The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 26, 1927, Page 6

China Faces The Philippines T was not so very long ago that General Chang Kai Shek, in an interview with an American newspaper correspondent, called the attention of the Filipinos to the fact that the road to complete in- dependence lay in a definite anti-imperialist struggle against the United States. With the continuing success of the nationalist forces in China the truth of this assertion becomes indelibly clear. Since the zeal of the United States for fair elec- tions has forced it te go to the expense of dis- patching marines to Nicaragua, and since the re- cent tilt with Mexico, the question of the Philippines has sunk into the background. The Thompson re- port with its excuses for unlimited retention of the islands under American domination, however, safely rests in the presidential files for future reference: nnd no occasion will be lost to use it at the proper Aime. But just as the Strawn report on extra-terriiori- alily was so much waste pauper at the time it was printed due to the entirely changed situation in China by the time the learned Chicago lawyer reached home, so the Thompson report is more than slightly affected by the very same shift in Asiatic politics. With a unified, nationalist China the im- portance of the Philippines as a spearhead of United States imperialism is ‘magnified — tremendously. Manila, as an imperialist stronghold under the eom- plete domination of the United States, assumes an added importance as a Pacific port, as foreign con- trol on Shanghai lessens. Whatever the outcome of the Chinese civil war the foreign military con- trol of Shanghai must wane, and the imperialist na- tions must shift their base to new quarters. Eng- land has Hong Kong. For the United States there is Manila. Manila occupies a commanding position in regards te the entire Orient. Within a radius of 1,700 miles of Manila, it is estimated that there are 126,000,000 people; while within a lerge circle {a radius of 3,500 miles) $00,000,000, or about one half of the world’s population live. A lifting of the imperialist bond from China means a tightening of United States control on the Philippines. The Chinese nationalists have fore- seen this turn of events. That is why Chang Kai Shek called upon the Filipino nationalists to declare their sympathy with the Cantonese struggle against world imperialism, So far the Filipino politicians have not been*able to grasp the importance of the world anti-imperialist struggle to the extent to lend moral and material aid to a struggle that has for its aim the breaking of the backbone of imperialism at its.most vital jynetnre. Of course, it has been the proud boast of the more pro-American of the Filipinos such. for instance, as Aguinaldo, that after all the Filipinos are the Christian vanguard amon the Asiatics, and, there- fore, do not precisely fit into the anti-imperialist pieture, Rut they fore@t that even the nickname of “the Christian general” did not prevent Feng Yu- hsiang from alignine with the Canton ferces in an etfort to wipe cut the domination of their whiter- skinned co-religionists, If necessary. even the bible ean offer sanction for driving out the money lend- ers. . ~The relation of the Philipnines to China and the rest of the Asiatic world will hecome more appar- ent when the status of China becomes fixed as an independent nation. Even some of the bourgeois journalists have hecome aware of the correlation of the anti-imperialist feeling in the colonies of the world. Kirby Page in an article on the Philippines, “The Dancer of Drifting.” (The World Tomorrow, Feb. 1927), says: “All over the Far Fast there is a rising tide of resentment and hostility toward the peoples of the West. . .The relations between the Orient and the Qecident are steadily getting worse., The policy of foree has already breken down in China. is fane- tioning very badly in India and is more and more dangerous everywhere in the East. If we stay in the Philippines against the wishes of the Filipinos, By HARRY GANNES we will simply pour oil on the flames of Oriental hatred.” But the fact remains that, on the contrary, the United States is preparing for a long siege in the Philippines; and the growing class and race con- sciousness in other parts of the Orient will tend to weld the grip of the United States on the Philip- pines—unless the Filipinos shift the base of their independence campaign‘from one of a long-drawn out legal appeal and a reliance on American bounty to the more solid and fruitful base of world alliance with the anti-imperialist forces. and particularly affiliation with the victorious Chinese nationalists. There is no deubt that the victories of the Chinese armies must stir the Filipino masses, the majority of whom after all are farm laborers, or poorly paid factory workers. Thé repeated political general strikes in Shanghai must have some meaning for them. There is constant. communication with China. It takes about two and one half days to reach China from Manila and more than fourteen to reach the United. States. Commerce between China and the Philippines ante-dates the Spanish conquest. And at the present time there are 45,000 Chinese in the Philippines and but 5.574 American imperialistic representatives and their retinue. In fact, there are more Chinese in the Philippines than any other race hesides Filipinos. In short, there is a basis for a strong bond of union between the two nations. Furthermore, there is nothing that the Supreme Ceuncil in the Philippines could do more effectively to advance its independence campaign and force leather-necked Governor General Wood out of the islands than by coming out with an open declaration in favor of Chinese nationalism and « declaracion of sympathy and a promise of material aid. China will undoubtedly reciprocate; and the unity of po- litical aim between the victoriegs Cantoness and an anti-imperialist, nationalist Philinpines vill an- doubtedly hesr more palatable fruit for the Filipinos than a reliance on paper promises. The Last Words of Four Communists # aston sama RRAVE were the comrades who died in the hands of the Lithuanian fascist exeentioners. They went to death in the prime of their lives. Still they would not refuse to pay the highest for their ideals—for the ideals of the working class. As long as there was a spark of life in them tkey con- tinued to challenge the fascist murderers and to hail the struggle of the proletariat for its eman- cipation. The four comrades who were executed in Koyno on December 27th, shortly before they were shot down by the fascisti wrote the following uddress to the workers: “Comrades! We four Communists, Karl Pozela, Kazys Giedris, Josef Greifenberger and Rafael Tehorny, were sentenced to death by the field court. Only comrade Faivusch Abramovitch was sentenced to prison for life and Comrade Sheluga to eight years