The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 5, 1927, Page 6

if e Se Peas Six THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. “Washington Blvd., Chicago, I, so Eh athletes a SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Hl, J. LOUIS ENGDAHL DUN) BERT MILLER ..... {nm Business iuiincee 2 LEE TS ae SE alii Entered as secoud-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chk cago, Il, under the act of March 3, 1879. <> 290 ‘Advertising rates on application, Militarist Manifestations ity of Oklahoma to permit a speech campus because of the protest of a The refusal of the Unive on peace to be delivered on its lieutenant-colonel of the reserve corps is one more incident added to many showing that the war department and its hangers-on are in- terfering more and more in affairs of civil life. The speaker who was refused the use of the campus happens to be a clergyman and even without hearing the speech which was delivered on other than university premises we are quite sure that we would not have agreed with it. It doubtless was the stereotyped pacifist utterance but because itedid not glorify war, the protest of one nuilitarist was sufficient to cause its cancellation by the universi- ty authorities. The military mind so-called, which sees its particular and per- fectly parasitic occupation as the sum total of all that is great and good in modern life, is not properly a military mind at all, but is the quintessence of the imperialist epoch. It is possessed by every beneficiary of imperialism and its chief characteristic is a burning hatred of everything and everybocy who does not believe in the un- challengeable righteousness of the lomination of workers and peas- ants in the “backward” countries by the American ruling class and its agents. At the same time the imperialist seeks to install over the work- ing masses of the home nation who do the hardest and the lowest paid work, a system of government similar to, that which makes possible the golden stream of profit from the colonies. In pursuing this aim, the militarists campaign against all dissenting opinions and use the power and prestige of the suppressive machinery of the government to accomplish their aims. To say, as the Chicago Tribune does, that the lieutenant-colonel who made the protest was simply exercizing his right as a citizen is to put the whole question on the basis of a difference of opinion between individuals. It is nothing of the sort. The war department itself is now a highly efficient propaganda machine and its publicity organization is just as much a part of the military machine of Amer- ican imperialism as are the gunboats, airplanes and other specialized destructive apparatus. In the schools and universities there is developing a rather broad movement, of a pacifist and semi-pacifist character, against militarism. So far there seems to be no direct line among these lower middle class student elements against imperialist war as such, but the war department is busy just the same. The American labor movement could build a great movement against imperialism and imperialist war if its official leaders were not part of the war machinery. The Nicaraguan incident has shown that there is a tremendous yeserve of anti-militarist sentiment in the United States which could “be organized into a powerful force, with the labor movement taking the lead. But the labor officialdom upholds the hands of the war and state departments so that from the left wing workers who endorsed the Communist program against imperialist war, and the penetra- tion and intimidation of the Philippines, Mexico and Latin-America which leads to war, must and will come the mass impetus which alone can stop war. In the meantime it is possible to establish a united front against such manifestations of the militarist spirit as closed the University of Oklahoma campus to a lecture on world peace. Impeach Kellogg! Adolfo Diaz, dictator of Nicaragua by grace of some six Ameri- can gunboats which we listed the other day, is undoubtedly the most brazen of the numerous puppets American imperialism has used from time to time in Latin-America. His most recent statement issued “to the American and foreign public” makes the following ‘assertion: The charges against my government and the conservatives in respect to the United States and the American bankers, so assiduously propagated by the poisonous anti-American, anti- foreign Bolshevist Mexican propaganda agencies are... . wr founded. To appreciate properly the above statement it must be remem- hered that it is issued with the knowledge and consent of the Amer- ican state department and is made at the time when public protest against armed interyention by American forces is coming from all parts of the United States and after a United States senator has introduced a resolution specifying the acts of the war department in Nicaragua and demanding that they be stopped. It appears that Diaz has been commissioned to insult the ears of the sympathizers