The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 4, 1927, Page 6

‘age Six \ THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 2213 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ml. Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES ie ‘ss By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): 798.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months 2.50 three months $2.00 three months Ci ce Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Hl. J. LOUIS DAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE BERT MILLER .... Reap {amet meme Business Manager Sa ae a Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi cago, Il, under the act of March 3, 1879. | 290 Advertising rates on application, Hoover Makes an Admission The following plea for industrial solidarity thru industrial unionism as from the Voice of Labor, official organ of the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union. It should be under- | stood that the writer of the article | is not pleading for O, B. U.-ism along the lines of the Canadian experiment. | He wants to bring about the same re- sult that American radicals seek to} accomplish by the amalgamation of | craft unions into industrial unions | and the linking up of all such unions | |into a national organization with a} |general staff which would be in a} | position to bring the entire power ot | |the labor movement to bear in a given | |situation, The reference to “English | Even Herbert Hoover, secretary of commerce for Wall Street in the Coolidge cabinet, was forced to admit in his New Year’s re- port on conditions during 1926, that the Union of Soviet Republics was rapidly recovering economically. This is a big change since the days, not so long ago, when the Soviet Union was denounced as “an economic vacuum.” This confession of one of the most prominent spokesmen great business is excellent background for the New Ye: on the Soviet Union’s economic progress issued by Boris E. Skvirsky director of the Soviet Information Bureau at Washington. Skvirsh points out in part that: “The Soviet Union enters 1927 with its industrial output advanced beyond the pre-war rate, agricultural production back to the pre-war level, and a general and marked economic improvement during the past year. Since Sept. 1 foreign trade has shown a pronounced favor- able balance. During the past year industrial production increased up- | wards of 40 per cent over the previous year, and a further increase of 17 per cent during the present year is predicted. In every way the situation of the country is far strc-ger today than at any time since the revolution. “American-Soviet trade for 1926 will probably be somewhat less than $80,000,000, as compared with the record figure of $110,000,000 for 1925. American exports to the Soviet Union fell off nearly 40 per cent, and both Germany and England gained at the expense of American manu- facturers. At present there are obvious handicaps to the development of commercial relations between the United States and the Soviet Union, which | hope will be removed in due course.” One of the handicaps that Skvirsky refers to is the failure of the United States to recognize the Soviet government. With the Soviet trade going to Germany and England it can easily be'seen that Mr. Hoover’s reports on economic conditions in this country will be- come decreasingly optimistic. This will become increasingly true as Soviet industry appears more and more in the world market with its products, which will certainly be welcomed more in those na- tions oppress , the goods of these bandit nations. This is especially true of China and other nations of the Orient and the Near East, even of South America, where several countries have already recognized and are trading with the Soviet Union. The New Year ushers in brighter prospects than ever for Soviet rule. Smith Seeks the Presidency Goyernor “Al” Smith of New York has tossed his hat in the ring as an aspirant for the democratic nomination for the presidency next year. This has been expected for some time. ? Tammany Hall’s “Al” made his announcement as part of the in- augural address that opened his new term as governor of the empire state. Before thousands of the “faithful,” he said: “No man would stand before this intelligent gathering and say the.c he was not receptive to the greatest position the world has to give anyone, but I can say this—that I will do nothing to achieve it except to give to the people of the state the kind and character of service that will make me deserve it.” “A}” Smith will no doubt have as difficult sledding toward the nomination in 1928 as he did in 1924. The democratic south looks upon him as an agent of Wall Street. The cotton crisis has not | changed this attitude for the better. Instead it has gone for the worse. The south is also Ku Klux Klan and protestant while “Al” is catholic. The south