The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 29, 1927, Page 6

T. . O'FLAHERTY. Lee, big-hearted publicity for several large corpora- Mot a lawyer, tho he gets his one, Lee was editor of h the world. Those of you Might have noticed the “Sub- " and the “Elevated Ex- “names that reflected credit on lity of the glorified press Ivy was the recipient of a @ year retainer from the I. “This meant that Ivy got paid, r shine, work or no work. In 8 in the case of a lawyer it & Mean anything at all to the except that it kept Ivy in * * Pdoes not walk very far on heels, but is addicted to on other people’s toes in elevated or trolley, paid fallible human being entrance to the means of Lee considers work- evils that should be r possible. So he tiles at subway and d to join a union. And turn- there are with the result that Mee during rush hours sound like e between a few hundred victims rheumatism, or a soup-drinking test between toothless entries. ther the company gained anthing the innovation or not, we do not now, but Ivy Lee and the Tombs something out of it: Ivy, a putation and probably some dough, nd the Tombs, one perfectly good prstwhile Tombs correspondent of he DAILY WORKER, made the mistake of putting a leaden coin in a slot instead of taking one out of it. * * * ) had LEE, sworn and paid foe of or- ganized labor, Communism and other “subversive” movements had carte blanche from the I. R. T. to go ahead and permit not his brain to be bothered with worries over ex- pense accounts. $12,000 might look like a lot of money to a $25 a weck wage slave without an expense account of $212,954, which latter would be incomprehensible to him. Ivy spent all his money trying to prepare the public mind for a fare in- erease, but he only got mayor Hylan a couple of times and the investment in propaganda was a total loss. Yet an incompetent like Lee holds down A.goad job. * t - th E of Lee’s most notable ac- complishments was the organi- zation of a company union, where the rank and file had nothing to do or say except pay their dues, This union is now in an advanced state / of putrefaction and if the officials of the Amalgamated Association of Street Railway Employees were not an aggregation of kowtowing flun- keys they would seize on this aus- Pieious occasion—when the traction barons are being exposed to th masses as a collection of financi bandits and swindlers—to put on a whirlwind organization campaign and bust up this compahy union. It is about time the employes of the trac- tion magnates lit a match under the political posteriors of the union offi- cials, 2 * * * E DAILY WORKER has already commented on the strange visit paid by those officials and the local organizer of the A. F, of L. to Sam- uel Untermyer, special attorney for the “people” in the traction probe.) The New York Times, waxed indig-| nant over Untermyer’s pillorying of | the traction Mahatmas. “Why”| queried Ochs’s organ “does not Mr.) Untermyer warn the union officials | that a strike would be an attack on| the public.” Such a warning would} prove in the opinion of the Times| that Untermyer was the champion of | the “innocent bystander” the “pub- lie” the “third party” and all the other aliases that are concocted to the impression that capital and| are two congenital thugs ad- to occasional lapses into van- to the great mortification and mience of the public. The fact that the public is divided, largely, the owning classes and the 0 less. The latter must. strike otherwise fight in an organized ner to gain concessions, to sell labor power for the best pos- le price. The workingelass section the public, or at least the well-in- d part of the workingclass, izes with the striking work- the owning section, on the is hostile. The latter is the whose intere: the capi- ss is concerned with. * ae E the ink on the New York editorial had time to dry newsstands, flunkey Frayne iple of Amalgamated offi- in Untermyer’s office as- that ‘the traction em- not strike, as they were finding a solution of the problem. Untermyer is a ‘who poses as a progres- oceasions, but even a toady and he that labor to him fected the in- rt |. Smallest occasional peri-| onize the subway and the| Was a time when the public, | issuing from a subway en-| soner, who according to Bill Dunne, | Lee’s retainer of| \territory to, the United States and |e he sl | | aN ie i i: ( American Imperialism | By CY OGDEN. | The Weekly Survey of the Depart- ment of Commerce for June 20th con- | tains an article on the “Growing Im- | portance of the Caribbean Markets,” | which helps to explain why American | |marines are vacationing in that part | of the world. The article deals only | with the import and export trade and does not touch on investments which | |are an important factor of American imperialism in this region. According to the statistics given} |here, the total trade in 1926 between | |the United States and this territory | (which includes the West Indies, Cen- | |tral