of the Mexican and Nicaraguan masses with the . Same lying story which Assistant Secretary of State Olds tried to foist upon the American people and which has already been ex- posed as war department propaganda manufactured expressly for home consumption. The whole scheme of which the Diaz statement is only a part is of such a character as to justify impeachment of Secretary of State Kellogg. This demand should be raised by the official spokes- men of the labor movement and resulting dramatization of the whole conspiracy would-focus public attention on an arbitrary use of power by the Coolidge administration which is inseparable from its imperialist character. Impeach Kellogg and make President Coolidge repudiate him or share the responsibility for making war without con- sulting the legislative wing of the government! This alone will not stop imperialist war, but it will bring before the American masses in vivid form the danger of war inherent in a system of society and government which makes the protection of loans and investments abroad its first order of business, Pifne Monroe 4712 | By JOHN PEPPER. HE fight of the British miners is approaching its end, and one dis- trict after another {s concluding sepa- rate agreements with the mine own- ers. The ranks of those who have not returned to work are becoming thin- ner and thinner. The guerilla war- fare is only being continued in a few districts, but even there the resist- ance of the workers is growing weaker from day to day. For seven whole months has this struggle lasted, one of the greatest events in the whole international la- bor movement of recent years. Now that it hag entered on its last phase | the time has come to draw up the bal- ance of this heroic ntass struggle and to draw the logical conclusions. How can we explain the enormous signifi- cance of the fight of the British min- ers? In the first place in that the background of this fight is the de- cline of the British empire,” a situa- tion in which the British capitalists, in view of their desperate struggle for the world market, are no longer able to make great concessions to the working class, and in which any great fight of the workers to maintain their former standard of living must inev- | Shares and the transactions on th itably meet with resistance from the whole bourgeoisie and their govern- ment and must necessarily develop into a political fight, HE character of the fight was de- termined above all by the circum- stance that the British coal mining in- dustry is now passing thru a severe crisis which places the British bour- geoisie before the dilemma of getting rid either of its “superfluous coal” or of its “superfluous miners,” All the characteristic features of the great fight are due to these chief factors. We can only completely understand the significance of this struggle if we take the following circumstances into consideration. The struggle of the miners, which lasted for seven months, was con- nected with the first general strike and was to some extent simultaneous with it. Clausewitz, the great theo- rist on military strategy, once said that it is only possible to understand the significance of a war if we take into consideration that it is carried on in an atmosphere of danger. It is equally difficult to understand the struggle of the miners unless we take into consideration that during the whole seven months there was an at (By L...NG (Frankfort a Main.) An international trust of financial capital has recently been formed. It is under the leadership and adminis- tration of American and British large banks which, as institutes of the ex- port of capital to Germany, already play an important part. Ten-of the chief large banks in Europe belong to the trust. Of German banks, the Dresden bank—which has for a long time been dependent on American and British financial capital—has taken part in its formation. The original share capital amounts to 14 million dollars (10 million of first preference shares and 4 million of second preference shares), To these must be added ordinary shares | without a/nominal value. The amount dinary shares, it is true—is not par- ticularly overwhelming. It is, at any rate, quite out of proportion to the figures (a milliard) the report of which was originally spread when the project of the trust was made pub- lic. The activities of the trust are to consist in granting loans and credits, but especially in buying securities (shares). The territory to be exploit- ed is the whole world. It is an open question whether the trust can be brot into connection with any—at present very abstract—construction with regard to reparations and debts (the mobilization, of the German rail- way and industrial debentures). In my case, the imagination of certain aewspapers which are dependent on the banks involved, knows no limits. Even a trust of financial capital has its advertizing department. The function of the trust will in reality consist in investing capital in some form or other (loans, credits, shares) in