is dry. “Al” is wet. On top of this the radical western democracy is not satisfied with the brand of donkey politics sponsored by Tammany Hall, Taggart and George Brennan. t “AJ” Smith, therefore, does not clarify the confusion that exists within the democratic party by announcing himself as an aspirant for the 1928 presidential nomination. Rather he throws it into even greater chaos. Which reveals the conflicts raging within this cap- italist political party, that tries to speak for opposing elements of the middle class and at the same time urge the cause of the great capitalists, the financial capitalists for instance, thru its espousal of the league of nations and the world court. “Al's” hat is in the ring. It will be a battered lid indeed when it is thrown out again. Another Answer to a Challenge Woodlawn, Pa., December 26, 1926. BAR COMRADES: I've been challenged to answer what I have done to D overcome the crisis of The DAILY WORKER in the present campaign to Keep The DAILY WORKER, ‘The members of the party and the supporters of the only workingclass paper, The DAILY WORKER, are anxious to hear what the individual can do when he is aware of the fact that he must always keep in mind his duties ; ‘to his press, especially at the present time when the Daily is passing thru % tter crisis, a a BT) December 26, I’ve rafsed $10.00 to Keep The DAILY WORKER and / fm here to challenge all the party members of District No. 5 to go out and igo the same and to maintain our organ, The DAILY WORKER, the only pa- per that will lead us to victory in the class struggle! rf For The DAILY, Always yours, E. Resetar. ” Ginois Women Ask _ Modern Laws on Hours | } he legal 10-hour day | (Special to The Daily Worker) Ee Bes week now permitted for | NEW YORK — Nine delegates of women in Illinois, an 8-hour law with | Local 87, Bakery and Confectionery Naty sions to cover special cases is | Workers’ Union, which is located in sought by a joint committee of |the Brownsville section of Brooklyn, | en's organizations, were sentenced by Supreme Court anized labor is represented by |Justice Cropsey for contempt of court, Women’s Trade Union ,League.|They had, it was charged, induced participating organizations in |members of the union to violate an the League of Women Voters |injunction against picketing. the Mlinois State Federation of} The amount of the fines and the en's clubs. length of the sentences are tombe an- has been no change in I'-/nounced later when final drafts of Nine Bakery Workers | in Contempt of Court \trade unionism” relates to the exist-| ence in Ireland of branches of British | junions. This system has all the vices | of dualism.—Ed. | | * 8 6 | By MURTAGH MORGAN. | s trade unionism in Ireland an| ral and virile part of the working | s movement? Is it effective for in |forces of labo tion as an instrument for resisting at- | | upon was and conditions? Is whole, it an organic capable of ex-| pressing a clear and convincing lead upon all the questions affecting the workers thru the class struggle? Is It Failure? Only an imbecile would say that e unionism in Ireland does, or is capable of, any of these things. It is not by any means an integral or virlic element of the labor army; it is rather, a disjointed and remote part contented in its unconscious impo- tency. As a means of unification it is | incongruous; it is difficult to conceive of a more disconnected body. Its in- | ability to defend wages and condi: | tions is daily becoming more appar. | ent, and instead of leading it is in- | clined to lag. On its existing basis trade unionism in this country is about as useful a weapon to the Irish work- ers in their struggle w capitalism | the bow and arrow would be to | Iraq villagers attacked by bombing }aeroplanes, Craft unionism, sectional- ism, disunity, “poaching jealous; | vecrimination—these are all common | | features of that feeble and inert thing unionism. Yet leaders mount plat- forms and naively prate to worling class audiences about “our trade union movement,” while, as a matter of fact, | a@ movement, in the real sense of the | term, does not exist. | Its Day Is Past, When a wage slave is no longer able to perform the duties demanded of him by the capitalist system he is instantly “fired.” So it is with our trade unionism; for a considerable time now it has been unable to de liver the goods. No verve is manifest anywhere, and initiative or desire to | march with the times is entirely ab- sent. The old-fashioned conception of | | wade unionism has become a veritable | | old man of the sea to us, and unless ; We make a supreme effort and chuck {him off he will, assuredly, strangle | “the new departure” necessitated by | jthe changing situation. The “crino- line” has passed; this is the age of | | “Eton crop” and “wireless.” Rip Van! | Winkle unionism is only compatible |with a flourishing capitalism. It |worked fairly well when England