The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 28, 1927, Page 4

Page Four THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDA Y, MAY 28, 1927 THE DAILY WORKER Published by tae DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO, Daily, Except Sunday 85 Firat Street, New York, N. Y. Phons, Orchard 1680 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in New York only): By mail (outside of New York): 68.00 per year $4.50 months $6.00 per year $8.50 six months $2.50 three $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. business Manager Entered as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥., under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application. Mussolini’s Prospects for Gigantic Army News dispatches from Rome report a speech by Mussolini before the Italian chamber of deputies in which he prophesies a revival of Italy as a dominant world power between 19385 and 1940, when she will have a strong navy, a huge air force and be able to mobilize 5,000,000 men. With his .ffirmed his c for all forms of democracy and warned his fascist hooligans of what he termed the “inefficacy of the spirit of Locarno.’ His reference to the bankruptcy of Locarno only affirms what everyone knows—that the Locarno “security” con- ference of 1925 was only an attempted realignment of European and world tes in preparation for the next war. The Italian government joint guarantor with England of the Franco-Ger- man boundary line. Mussolini’s speech shows how lightly he re- gards his so-called solemn pledges to endeavor to maintain peace in Europe. But all his war talk at this time has but one object in view. That is an effort to detract the minds of the Italian masses from their miserable condition and the constantly lowered standard of living, recently made much worse by the enforced ten per cent wage reduction in all lines of labor. ing with discontent. The Communist Party is the one section of | the population that is carrying on agitation against the tyrant, hence the discontent is being directed into revolutionary channels. Mussolini’s talk about an army of five million is meaningless, for he will not dare attempt to build such an army as it would require arming of most of the adult male population. No despot dare arm his enemi He maintains his power through imposing upon the nation organized barids of armed hoodlums, the very scum of the earth, that can only exist as bribed tools of reaction. | if he dares place arms in the hands of one million Italian men, | say nothing of five million, his fascist state will be swept to de- struction before the armed uprising of the masses under the lead- ership of workers’ and soldiers’ councils that will supplant the present monstrous regime with a new form of government; a gov- ernment that will not stifle the voice of the masses but will, for the first time in Italy, bring them into active political life as builders of a workers’ government. The Second Anniversary of the Shanghai Massacre The workers of China, in the midst of the drive against the rapacious imperialist powers and their agents, will observe on Monday the second anniversary of the Shanghai massacre. That unprovoked slaughter of defenseless men, women and children peacefully attending a strike meeting, by the gunmen of imperialism wearing uniforms of the British, Japanese and Amer-| bt ican forces, was the culmination of a series of outrages perpe-| included, “Follow the advice of the; trated against the Chinese strikers in order to drive them back | into the slave pens and thus ensure an uninterrupted flow of| super-profits into the hands of the bankers and industrialists of| means of a division, newly recruited ; new Hupeh government, and welcome these predatory countries. While commemorating that event two sides will be empha-| sized. The first of the heroism of the workers who died before | the barrages of the invading enemy. This grim side of the mas-| sacre still burns in the minds of millions of Chinese workers and | peasants. The Shanghai massacre lives in history as the symbol | of imperialist despotism. The observation of that day will aid in| implanting still deeper in the masses of the Chinese an undying hatred of imperialism and all its works. But Shanghai is not merely a date for mourning. Its second, and brighter side is the fact that the Shanghai massacre was the starting point for that development of militant nationalism, the beginning of the decisive | swing of the liberation movement to the left and the beginning of | the rise of Communist prestige among the masses. Before the general strike of 1925 the Communist movement was small and had but slight influence upon the movement. In the course of that struggle they proved that they alone were the | most determined and self-sacrificing fighters in the interést of | the masses. That date also marks the beginning of the victorious drive | against the northern bandits that was only temporarily halted by the betrayal to the imperialists of Chiang Kai-shek and is now | rapidly being overcome before the onward sweep of the nationalist | armies. Ohe of the mile-posts on the long, blood-soaked trail of the | struggle against imperialist despotism, its lessons will be empha- sized on the second anniversary and the revolution will march for- ward to greater victories until the imperialists are scourged from | the country. | CURRENT EVENTS | 's Canter t Seamen § Cen er | (Continued from Page One) The Coal Miners Want an Effective Strike Policy —- 8.