all countries in which it is worth while—stable conditions of cur- rency being a prerequisite—(above all in Germany, Austria, Belgium and finally in France also), and in which the conditions of political power make it possible, 1. e, mot in the Soviet Union, whose doors are closed to ex- ploiters from the circles of financial capital. The control of the business is in the hands of American and British financial capital (especially Ameri- can), The banks of the other coun- tries concerned in the trust will in essentials play the part of middle- men, of agents. In return for special allowances, they have to see that loans and credits are ‘taken out from the trust, 1. e, from American (and British) financial capital, and they have to carry thru the purchase of stock exchange, Thus, the trust, ca ed the A, B. C, trust after the initials of the words composing its name (American, British Continental Cor- poration), turns out to be an organ- ization of American (and British) financial capital with the object of directing the export of capital with the greatest advantage and security, the bank# of the other countries act- ing ad agents. The following pass- sam y i of the share capital—without the or-} mosphere of emaiiey conditions, i. , the open application of dictatorial power on the part of the capitalist government, ROM the very beginning the situa- tion was characterized by an un- usual intensification of the relations between the classes. Above all, two hostile forces, the coal magnates and the miners, came into coliision, ac- cording to the excellent expression of the Economist, “an irresistible force came into contact with an immovable object”). Then, however, the fight of the miners started the general attack of the bourgeoisie on the whole trade union movement polling, Finally, one of the: most important characteristic peculigrities in the fight was the circumstance that not such pronounced “right” leaders as Hodges were at the head @f the Miners’ Fed- eration, but Herbert<Smith and Cook, who are known as #'left” leaders. Per- haps no fight has ever led to such im- portant economie consequences as the present fight of the miners. In the |course of the seven months’ fight not only the political but the whole eco- nomic life of the country depended on it. All the important branches of in- dustry were paralyzed, as were also the whole exports and imports of Great Britain, For several months the whole world market was under the influence of the British miners’ fight and the economic crisis in Great Britain, as well as the improvement in the juncture of affairs in the coun- tries of Central Europe were con- nected with the struggle. As regards the economic side, the strike proved a very strong weapon and now, when to capitulate not so much by the pres- sure of dictatorial power of the gov- ernment, not so much because of the superiority of the forces of the coal magnates, not so much by hunger, as the treachery of the leacers of the British labor movement and owing to | the efforts of international reformism. HE heroic fight.ot.the British min- ers will always remain one of the of the struggle for the emancipation of the proletariat. defeat of the miners is purely and simply the history ofthe treachery of he reformist leaders. The analysis of this great struggle. shows four dif- ferent periods. In the first period the age from a New Youk announcement in the “Frankfurter; feltang:” is char- acteristic: 0 “In the opinion of the banks con- cerned, the present,time seems to jus- tify the foundationoof the trust, for several states in Hurope and other continents can, the result of the | successful stabiliz@tion of their cur- |rency, boast of jancial conditions | better than they fe ever been since the end of the war,.so that there is | considerable security for the invest- ment of Americanggapital.” The A. B. C. trugt means an inten- sification of competition for the banks which have not been included in it. |For this reason, things will not stop | at this one trust of financial capital. | Under the leadership’ of American and | British financial capital further inter- By EDITH RUDQUIST. HE Aswell bill, if it becomes a na- tional law, as is the urgent desire of all America’s large, powerful in- dustrialists, would put the fate and well-being of America’s more than ten million toiling foreigners in the hands of a dictator, This proposed act con- tains outspoken, unguarded provisions that can be interpreted in no other way than as American fascism, This dictator will have the title of secretary of labor; upon him will rest the duty of getting’up a set of laws, “regulations” for the enforcement of the Aswell bill, . What these “regulations” shall con- tain is of most vital concern to the foreign-born workers, These regula- tions will namely.be the laws that will directly interfgre in their every- day life, stipulating »what the workers can, cannot, should and must do in order to earn the means of existence. The Aswell bill’s provisions are only