Kuomintang and in the army, and to the strengthening of the reactionary elements in the province), Chiang Kai-shek rendered apparent the tendency of the bourgeoisie to secede from the re- volution, this desire being mainly promoted by the increasingly obvious divergence of class interests among the various groups engaged in the National- Revolutionary movement. The Canton conference of the Kuomintang on May 5th, 1926, was wholly under the influence of Chiang Kai-shek, With reference to the events of March 20th, there were at that time within the Communist Party con- siderable differences of opinion as to the advisability of an assault or a retreat. The retreat of the Com- munist Party was occasioned by a lack of forces and the omission of the Party to make adequate preparations. It must be admitted that considerable mistakes were allowed to occur at Canton, At the close of the second period the differences in the camp of the militarists were aggravated, the Mukden clique opposing the clique of Chihli. At (Continued on Page Two)