—The favorable reception by the By WILLIAM F. DUNNE membership of the challenge to the HE rank and file of the United| Lewis machine made by John Brophy Mine Workers of America want a| at the convention of District 2 and fighting policy. | the raising of the strike issue in this This is the conclusion that can be| district which has been tied up with {this, Howat personifies the whole | struggle of the opposition to the ex- i terne and internal policy of the | Lewis machine. | SUPPORT of Dziengelewski falls in- to the same classification. in face of the fact that he was and;posing the true character of the | is the outstanding leadér of the| Lewis machine, will at the same time | struggle against the Lewis machine. mobilize the union membership for | The reception accorded his statement | organization of the non-union fields, |and program leave no doubt that the | utmost resistance to the union-smash- strike has awakened every honest | ing program of the coal barons and customary low bombast the blackguard despot re-| The Italian masses are seeth- | drawn definitely from events in the | UMWA occurring within the last | month, | Three major occurrences testify to | the readiness of large sections of the membership—both in the bituminous districts and in the anthracite—to | challenge both the defeatist policy of | the Lewis machine and its tyrannical treatment of militant rank and filers. The most important recent eveuts indicating a revival of direct struggle against the Lewis machine can be listed as follow: 1—The invitation to Alex Howat extended by ‘the Peoria. convention of District 12, Illinois (the largest dis- trict of the union) and the demand made by the convention for his re- | instatement, rd 2.—The demand made for ‘he re- instatement of Dziengelewski (¢@x- pelled by President Cappelini of Dis- trict I) upon the Lewis machine by the rank and file grievance commitiee representing 22,000 miners. | ® special agreement. The demand for his reinstatement A BRIEF examination of the above| is a challenge to the President Cap- | events will show that they “re all| pellini ‘and to the Lewis machine connected and that the basis for a) whose tool he is. Dziengelewski was | powerful organized national left wing|one of the outstanding left wing | movement has been laid as a result! leaders in support of the “Save the | of long continued left wing agitation,| Union” ticket headed by Brophy. |the increasingly difficult position of | Dziengelewski is a Brookwood College the union, the complete failure of the | student who returned to work in the Lewis machine to give any lead ex-| anthracite after finishing his course. cept toward defeat and the establish- | He was injured in the mines and had | ment of an autocracy within the|to fight the machine to secure com- union. pensation and today carries a crippled First, no one knows better than the | ® Illinois miners that support of Howat, | incompetency of company doctors and whom the Lewis machine has perse- | negtisence of the Cappelini-Lewis cuted systematically for six years, is |™#®Ine- |a declaration of war upon the Lewis| ALTHO the convention of District 2, | administration. Therefore the sup- where John Brophy defined the js- port of Howat by the Peoria conven-| sues in the joint struggle against the |tion is no accident but a notification| coal barons and the Lewis machine, to the Lewis machine that the Illinois | was in control of his political enemies, | miners will no longer remain passive|the vote on the question of seating |in the face of his war upon militants | him as delegate (53 to 58) shows that of the Howat type. In addition to the membership is with him. This too }and useless finger as proof of. the| member of the UMWA to the grave |danger which the union—and the whole labor movement—faces as a re- | sult of the criminal desertion of the fighting tradition of the union by the Lewis machine and its substitution of war upon the militant rank and file for war upon the coal barons. N addition to the events above cited there is the further fact that the tabulated vote of the recent election, sent