America, and the northern coast | | of South America) amounted to $854,- | 050,889, excluding Porto Rico which is an American possession, and over! | $1,029,000,000 if Porto Rico is in- |cluded. Of this latter total about 560 | millions were imports and about 468 jmillions were exports. There has | been an increase in imports over 1925; but a decrease in exports. The mar- | {ket depression in Cuban sugar, in| | Porto Rico, and in some of the other Jislands during the past year is re- | sponsible for decreases in both im- |ports and exports to those regions. The import losses were, however, more than balanced by the rapid de-| {velopment of the petroleum industry |in Venezuela and Colombia, most cf | the oil being shipped to the United States. = * * | Petroleum, sugar and tobacco are the main raw materials that this sec- tion supplies to the United States. In return it absorbs machinery and manufactured products. The depart- ment of commerce urges American business men to export their products to this region and speaks of the “de- |sirability of a more intense develop- | ment of this area.” It points out that American exports in 1926 were one and a half times greater than they | were before the war and states that | American business “occupies a fav- ored position in the Caribbean mar- ket and has long enjoyed a large per- centage of the total trade.” Several reasons are given for the predominance of American exports in the Caribbean, among which are the \“network of steamship lines radtat- \ing from the United States,” which | facilitate trade, the closeness of the | | | “the fact that American manufac- turers are large scale producers of the commodities which must be pur- chased.” Other factors NOT men- tioned in the report are the control over the economic life of the Carib- hean by American banks and the ma- rines and warships which make this control effective. The recent development of the pe- troleum on the northern coast of South America has helped to spur on the enthusiasm of American capital for making these. parts of the world “safe for democracy.” The develop- ments in Venezuela are somewhat old- er than those in Colombia and are now producing on an average of 33 million barrels of oil a year. of the odium in which the traction magnates found themselves as a re- sult of the expose, to organize the employees. But perhaps he was only feigning surprise. Perhaps Unter- myer knows his labor fakers as well as we do, Tee money that Ivy Lee spent on ineréased-fare publicity was taken out of the pockets of the traction patrons of New York City. The com- panies have plenty of money to spend) on pub quacks and for dividend none to pay a decent * | ready indicated. ion of the wage to the rank and file, "Shea will not Professional Patriots | (Continued from yesterday) | “On several occasions, efforts have been made to | point out to the War Department the impropriety and | unfairness of the attacks the military men have been | making. More than a year ago, a delegation called on Secretary Weeks, following a speech by General Fries at Kansas City in which he declared that the purpose | of the National Council for Prevention of War is to establish Communism in this country.” On the committee were such people as Charles A. Ly- man, of the Farmers’ National Union; Marian Pank- | hurst, of the National League of Women Voters; Ethel | Smith, of the National Women’s Trade Union League; | Frances F. Bernard, of the American Association of University Women (now dean of Smith College); and Mrs. Henry Fenimore Baker, president of the National | War Service Legion, Secretary Weeks gave them to un- | derstand that General Fries would be required to mind | his own business. . . . Shortly after this the spider-web | chart appeared. | What happened to the spider-web chart we have al- It was only an unusually ludicrous specimen of the work of the professional patriots in the urmy codperating with the professional civilian fascists | and chauvinists. Another army man who recently joined in the attack is Lieutenant Colonel George Chase Lewis, of the 95th di of infantry stationed, at Oklahoma City. He attempted to defame John Nevin Sayre, vice-chairman of the Committee on Militarism in Education, and to prevent his getting a hearing when he spoke at the University of Oklahoma in December, 1926. Colonel Lewis wrote and telegraphed the president | of the university describing Mr. Sayre as more danger- | ous than an avowed Communist. He warned the presi- dent that Sayre would speak for a congressional measure which would cut off appropriations for the stationing of army officers to give military training in colleges and high schools. He tried to connect Sayre with com- | munists in the behalf of a fair trial and free speech for | communists arrested under a criminal syndicalist law. He used as his authority for his information about Sayre the late R. M. Whitney’s “Reds in America.” He closed his letter to the President, “I trust