could boast of being the “workshop of | |the world”; it is useless today, when | European capitalism is being beaten | to its knees by the trustificated and | jconcentrated power of American big business. The more intense the com- | petition for world markets and fresh | fields of exploitation, the more severe will become the attacks upon the or- ganized workers, Our problems are multitudinous, and the sooner we get down to solving them the better for the Irish work- ing class. Multiplicity of unions is a deterrent to progress; it’s more than folly—it’s fatal. The whole situation is complex. Each tin-pot organiza- tion jogs along in its own stupid, de- sultory way, sublimely oblivious of any other interest but its own—and often absolutely too ignorant to see its own futility to protect even its jown interest. The Recent General Strike. | There is no point of contact visible |anywhere except, perhaps, during a \crisis—when the improvised “unity” {achieved becomes nothing more than }a sham, Take, for example, the in- jcidents in Ireland during the general |strike, and we find that’ while lip- | service in abundance was given to the jcause of solidarity, things happened c | ploited to the full, M r’s statement | welding together and consolidating the |t® Join the union, not! because it is | Britain, and especially the still strug: r? Does it fulfill its func- | ‘heir duty to their class, but because | gling miners, ot the munificent peéwhiary advan- | A Plea for Industrial $ unionism advantageous to, the work- ers? No matter whom, it; offends, I am firmly convinced that very recent events have conclusively proved other- wise. The English unions take their orders from the other side, and at, tempt to make an external policy fit a purely Irish situation. English trade unionism in Ireland is almost as de- structive to Irish working-class int was the enforcing of English feudalism upon a native Irish living under clan-ownership, and the Brehon laws, Apart from the many differ- ences of policy, methods and tactics, it creates an impregnable barrier be- tween the man in the English uniop and the man in the Irish union, and thus veils the common ititerest in a welter of dissension, Disadvantages of *Benefits.” The elaborate system Of benefits is another factor which ‘assists mate: rially in confusing the teal issue, and it tends to make the union huge ad- ministrative concerns father than ac tive participants in thé ¥truggle for emancipation, This benefit idea is ex- Meh are urged ages to be derived by So"doing. As J reard one man remarit “vho was in- ited to secede from hi¥*own union ind join another: “TRe¥'ll offer you leaven and earth f@éf mnine-pense.” This benefit business, "With all its at- endant evils, is more*pfonounced in he English unions. Back to Connolly. The application of ‘seme of Con olly's principles is wanted, and want- d badly. Years ago, in the face of ‘jolent opposition, he thundered out he grand philosophy of the O. B. U. \ll he said then denunciatory of con tituted unionism has deen completely indicated by the events of the past wo months. His most vindictive ene nies were the class of people who The Taking 0 Reminjecences of F. Fu: Raskolnikov. hands and wait for the revolu- ed by American, British and other imperialisms than | we are stupid enough to call trade | tonto be smakhed Gees ther inust | be a rising—there fg no middle course.” ‘That is how ‘Lehin presented the question on the evé’of the October revolution, ‘Having a majority 6f ‘the soviets of workers’ and soldiers’ deputies in both capitals, the Bolsheviks can and must take the state pdéwer into their | hands,” wrote Vladimi®Tlyitch some- what earlier in 1917,°_ #F For Comrade Lenin, winning of the majority in the ‘Petrograd and Moscow Soviets was’ ®’most impor- tant political fact whféh proved the ndoubted bolshevization of the wide asses of workers and{soldiers (i. e., nainly peasants) of all Russia. “The | majority of the people“are for us,” wrote Comrade ‘Lenin™in the same September manifesto tb the central and Moscow commitiee§“of our party. Leninism in its theorf’and practice infallibly appeals to the!masses, wins the majority, and therein dies. its radi- cal distinction from Blanquism and from all other forms of conspirative socialism. bd But to gain the sympathy of the working and peasant ‘ity is only | the prerequisite to the struggle for power. It is necessary to organize these masses and lead them in the process of the armed struggle. Above all, it was necessary to create | ja special ofgan for the direct leader- ship of the rising. Committee and Staff Clash. On October 21 (new style, Novem- ber 3) the military revolutionary com- mittee appointed its commissaries to all military units of Pet®ograd and of the environs. During ‘the night of October 22 the rupture of the military- revolutionary *committeé with the staff of the Petrograd military district