out by the Lewis machine re- cently, evidently on the theory that |the membership was so concerned with the strike that it would attract little attention, substantiates the claim of the “Save the Union” blog that John Brophy defeated Lewis by actual votes cast. mass resentment, concern for the welfare of the union and determina- tion before it, the leadership of the left wing should, and undoubtedly will, put forward a program of ac- tion and organization that, while ex- With these concrete evidences of | the recognition of John Brophy as the rightful president of the United Mine Workers of America. PON the left wing in the UMWA rests now a double responsibility— that of mobilizing the progressives and the whole membership for wjn- |hing the strike, saving and building the union and of establishing its leadership in the union and making its program the official program of the UMWA. To defeat the drive of the coal barons is to defeat the Lewis machine. The union can not win un- less the Lewis machine is defeated and the conduct of the strike taken over by the “Save the Union” bloc, This is the immediate task of the [left wing in the UMWA. | Once more, in the most important |union- in the American labor move- ment, the left wing appears as the only force honestly and ably fighting the enemies of the working class. By EARL BROWDER. (Continued From Last Issue). Great Forces Released. Already I have indicated the forces that checkmated this strategy. The Central Kuomintang, thru the north- ern expedition, had emerged from the narrow confines of Kwantung Pro- vince; there had been an enormous omintang exiled last year by Chiang Kai-shek and now returned on the re- quest of the central committee. Here { vision, consisting of experienced re- volutionary troops and politically | trained leaders, arriving in Kanchow |just a few days ahead of the Inter- | national Delegation, used our visit to arrange a public demonstration for the trade unions, brought them out | of their illegality under the protec- |tion of the army, and completely re- versed the local situation in a few release of revolutionary forces, in| hours. the organjzation of eight million}! 38) At Nanchang, under the nose of | peasants and workers in the con-| general headquarters, the local gar- quered provinces; the masses had|rison staged a demonstration for the learned that their own revolutionary | International Delegation, at which a energy and initiative was the basis| private soldier spoke in public defi- of the military victories; and, above | ance of the policy of Chiang Kai-shek; all, the army itself had been largely | later, the garrison protected the trade also, the slogan was: “Down with Chiang Kai-shek.” Yesterday (April 10) was published a joint statement by Wang Ching-wei and Chen Tu-shiu,- secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, issued at Shanghai on April 5, of which the fol- lowing are extracts: “The Communist Party of China al- ways has recognized frankly and honestly that the Kuomintang and the | Three Peoples Principles laid down by our late leader, Sun Yat-sen, are |the foundation of the nationalist | |movement. It is only counter-revo- The Chinese Revolution Turns Left an old weapon of the bureaucra The Left Wing in the Garment Unions By MARGARET LARKIN Expulsions in the International Ladies’ Garment Workers is ts. As early as 1912, they were expelling militant leaders, and the policy has been followed when- ever the rank and file challenged the reactionary leadership. To- day’s installment of the official history of the Left Wing in the Needle Trades Unions traces the development of that policy, end- ing in wholesale expulsions of 1926-27. * * ™ EXPULSIONS IN THE INTERNATIONAL In 1920 the idea of the shop delegate transformed, thru the work of the | revolutionary political section, into an army of conscious revolutionists, con-| action, at which the slogan was pro- junions in a mass meeting, violating | lutionaries who seek to overthrow the | the martial law proclaimed by the re-| San Min principles of the Kuomin- The struggle of the membership against the reactionary forces in the | system, popular in England was the topic of discussion in many unions. | Local 25, which was strongly pro- | necting itself everywhere with the| claimed: “Down with the reaction | trade unions and peasant unions, so| which controls the Provincial Kuo- that it could no longer be used as a/mintang”. | blind tool by those holding military | 4) On April 8, the Wuchang Poli- |command at the top. | tical- Military Academy, jointly with | The Army Decisive. the staff of the Political Section of | In China, in the midst of revolu-; the Army, gave a reception to the | tion, the army is necessarily the im- | International Delegation, delegates of | mediately decisive factor. What