you will be able to curtail pernicious activities at Norman” (the university town). Finally, when he was unable to pre- | vent Mr. Sayre’s meeting he came to it, made some pre- posterous charges against the speaker, failed absolutely to substantiate a single one. Out of this incident developed a correspondence be- tween Mr. Sayre and Dwight F. Davis, Secretary of War, in which Mr. Davis declared that Colonel Lewis ! was expressing “personal views” and that the War Department could not and would not:interfere with the practice of such officers in signing their full military signatures to assaults on liberals and persons working against military training in \the schools. In reply to this position Mr. Sayre wrote to Mr. Davis | on December 30, 1926. He cited various attacks by army men and closed as follows: “If the gentlemen to whom I haye referred were all expressing only individual views as individual citizens, but yet permitted the use of their titles as ‘Lt.-Col. U. S. Infantry,’ ‘Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War,’ and ‘Assistant Secretary of War,’ how in the world can the average citizen tell when they are speaking for the War Department and when it is only for themselves?” A fair number of the attacks, as in the case of Colonel Mumm above mentioned, have come from titled military men connected with the Reserve Officers’ Association | of the United States and the Military Training Camps’ Association of the United States. The former is an un- official organization, covering the country, with head- quarters in Washington, D. C. Colonel Fred B, Ryons is on duty in charge of the Reserves, though the mem- bers of the’ association are not in the service., Hence the War Department cannot be held accountable for statements made by these officers and their frequent and irresponsible attacks on persons working for peace and other “subversive movements.” However, it is known that many of their speeches are prepared by publicity men on the staff of the military intelligence service of the War Department. It has also been discovered that War Department franked envelopes have been illegally -used by members of this association in sending out their propaganda against the peace societies and persons con- nected with the movement for civil liberty. The weighty titles carried by these men often give to the lay mind the impression that their statements are authoritative and official. Hence they have been a powerful factor in the anti-liberal propaganda of the professional so- cieties with the officials of which they have naturally codperated. The association publishes from its national headquarters “The Reserve Officer,” which has been full of attacks on the Committee on Militarism in Edu- cation and other peace bodies. A considerable amount of the military intelligence work of the War Depart- ment is carried on by members of this association and they are expected to exert a generally “educating in- fluence” for heavy military appropriations and against all persons and organizations daring to question the wisdom of adopting a militarist policy for the United States. (To Be Continued) ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE GRINDS OUT ANTI-LABOR BILLS examples. By ARNE SWABECK. Y ii Illinois Legislature is about to close a busy session at which it. has been grinding out a number of bills favorable to the bosses, turning down those containing points to la- bor’s advantage. Laws have been enacted giving the Chicago utilities corporation full sway ‘in gobbling up the Chicago transpor- tation system, applying only a few brakes contained in a number of amendments added to the bills as originally proposed. These adopted bills give no regard whatever for the demands of the street car men or ele- vated employes for improved work- ing conditions. The legislature enact- ed the law declaring immunity for Governor Small, clearing him of any charges of stealing state funds dur- ing the period of his state treasury- ship. This was enacted on the basis, howevex, that the governor returns e funds which disappeared The women’s eight 3 defeated, the one im- favorable to labor, but some of by many Hive St application brought inal futility, |THE Illinois State ing with the leat The celebrated policy of rewarding friends and punishing ene- mies as pursued by the trade union officials has once more in practical The so-called labor friends, as could be expected, failed completely to live up to their distine- tion. On the issues raised they showed themselves as legislators chosen by the parties controlled by capitalism, elected on their ticket and with the help of their slush funds. What Did Labor Lobby Accomplish? bor is the official political expres- | Sion of the trade unions in the state, one of its objects being to work for legislation favorable to labor, no other methods than those of lobby- legislators seeking favors in this manner. labor lobbying is being maintained by various unions and central