Was accomplished. The M. R. com- mittee declared that éfders of the staff not endorsed by fits signature were invalid. This practically amount- ed to a declaration of War. The col- |lision of the two hostilé forces was expected from hour to heur. The M. R. committee, whichhad all the time maintained the inttlative, on Oo- tober 25 (November 7),/With the aid of trustworthy units, sélzed the rail- way stations, postoffic telegraph, banks and stock exchange. Only the winter palace, which wags defended by that would make even a fascist trade unionist blush. Intrigue and deceit marked the whole course of events. When it was no longer felt safe to |further prevent the strike reaching | Ireland desperate efforts were made to “confine” its pgs tye certain specified areas. ow what did that |mean? In the case of a general strike | it means this: that at some particular point in the line of battle you are pre- pared to co-operate with “scab” or “black-leg” labor. Why should a state of affairs such as this be allowed to exist, and what is the cause of all these troubles? I have mentioned one many minor causes, yet there is, per- haps, a greater, The English System. There are two distinct, and in many ways opposed, forms of organizational structure in Ireland—both Irish and Wnglish unions operate in this country, Here is a difficulty # legislation effecting women's }ije papers in the action have’ been of. work since 1941 completed, must be sur- mounted, It has pi @ source of discord and a bone ‘ontention for a long time, Now #-2inglish trade junkers, shock troops and women's battalion, still remained {p the hands of the provisional gove: ent, which wag sheltered there. The fight around the iter palace was really the first at by the proletarian revolution, The cruiser “Aurora,” which was stationed opposite the Franco-Russian works, at the command of the military revolutionary committee, took up a fighting position by the Nikolayev bridge, The last minister of justice of the provisional government, Malian- tovitch, who wag in the winter palace at that time, describes his conversa- | —multiplicity of unions—and there are |tion with the naval minister, Ver- dersky, in the following manner: “Do you know what threatens the palace if the ‘Aurora’ opens fire?” .,, “It will be reduced to a heap of ruins,” replied Admiral Verdersky as calmly ag ever, Only hig right eye twitched at the corner. He shru, his shoul- ders, adjusted hig coll with his right hand, placed his is in his trousers pockets, and tu round on his heel to continue E must either fold! our useless | turned a general strike into a genera) rout, “‘Fanatic’! the insects hissed, till he taught them to understand That the highest crime may be writ ten in the highest law of the land.” Connolly's Union. The organization he helped to found has at least this to recommend it: It aes proved itself capable of fighting the capitalists on each and every occa- | sion that working-class interests have fbeen in jeopardy. His lightning strike—that sudden rapier-thrust by | which he won so many battles—! have seen in action, and have mar velled at its efficiency, But, then, Connolly was a leader as | different from the type that haunted | Downing street and slobbered over the Samuel memorandum as day is from night. They loved the “constitution;” jhe fought for the workers. They re- ispected established institutions and |conventions; he respected the cause of labor and recked little of all else A difference, yes, and one that has meant much to the workers of Great New Bottles and New Wine. | New policies sand new methods jmust be devised to meet the entirely new set of circumstances if we are to | justify our existence as trade union ts. A complete transformation is | imperative if we are to leave the pres- ent state of chaos, and a preliminary ,step should be the abolition of the heterogeneous collection of unions that at the present make concerted action impossible. This will be opposed Naturally. Because it may also mean the abolition of quite a number of sala- ‘ies. Most of the big amalgamations und linkings in the past have been reated more or le business prop: ysitions—men have received “guaran tees” and sinecures, and the real work has been neglected, Let this be the olidarity THE TAKING OF THE KREMLIN IN OCTOBER 1917 real thing, the solidification of work- ing-class energies. is a matter of para- mount importance, the salaries of of fictals is but.of minor consequence Petty considerations. must be sub- | merged in the more immediate aim. The rank and file of the unions mu: |vealize that the present effete struc: ture cannot remain; they imply segre- gation, the.O. B. U. implies solidarity. The Irish labor party and trade union congress. is the responsible agent, and it must, therefore, set about this transformation. The trade unions will become the determining factor in the final inevitable clash between