general, these “regulations” for en- forcement will specifically and un- equivocally dictate. Once congress has voted in favor of the Aswell bill the fate of the foreign-born workers is sealed, becauseythere is no escape from these “regulations,” more dan- \gerous than the bij}pitself. Section 16 provides “Secretary of cossary to carry out the provisions of this act.” To whom could the steel, textile and coal interests more proper- ly delegate the job of keeping in a “legal” straight-jacket the great mass | of their workers, than one who is now their official arbiter and mediator in industrial disputes, (strikes, wage- (contracts ete.) than one who already has the sanction and OK of these industrial rulers? He certainly would not be likely to make a non-beneficial nor non-profitable regulation, inform- ed ag he is of lr every wish and requirement, No doubt, he is capable of finding all the ogic phrases, necessary to cone real motives. He has @ whole d arsenal of -— = the struggle is nearing its end, we can | state that the miners were compelled | in the first, place, chiefly, because of | most glorious chapters in the history | The history of the } Mr. Aswell Introduces American Fascism Labor shall make all regulations ne-|: °° Hema natal The Result of : the British Miners’ Fight | whole British working class?: ‘fought with the miners and even’ conipelled the official leaders of the trade union movemem to place themselves.at the head of the general strike, In the second period the miners’ union was left alone in the fight and the treach- ery of the official leaders of the trade union movement isolated the miners from the other workers. Neverthe- less, the Miners’ Federation, altho it was isolated, represented a tremen- dous fighting force which would have had every prospect of success had there been a united leadership and had the struggle taken the course it ought to have taken. In the third period, the leaders of the Miners” Fed- eration, having till then vacillated, showed a tendency to capitulate. They recommended accepting the proposals of the bishops, they sabotaged the ex- tension of the fight recommended by South Wales, they called upon the workers to accept the conditions: of capitulation laid down by the govern- ment. The fourth period of the strug- gle began at the moment when all the former leaders (with few exceptions) left the fighting masses of the miners to their fate. In the most critical pe- riod of the fight these old leaders failed, and destroyed the united front of the miners by assenting to district agreements being concluded, Side by side with the general treachery of the old reformist leaders, we see new leaders cropping up. These new leaders were provided by the Communist Party of Great Britain and the minority movement. Wher- ever the influence of the Communists and the minority movement made it- self felt the miners passed resolutions which testified to their determination to fight having remained unshaken. HE same picture was seen in an international measure. The re- formist trade union leaders and social democracy left the fighting miners to their fate in the most shameful way, jand only the comintern and the revo- |lutionary trade unions fulfilled their international duty, The attitude of | the trade unions of the Soviet Union, | which gave evidence of their solidar- ity, was a brilliant example for the | whole international working class. After seven months of fighting and starvation, the miners are returning into the dark depths of the shafts. This time the battle is lost; the work- ing day is lengthened, wages are re- duced and the miners have been national financial trusts will come in- to being, which already exist in their Srouping (their dependence on one another). The fight of the interna- tional trusts for financial capital amongst themselves is taking place at the expense of the working masses in all countries ruled by capitalism and means an intensification of the danger of war (a struggle for spheres for in- vestment). The international trusts of financial capital also of course in- volve an increased danger of inter- vention against the Soviet Union. The sabotage of the financing of German export to the Soviet Union (the 300 million credit), which at one time was carried on for weeks by the Ger- man large banks (undoubtedly sup- ported by American and British finan- cial capital, as a kind of model for the American bourgeois-democratic tradi- tional phrases to outfit him. This same section 16 gives the secretary of labor unlimited authority in drawing up enforcement regulations, Note the word: “necessary,” which is here to be understood in class-conscious meaning in the pure interests of the bosses and not of the foreign-born workers, Who is to decide what is or is not “necessary?” The person who is to enforce of course! The fact that this word “necessary” is here used unqualifiedly is. not either without meaning or fore-thought, The following section, 17, even more strongly reiterates that the sec- retary of