labor bodies, but once more these labor lobbys will have ‘no record to show, The methods of labor lobbying can be of value to the workers only when used on a class basis, Only by labor representatives appearing before leg- islatures or their sub-committees us- ing it as a forum in which labor’s |demands are voiced, simultaneously organizing outside parliament the necessary mass pressure through working class propaganda, demonstra- tions, ete. This, however, is by no means the program of the present labor lobbyists. PRESIDENT WALKER of the Mlli- nois State Federation of Labor in | appearing recently before the Chicago Federation of Labor was compelled to acknowledge the capitalist control of the legislature, He said that efforts made by labor for a more favorable attitude could only be appreciated by those who had been present at the “battle front.” By this he evidently referred to the luxurious lobbys in the Springfield capitol. He acknowl- edged the difficulties encountered by the fact that the law makers in prac- tically all of them were elected by the funds put into the political cam- paigns by the bankers and big em- ployers, He proposed as his solution to merge yet deeper into capi proof of its erim- Federation of La- It uses Additional By I. JEROME. DRIVE HIM OUT! A dingy synagogue somewhere be- evening-prayer. Little knots in conversation, Petty traders, grocers, push-cart peddlers. Scrawny Jews with goatees. Some with pros- perous bellies. Frail, ascetic Jews. Types of the marriage-broker, of the merchant of nothing-in-particular, types of the saintly Talmudist. The conversations subside, The service-leader advances to the altar. Reb Leib. A patriarchal Jew, in his sixties, with a flowing grey beard. A grocer turns to a merchant of noth- ing-in-particular: “A worker, ha? a cloak pressery and such a scholar.” “Yes,” comes the answer, “a fine old man. I wish my son had half his learning.” bling for Editor, The DAILY WORKER: | The other night there was a de- | lightfal performance conducted by workers’ various trades and occupa- tions for the benefit of The DAILY WORKER. During the day they toil as tailors, shoemakers and bakers; they stand on the picket line. At | night they attend meetings and join in the struggle for a better life for the working class. | This splendid affair took place in | the Dwellers’ Building, cooperatively tween Stanton and Rivington Streets. | Dusk: The congregation is assem-: The Battle in New York Needle Trades Reb Lieb lays his hand on the prayer-stand, All eyes are fixed on him reverently, With lyrical devo- tion he intones the opening verse: “And He, the Merciful One, will forgive iniquity.” Suddenly—a commotion, A thick- set Jew rushes forward. He points an accusing finger at Reb Lieb. “He is a communist! He doesn’t believe in God! He won’t register in Sig- man’s union, Drive him out!” The ery is taken up by others. Some pro test. The synagogue is in chaos, The sexton pounds in vain for order. Red Leib looks round at the congre- gation in deep bewilderment. Some- one shouts: “He is an apostate!” The uproar grows. Hands menace him. Hands shield him. He stands before the people old and tragic-eyed. A friendly hand leads him away from the altar. OUR READERS ; the Bronx, It was an inspiring gathering of men and women, living under the vast roof of comradeship. They sang and laughed together, smiled happily and danced. During the end of the even- ing the good news came: “The fur- riers have won their strike in Newark.” This was of course re- ceived with great enthusiasm and prolonged cheering by several hun- dred workers. The affair netted a fair sum for our fighting paper, The jowned and operated by the United; DAILY WORKER.—M. KELMAN- | Workers’ Cooperative Association of! SKY. The Basis of Soviet Union Land Policy Drawn up by Lenin and presented to the All-Russian Council of the Peasant delegates in the name of the Social Derecratic Fraction (Bolshevik) by Comrade Smilga in May, 1917. 1—All manorial and private es- | tates ‘as well as crown and church ‘lands, ete., shall be handed over to | the people at once without compensa- tion. | 2.—With a view to the best agri- | cultural use of the land, the peasantry | must systematically proceed to take | possession of the estates through its Soviets of peasant deputies, but with- out prejudicing the final determina- tion of the agrarian regulations by the National Assembly or by the All- Russian Council of Soviets, should the people entrust the central power of the state to such a council of Soviets. 3.—Private property in land must | be abolished altogether, ie., the right |to own land must appertain to the whole of the people only. The ad- ministration must be in the hands of the local democratic offices. 4.