cap- ital and labor. It is, therefore, neces- sary to perfect'a machine capable of controlling production as well as di- rect the general policy within the cap- italist system, The ideas of a past-generation must go. They fail completely to fit into the present scheme of things.. Were the great pioneers of trade unionism alive today—Owen, Doherty and the rest—they would readily perceive the need for change, and the best way we their memory is to do as they did— evolve new methods and adapt our- selves to the changed situation. Con- nolly says: “The, younger. accepts the achievements of the old, but grad- jually acquires strength to usurp its functions until the new.generation is able to abandon the paternal .house- hold and erect its own.” Sheer eco- nomic pressure is compelling us to erect that new ttade ‘union household. We cannot remain static. We must go forward. Let us remember that— Mankind fs a marching’ army, with a broadening front the while: Shall it’ crowd its bulk on the farm- | paths, or clear to the outward file? Its pioneers are the dreamers’ who fear neither tongue nor pen Of the human spiders’ whose ‘silk is wove from the lives of toiling men. f the Winter Palace ro down. He paused for a moment and said: “Its gun towers are higher than the bridges. It can destroy the pal- ace without damaging a single build- ‘ing. The winter palace is conve- niently situated for that. A good tar- get.” After the bombardment of the win- jter palace from the Peter-Paul fort- jress the “Aurora” gave a salvo from jits six-inch guns, A Tense Moment. “A sound could be heard which, tho subdued, was clearly distinguishable from all others,” writes Maliantovitch, describing this moment, “What is that?” asked someone. “That is from the ‘Arurora’,” replied Verdersky, but his face remained just as calm. Twenty minutes later Pantchinsky walked in bringing with him a glass smashed by a shell’s bursting and breaking down the winter palace wall, Verdersky looked at it and placing it on the table said: “From the ‘Auro- ra’. The glass was broken in such a form that it could serve as an ash tray. “An ash tray on the table for our successors,” someone remarked. Thus the moral impression pro- duced by the bombardment from the “Aurora” was tremendous; it to a large extent demoralized the provi- sional government, put the Kerensky ministers in a depressed mood, en- gendered lack of confidence in their own forces, in the possibility of any victory whatsoever, On October 25 (November 7) at 2 o'clock in the morning the winter nalace was taken by the concerted efforts of the workers, sailors and soldiers, ° Comrade Lenin, who followed the situation at the front with great in- tensity, frequently visited the military headquarters, I remember once when Viadimir Ilyitch called me into one of the rooms of the district staff. “What ships of the Baltic fleet are armed with the heaviest guns?” was the first question he asked me. I re- plied that they were the dreadnaughts “Petropavlosk,” “Sevastopol,” “Gan- gut” and the “Poltava, Lenin as Strategist, Comrade Lenin inquired whether they could be brought up the Neva and if not where they could, be placed for bombarding the outskirts of Petro- grad; but he was not satisfied with generalizations as an «@ and compelled me to show in detail on the map the range of various 8 of naval artillery, up and Comrade Podvolsly writes” it~ his | |reminiscences that when he asked |Comrade Lenin whether his visit to the staff meant lack of faith in the military workers, he simply but firmly replied: “It is not lack of confidence, but the | workers’ and peasants’ government | wants ‘to know how its military | authorities are acting.” During the teport- on operations Comrade’ Lenin was engrossed in the |map. “With the sharpness of @ pro- found and attentive strategist and military leader,” writes Comrade Pod- voisky, “he asked for explanations as to why such and such a point was not defended, why a certain step was pro- posed and’ not some other, why rein- forcements were not summoned from Kronstadt, Vyborg and Helsingfors, why such and such a position had not been worked ‘out and such and such an access closed.” ‘ ‘ In these questions. we have a com- plete picture of Comrade Lenin, He was never content with bare state- ments or general phrases; he always got down to the very substance of the matter, entered into details, demanded proofs, verified. the words and,deeds of every responsible worker. When the operative »staff was transferred from the district headquarters. to Smolny, Comrade Lenin asked that a table should be placed for him in the staff office, as he wanted to be in touch with the military events all the time. } Altho Comrade Lenin: was a pro- foundly unmilitary in (which he was constantly emphasizing), we mili- tary workers frequently had occasion to be astonished at how quickly he got an orientation in a military situa- tion and how wise and useful were his advice and instructions on mill- tary matters. 