imprisonment. “We have addressed a request to the president, that our case should be transferred to the district court or the tribunal, pointing out that the time in question-is under amnesty. “However, the fact that we have been tried by a field court makes it certain that we will be executed. “The best wishes to all our comrades! work and.attain your aim, comrades.” In his last letter to the comrades on Dec, 25th, Comrade Pozela wrote: “On Dee. 24, 1926, four of us, Karl Pozela, Jo- seph Greifenberger, Mazys Giedris and Rafael ‘Tchorny, were sentenced to death by the field court. The process of the trial showed that the govern- ment had decided in advance to exterminate us in spite of everything. They tried us for the past times which had been covered by the amnesty law and they did not even follow their own laws. The aceusation alleging that we are supposed to have conspired to overthrow the government on Christ- mas or on New Year's is.a pure provocation. All the state witnesses, Norvaisha, Shavinis, Tamas- hauskas and others, who did not even know. how to play the role of provocateurs well, were secret service men. We exposed the provocative charac- ter of their charges during the trial, especially pertaining to the accusation that we made prepara- tions to overthrow the government on Christmas. As to the charge alleging that we fought against the independence of Lithuania, we pointed out that we were exactly the ones who fought against those who wanted to sell out Lithuania to the imperial- _istS of Poland. But our speeches were unnecessary, because as it appears, the verdict was prepared in advance. As soon as the verdict was declared they proposed to us that we write to the president beg- ging him for pardon. But we decided not to beg for pardon. Instead we wrote a statement demand- ing to transfer our case to the army court or to the Supreme Tribunal in view of the fact that we were condemned for that period of our activity for Live, which according to the laws of Lithuania we could no longer be prosecuted. I think that our state- ment will mean nothing because the farce of the trial shows that the decision was made long ago. “All comrades heard the verdict calmly and courageously. Saying nothing about others, Cem- rade Tehorny also is holding out heroically. “Greetings to all. ,Work and win, comrades.” Comrade Kazys Giedris wrdte on Dee. 26, 1926, as follows: “Dear comrades, today I am addressing you my last word. My path of struggle for truth and for the interests of the oppressed’ and exploited has ended—the field court which took place on Dee, 24, 1926, condemned me to be shot. But I will die full of hope that this struggle will not stop until it is won. I have nothing to regret, except that I did not accomplish much, that there were moments in my life which I did not know how to fill with work, Therefore my only wish is do not have mo- inents not filled with work; struggle and win. I step to my death courageously and firmly; you, comrades, be firm and brave also.” Comrade Joseph Greifenberger in his last letter written on Dec. 27, 1926, 2 p. m., among other things says the following: wy . If the ruling bourgeoisie would satisfy it- self with the blood of only four comrades, it would not be much to worry about. But this is only a beginning. The dungeons are filled to overflowing not only in Kovno but also in all other parts of the country. Hand in hand with the persecution of the active workers goes the destruction ‘of all the class organizations. The working class will realize the whole weight of the burden only then when its organizations will be. destroyed and when it will be weakened and left without a leadership, The bour- geoisie will snatch from the workers all the im- provements, as small as they are, which were won by the workers during the last few months, The economic pressure will increase enormously, 'The terrible suffering of the unemployed, the hardships of winter, the yoke of taxation—all of these preb- lems will not be solved by the ruling parties; they will not show even a desire to solve these problems in the interest of the toiling masses. And all this happened on account of the dastardly treachery of the parties of the petty bourgeois populists and social democrats. of the last few days before the coup d’etat proved beyond a shadow of doubt that the petty bourgeois pérties are hopeless. They were warned against the approaching danger again and again. Any rank and file worker could see the danger clearly, but the leaders of the social democrats did not want to see it. The tragedy of the petty bour- geoisie is also in the fact that it poses as a gov- ernment while it has no ground under its feet. This fact has been clearly demonstrated by the ease with which the coalition government was overthrown, sks, Bsus The present deplorable events . “In their desire to appease the rising reaction they persecuted the militant workers and their or- ganizations. They cleared the road for the reac- tion of the big capitalists, for the bourgeois dic- tatorship by tattling about “democracy.” “And it must be said that it is very clear now - that the leaders of these parties such as the Slezeviches and the Kairysis are perfectly satis- fied with the events. In order to satisfy the masses they should have severed their relations (with the bourgedisie) and fought the capitalists, but they could not do this for their very petty bourgeois character would not permit them to do it. This explains their dastardly treachery. They did not use any means whatsoever to defend them- selves. Even more than that; they did the best they could to restore the innocence of the consti- tution which had been trampled upon and raped by the fascisti. But the innocence cannot be restored in polities just as it cannot be done in medical surgery. “The masses are thinking. They did not get rid of their democratic illusions that have bound them hand and foot yet. But this lesson, as hard as it is, will not pass in vain. After having learned the character of the petty bourgeoisie and the role of their parties and after having broken themselves loose from fheir influence, the masses will clear the road to their final emancipation from the yoke of capital.” : : The blood of the four communards was not ‘spilled in vain. We will continue their noble work. Their courageous death in the hands of the fascist murderers for the cause of the suffering humanity, will be cherished and remembered in the hearts of the multitudes long after their executioners have ‘been forgotten. New fighters are taking the places of those who have fallen. We bow our heads be- fore the grave of Pozela; Greifenberger, Giedris and Tchorny and solemnly declare that we will not rest in our struggle until the fascist hangmen of Lithuania as well as of other countries will be brought before the bar of proletarian justice and forced to pay the full price for their crimes.