is/the Indian National Party, to the new |the attitude of the army, therefore, | labor minister, and to the head of the in this inner struggle? A few of my| Peasants Union. The meeting, opened own contacts with the army will in-| by the chairman of the national gov- | dicate what is going on: ernment, cheered the speech of Kou | 1) At Whampoa Military Academy, | Yu-han, editor of the “Min Kuo Jih |last year the stronghold of Chiang} Pao”, denouncing Chiang Kai-shek | Kai-shek, the International Workers’! and demanding his removal and trial | Delegation was received by a wildly | before the party. All assembled sol- | enthusiastic demonstration of 5,000 | diers and leaders of people’s organi- cadets, who sang “The Internationale”! zations joined in the slogan: “Down | tang, and it is only counter-revolu- | tionaries who seek to split the nation- | alist front . . .” “It is true that the Communist} Party and the Kuomintang have dif-| ferent programs, but the essential} | points for the members of both par-| ties is that they be guided by the spirit of earnest cooperation in their) struggle for a free united China. | ‘Those who understand the Communist Union began as early as 1912, when | &tessive, was the first local in the the Administration machine forced| International to organize the chair- out of office the beloved ‘leaders of |e" of the shops into a sort of As- the workers, A. Bisno and Dr. Issac | Sembly, where Union problems ‘and I. Hourwich, who had incurred the | 1¥¢Stions of current interest were dis- enmity of the employers by cham- | cussed. The Executive Board of the pioning too vigorously the rights of | local remained as the governmental ihe senecs. | body, but Union matters were re- In the case of Dr. Hourwich, prac-| ferred to the shop chairmen and their tically the entire membership x00 | ne taken into account by the Party conception of the revolution} }and the Communist Party attitude} | toward the Kuomintang will certainly | not doubt the wisdom of Sun Yat-sen ; |in saying that the two parties should! cooperate.” | | eee | | At the present moment it is already |elear that the masses have rallied up in arms and rejected his resigna- | vi mn a tion in a referendum vote. Neverthe-| Pie Policy of calling the shop less the officialdom of the Union|°h@irmen together and giving the joined forces with the |membership, through them, a strong employers | ‘ r r . voice in the policy of the Union, aginst Rim. and he was compelled frightened the leaders of the Inter- pile Rah a a nsechnepastaceg ic wt national. They foresaw in the de- With the growth of the Union the|V@lopment of the shop delegate sys- masses of the workers took a more | ‘™ the abrogation of the existing and shouted in unison slogans which Communist International”. 2) At Kanchow, where reaction had crushed the labor movement by from northern deserters, another di- | with enthusiasm to the newly reor- | ganized nationalist government. And while the struggle to purify the party internally grows more intense, at the same time the military expedition to the North, toward Peking, proceeds without delay, ¥ with Chiang Kai-shek”. . oe Since writing the above, I attended | the celebration of the establishment |of the new national government, the to Wang Ching-wei, leader of the Ku- | cals, B fit h F ti | | other graft causes that pushed the } human race forward thru history. A spring festival and dance will be given by the Youth Center of Browns- ville for the benefit of the Interna- tional Seamen’s Club, Saturday, at the Work: Center, 63 Liberty Ave. n the Liberty Theatre Building. The aim of the International Sea- men’s club is to provide all progres- sive and radical seamen with a con- genial meeting place where they can meet and discuss all issues. Especially is it devoted to those issues involv- ing their freedom from the tyranny of the master class without the re- striction of the churches and mission- aries to which the seamen have had to turn before the establishment of this workers’ center. Tickets at 50 cents may be pur- chased at the Jimmy Higgins Book Shop, 116 University place or at the door. / Ma HEIN IORI ian He SOVIET UNION has not a} | * friend among the capitalist gov- | |ernments of the world. Even those |that may for the moment express a | certain diplomatie friendliness to it, |hate it and fear it because they know | that it is only a question of time until | | the conflict between the two social orders takes place on an international scale and the Soviet Union is a base | |of operations in the struggle of the | workers and peasants to remove capi- | talism from the earth, The strength | of the Soviet Union comes from its | \allies among the workers in the capl- | | talistically developed countries and from the oppresssed colonial and | semi-colonial peoples, | WASHINGTON, May 27.