7 VOLGA TO BLACK SEA AND ATLANTIC OCEAN | MOSCOW.—The Volga river, which now flows into the land- locked Caspian sea, is to-be diverted by a canal 65: miles:long so that it will flow into the River Don and thence Into. the » This will permit ocea jin pack- ets to come thru rranean, the Dardenelles, a jenoe up the can honor their work and perpetuate | ANEW (Copyright, 1926, by Upton Sinolair.) “You mean Charlie Norman!” She nodded in assent; and as she saw Bunny’s hands clench she satd, “You don’t have to do any heroics. There can’t be a shutgun wedding when the bride refuses to attend,” “Tell me about it, Bertie.” “Well, we were in love quite des- perately for a while, and I thought he was going to matry me. But then I saw he wouldn't lay off other women, and I thought it over, and I decided, if I had a baby he’d have to marry me, so I tried it.” “Good God, Bertie!” “You needn't make faces. Thow- sands of women do it—it’s one of our tricks. But Charlie’s a yellow cur, When I told him about it he behaved so disgustingly I told him to go to hell. I got the name of a doctor that would fix me up, and Dad will have a thousand dollars to pay, and that’s all the damage.” “Bertie,” he whispered, “why im the world do you have to do things like that?” “Dont worry, I'll not do it again. IT had to learn, like everybody else.” “But why did you have to do it once? Trying to trap a rich man into marriage! Doesn’t Dad give you enough money?” “That’s very easy for you to say, Bunny, you're satisfied to get off in a corner and read some old book. But I’m not like that, I have to have a little life. Dad gives me pocket money, but that’s not what I want. I want a career—something of my own. And don’t start preaching at me, because I’m weak as a kitten and can’t stand anything just now. I wanted what every woman wants, a home of my own, and I didn’t want a bungalow, I wanted a palace! could invite people to, and make some use of my talents as a hostess, Well, I fell down, and now I want somebody to be kind to me for @ few minutes, if you've possibly got that in you.” It looked as if the tears were com- ing into her eyes, so Bunny has- tened to say, “All right, old girl, I'll lay off. But naturally I was taken aback,” - “You needn’t be. The doctor says it’s done a million times a year in the United States. I amused myself figuring that out—it’s about once every thirty seconds. Life is @ messy business. Let's talk about something else!” It was a time for confidences, and she wanted to know about him and Vee—was he going to marry her? He said he didn’t know ff she would have him. Bertie laughed—she would have all right, she was play- ing her cards cleverly, But Bunny told how many times she got irri- tated at him, and why, and that gave Bertie occasion for a discourse: She was the same old Bertie; she might weaken for a few minutes, and ask him to be kind, but she still believed in money, and the things money bought. She dis- cussed Vee from that point of view: it would be more dignified, and safer in the long run, for him to marry a lady, rather than an ae tress; but all the same, Vee had a lot of sense, and he might do worse. To go and wreck their happiness for the sake of his fool Bolshevik no- tions—that was just sickening! Then she wanted to know about Dad's affairs, and how that.deal in Washington was going; would they really get the Jeases? And was it true that Dad had any real pull with the administration in Washington? Bunny was sure he had; and Bertie revealed what she had in mind. “T’'ye been thinking it over—I’ve had a lot of time to think, ‘lying here. I believe that what I'll do is to go back to Eldon Burdick. He’s a good deal of a dub, but you always know where to find him, and that seems to me a virtue right now.” ‘ “Would you tell him about this?” asked Bunny, wonderingly. SOVIETS WILL DIVERT | oe t “No, why should I? He’s made his mistakes, I guess, and he doesn’t advertise them, He knows I've been living with Charlie, but I think he’s still in love with me. What I have in mind is that I could make @ ca- reer for him; I’d get Dad or Verne” to pull some wires and get him a good diplomatic post. I believe I'd like to live in Paris, you meet all. the important people there, and it’s very good form. We're going to have to take charge of Burope, El don says, and I think he’s the sort of man they’ll need. How does that strike you?” is “Well, if it’s what you want, I've no doubt you can get it. But {tl be rather tough on Eldon to have me for a brother-in-law.” py “Oh, you're going to behave your self,” said Bertie, easily, “This just a sort of children’s complaint that you'll get over.” (Continued tomorrow) - i les of Burns Jan, 2—With her ‘as the result of a d two-thirds of her of 7 freezing weath the home of nearest neighbor, whore she on the thgshold and died pase | ]