labor and he alone is to be the all powerful dictator over Amer- ica’s foreign-born, in that “he is to be charged with the duty of proper en- forcement.” When an official is “charged” with the duty of proper enforcement” it carries with it the authority of doing anything and every- thing that will in any way tend to gain that end, including the right to enlist the aid of any or all branches of government, But Mr. Aswell want- ed to make doubly sure that his dic- tator would be armed to the teeth, be- cause the very next clause gives the secretary of labor the right “to employ such assistance... as may from time to time be authorized by this or any other law”; Instead of having to wait for orders from the governor of any state to call out the assistance of state-militia in case “interests of national defense so require” (as in a strike) which has in several instances proved a rather long and inconvenient procedure, the steel- magnates e. g. would now have only one official to turn to,/the secretary of labor. Another point, the laws of every state would be subordinate to this proposed law, because the Aswell bill would ‘become a federal law and ag such has priority to any state law. Thru this bill Mr. Aswell prov himself to. be a modern ‘ nm the baptist, a true forerunner, ‘com. tng American Mussolini, forced to enter into long ‘period agreements; the importance of a united trade union has been consid- erably reduced, thanks tothe conclu- sion of district agreements, These are facts which no one can deny, and the reformists are sure to use them in order to draw the conclu- sion that it would have been better not to fight at all: After every defeat of a revolutionary fight the reformists once more come to Plechanow’s conclu- sion that “it would have been better not to-have taken up: arms at all,” lies. The medal has its reverse: side, The fight of'the miners has not been useless,. Not only the miners, but the whole ‘British working class and the world proletariat will have much to learn’ from this fight.. The British working class, which has for decades been deeply ‘sunk in the slough of op- portunism, has iow learned from the experiences. of’ thé general strike and the miners’ fight how to fight against the bourgeoisie. The general strike, the seven months’ struggle of the min- ers and the ‘emérgenty conditions have greatly-altered-the British work- ing class.° Its. passing: thru a deep- reaching process of \revolutionization, and many ‘British workers have al- ready found the«path leading them. to- wards the°Communist Party. HE British’ and.:the » international proletariat have learnt the follow- ing impértant-truths from the experi- ences of thé miners’ fight: 1.:The- efforts of the bourgeoisie to stabilize ‘capitalism inevitably lead to great mass\ fights and hasten the over- throw. of @apitalism. 2. Every important event’ in the la- bor movement *of any country will now inevitably become an intérna- tional event angl must be regarded by the international proletariat as a com- mon cause of the workers. 3. Every great economic fight of the workers with the background of dis- integrating capitalism turns into a political fight. It must be carried on with the application of political means. {¢ 4 ’ 4, The workers cannot be victorious in great economic fights or in ‘great political fights as long as the reform- ists dre at their head. Only when they are led by new ‘revolutionary leaders will they be able to carry on their struggle for their standard of living and for political freedom to a victorious end. An International Trust of Financial Capital economic boycott of the Worker and Peasant state by financial capital. Financial capital can use the dang’ ous weapon of economic boycott all the more effectually the more firm- ly it is welded nationally and interna- tionally and the more uniformly it is controlled. 2 The fight against the interhational trust of financial capital isa fight against trust capital altogether. The pre-requisites for its success are the establishment of international trade union unity, the' transformation of the trade unions from’ occupational organ- izations into industrial unions, the es- tablishment of firm, international fighting alliances betweeti the individ- ual unions and the class war otganiza- tions of the workers with the revolu- tionary movement of’ the colonial ‘and semi-colonial peoplés. Seize on Mellon’s Refund to Campaign for Tax Reductions — WASHINGTON, Jan, 3.—Secretary of Treasury “Mellon’s request from congress that $175,000,000 be “refund- ed” to taxpayers, who he claimed were overtaxed “illegally by ‘the govern- has’ spurred the democrats to again conduct a campaign fora tax reduction program for the present congress." 