—The peasants must reject the advice of the capitalists, the landed proprietors and their provisional gov- ernment to come to an “understand- ing” with the landowners with a view to determining the method of admin- istration. The administration of the land must be determined by the or- ganized majority of the peasants set- tled in a district and not by an agree- ment between the majority, ie., the peasants. with the minority—and that such an insignificant minority—such as the landed proprietors represent. * * * 5.—Not only the landowners but also_the capitalists are fighting and will fight with all the means in their power against all the manorial lands passing into the hands of the people without compensation. The capital- ists not only have large sums of money at their disposal, but they can influence the peasants who are still ignorant, through their press, through the great number of officials who are ‘used to the power of capital, ete. For this reason, the passing of all man- orial lands into the hands of the peas- ants can neither be carried out nor ensured unless the confidence of the peasant masses in the capitalists is destroyed, unless a firm alliance unites the peasantry with the urban proletariat, unless the transference of the whole power of the state into the hands of the Soviets of Workers’, Sol- | diers’ and Peasant Delegates becomes a fact. Only if the power of the state is in the hands of such Soviets and if the state is not ruled by police and officials, nor by an army separated from the people, but by the general armed militia of the workers and peasants, only then is the power of the state able to carry through the transformation of the conditions of landed property described above and demanded by the whole peasantry, * * 6.—The agricultural laborers and poorest peasants, i.e., those who, to a certain extent, eke out their exist- ence by working as laborers, because they have not enough land, cattle and tools, must, with all their force, or- ganize’ themselves independently in special Soviets or form special groups within the general peasant Soviets in order to defend their own interests against the rich peasants who are sure to wish for an alliance with the capitalists and landowners. 7,—In consequence of the war, Rus- sia, like all the belligerent countries and many neutral states, is threat- ened with ruin, catastrophe, famine because it lacks labor, coal, iron, ete. The only way to save the country is for the Workers’ and Peasants’ Dele- gates to take over the control and the management of production and the distribution of the products. This is why it is necessary even now, to bring about an understanding between the Soviets of Peasant Delegates and the Soviets of Worker Delegates, They must negotiate about the exchange of corn and other agricultural products for tools, boots, clothing, etc., and bring it about without the interfer- ence of the capitalists who must also be removed from the administration of the factories. With the same ob- ject in view, efforts must be made to transfer the live-stoek and implements of the landed proprietors to the peas- ant committees, so that the general public may have the benefit. In the same way, model farms must be es- tablished on every large estate where the land is cultivated by the commun- ity according to the best methods un- der the guidance of agricultural ex- perts and according to the resolutions of the Soviets of agricultural work- ers. SACCO and VANZETTI SHALL NOT DIE! Labor Lobbying Proves Next to Worthless of the ward and precinct captains of the two old political machines, 1 HOW impossible absurd such a pro- posal is can easily be understood when we just look back to the 1926 primaries and compare the figures of hundreds of thousands of dollars con- tributed by the big corporations to the small sums available for labor. What is more important, this would be absolutely contrary to labor’s poli- tical action which can have its basis only in mass sentiment of the work- ers, and mass organizations of the workers, not within the capitalist parties, How Do the Bosses’ Politicians Work? N ect capitalist politicians work out a shrewd game of maintaining an appearance of labor friends wherever such di is necessary to hold their constituency. Bills favorable to labor are usually held up in com- mittee fa Rp gag ts Se hy wi there is not sufficient vance. politics by endeavoring to get control |support available for their passage. Those who can best afford to blur their so-called labor friendly remain absent. When defeat is sured sufficient number of friend” legislators will vote in in order to maintain their record. this method appears uncertain ficient amendments will be sli over in order to make these lal friendly bills worthless or else im- possible of passage. i ANTILABOR bills are generally also rushed through during the last period of the session with the rails greased quietly for quick passage. The so-called labor friends vote against these bills in sufficient num- endangering the victory” of thane endan; : * labor bills, ‘This session has become a shining example of such practice. All the proposed bills of an; yore lett last » Sb #8)