—A Mich-} igan delegation came to Washington| today in an endeavor to secure next | year’s Republican National Conven. tion for Detroit. a g . and more active part in its affairs. They began to demand certain re- forms in the Administration of the Union, and progressive afd opposi- tion sentiment grew up in many lo- In 1917 the Administration re- sorted to the “reorganization” of a local as a means of crushing this opposition, Expulsion of Local 1. Although the constitution provides that there shall be only one local of a given craft in a city, there were at this time three cloak operators’ lo- cals in existence in New York. . Cloak Operators’ Local 1, the largest single local in the International, had a membership of 12,000 and held the charter for women’s cloaks. Two small locals, whose members also worked on women’s cloaks, were al- lowed to exist by the International, however, because the Administration machine found their support useful in maintaining its hold on the New York Joint Board, as each local was entitled to five delegates. Members of Local 17, originally chartered to work on infants’ coats, were allowed to work on adult garments. Local 11 was maintained as a Brownsville local, although most of its members worked in shops of New York. Local 1 protested vigorously against the practice of the International in allowing the two superfluous locals to exist and in giving them juris- diction over many shops that should have come under Local 1 jurisdiction, This obvious injustice was a source of great dissatisfaction among the membership of Local 1. In 1917 the members of Local 1 elected a_ progressive Executive Board, whereupon the General Execu- tive Board of the International decided to seize control of the local. Under Morris Sigman, who was then Man- ager of the Cloakmakers’ Joint Board, the local was “reorganized,” and many members expelled, over the united protests of the workers, in much the same way that locals 2; 9, and 86 are being “reorganized” to- ‘A It might be noted, in passing, that the demand of Local 1 that mter- local dispute be eliminated by the amalgamation of the operators’ lo- cals, was carried out by Sigman in 1924. In spite of the “reorganiza- tion,” amalgamation sentiment in- creased in the Union, until finally, Iding to the pressure of the mem- rship, Sigman joined Locals 1, 1 and 17 into Cloak Operators’ Local 2, which he has since twice expelled. Expulsion of Local 25. The next great internal struggle within the International was the “re- organization” and splitting into three Dressmakers’ Local 25, which at that time had more than 30,000 members, ’ ‘bureaucratic system of government |by Joint Board and Executive Board far removed from direct contact with workers in the shop, but eminently | satisfactory to the Administration. | The General Executive Board deter- mined upon the division of the local as the best method of “stamping out” the movement. Despite the violent opposition of the membership of the local, Morris Sigman was appointed by the General Executive Board to “reorganize” and divide it into three locals. The waistmakers were teft in Local 25, the pressers put into a new | Local 60, and the dressmakers placed in a new Local 22, which is now the |largest single local of the Inter- |e enooae N.Y, Communists to Hold Large Meeting On China Situation What is the meaning of the raid on the Soviet Embassy at Peking? What role is Chiang Kai-shek play- ing in the present complicated Chi- nese situation? What connection is and the raid on Arcos in London? What is there to all these rumors the fall of Hankow that have been r¥o. peated almost as often as the jas. sasination of Trotsky and What is the real nature of Chi- nese revolution? To what is it the same as the Russian lu. tion? To what extent is it dfifferent ? All these and other q will be answered at a mass called by the Workers’ (Communist) Party at Central Opera House, Friday June 8rd, both for the purpose of demon. strating against war and demandin, Hands Off China on the part of th, United States and also to bring ¢, the workers of New York, the trut} about the events that are taking place in China and their bearing on‘ the international situation. The speakers will include Scott Nearing, Bertram D. Wolfe, Wm. F, Dunne, H. M. Wicks, Juliet S. Poyntz, Alexander Trachtenberg, Charles Krumbein, a Chinese speaker repre- senting the Kuomintang, a speaker of the Young Workers’ (Communist) League, and Jack Stachel, Chairman, Admission to this meeting will be 25 cents. Canada Watches Moon Eclipse. OTTAWA, May 27.—Preparations are being made by the Dominion ob. jlocals of the powerful Waist and|servatory to observe the Eclipse of the moon on June 15th at 8.24 A. M., (eastern standard time. there between the situation in China fl is