0.5 Ravige “Tt would be~better’to join in this just plan of relief (reduction) than to go on collecting taxes and then come to congress next: year on the eve of another’ *presidential campaign and ask for refunds and reductions: that would benefit only a few,” declared Representative Oldfield of Arkansas in commenting on ‘Mellon's action. “Atheist missionary” from this coun- try sailed onthe Samaria when Edwin Bergstrom, representative of the American, Association for the Ad- vancement ‘of Atheism,’ departed for Sweden, where he will establish: h quarters in Stockholm. tthe atheist headquarters.in New ‘k City it was stated. that a mis- sionary will be sent tothe Philippines, that he: will be a man+with a medi- here has been ordered closed by the government be- cause of ‘eligtou teachings coer to law. Action has been started by the te sionaries to have the school reopened. They have taken Mexican courts, Ege Amy laim the laws were not violated, The reformists, however,’ are telling. (Copyright, 1926, by Upton Sinclatr.} pets SEE SR EE I, VIII. The navy department ousted the little company which had started drilling on the Sunnyside naval re- serve. It sent in a bunch of ma- rines ‘to do it, and this unprece- dented move attracted a lot of at- tention, which worried Dad and Verne. The latter had a man up there, to fix matters with the news- Paper correspondents; and “Young Pete” was in Washington, seeing ‘to things there. You began to notice in the newspapers items to the ef fect that the navy department was greatly worried because companies occupying lands adjoining the naval reserves were drilling, and draining the navy’s oil; this would be @ ca- lamity, and the authorities were of the opinion that in order to avoid it the reserves ‘should be turned over to the department of the interior, which would’ lease them upon terms advantageous to the government. Bunny didn’t. need to ask his father about that propaganda; “he Knew what it meant, and he waited, wondering—was it possible to get away with anything so crude? Could anybody fail to see that the govern- ment could have taken the adjoin- ing lands, under the same powers which had set aside the present, re- serves? Or that the nayy could have put down offset wells on its own property, exactly as any oil man would have done? But no, this administration was not thinking about the navy—it was thinking about Dad and Verne! When the oil men had bought the republican convention, they had also got the machinery of the party, and that im cluded the press, which now accept- ed meekly the “dope” sent out from Washington, and commended the prompt measures of the administra- tion to protect the navy’s precious oil. Then a peculiar thing happened. Dan Irving called Bunny on the phone, and made a date for lunch. The first thing he said, Well, the labor college is flooey—nas poo!” He went on to declare, it was a waste of time to try to keep such an “enterprise alive, so long as the pres- ent labor leaders were in power; they didn’t want the young workers to be educated—it wouldn’t be so easy for the machine to control them. Last week somebody had raided the college at night, and taken most of its belongings, except thé debts; Dan had decided to pay these out of his savings and quit. “What are you going to do?” asked Bunny. And Dan explained; he had been “sending in news to a little press service which a bunch of radicals were maintaining in Chi- cago, and he had got a lot of infor- mation from Washington that had attracted attention. He had some friends there on the inside, and the upshot’of it was that Dan had been offered fifteen dollars a week to go to the ational capital as corre- spondent of this press service, °“I can exist on that, and it’s fhe best job I can do.” Bunny was enthusiastic. “Dan, that’s fine! There’s plenty of ras- cals that need to be smoked out!” “T Imow it; and that’s what I want to gee you about. One of the things I've’ got my eye on is these naval reserve Oil leases. They look mighty fishy to me. Unless I'm missing my guess, the people behind it are Vernon Roscoe and Pete O'Reilly, and there’s bound to be black wherever their hands have touched. “I suppose so,” replied Bunny, trying to keep his voice from going weak. “There’s talk in Washington that that’s how Crisby came into the cab- inet. The deal was fixed up before Harding got his nomination. Gen- eral Wood says the nomination was offered to him if he’d make such @ deal, and he turned it down.” “Good Lord!” said Bunny, “Of course I don’t know yet, but I'm going to dig it out. Then I re- membered that Roscoe is an asso- ciate of your father’s, and it oc curred to me it would be awkward as the devil if I was to come on anything—well, you know what T mean, Bunny—after your father was So kind to me, and you put up money for the college— ) “Sure, I-know,” said Bunny, “You don’t’ have to worry about that, Dan, You go ahead and do yoiir job, i 2 as if you'd never known us.” “Thi fine of you. But rama I was afraid maybe some day there might be a misunderstanding, unless I got this clear, that I never got any hint on this subject from you. My recollection is positive, you've never mentioned it in my hearing. Is right?” ie "It's absolutely right, Dan.” “You've never discussed father's business with me at except the strike; and you