The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 18, 1926, Page 12

f Preachers Preach While Statesmen Steal By ARTHUR W. CALHOUN. OUR city librarian will gladly order copies of this book on “Imperialism and World Politics” by Professor Moon of Columbia University, just pub- lished by the Macmillan Co. If Scott Nearing or Bob, Duan had written it, you'd have to dig down into your overalls and cough up three or four dol- ‘Jars yourself—unless, that is, Scott had met the publishing costs himself or Bob had got the Van- guard Presg to publish it for him. It would have been no use to ask your public librarian to lay in a gupply of Nearing or Dunn. Or maybe it would, too. Librarians don’t know much as a rule. That’s a good thing. We could play on their ignorance a lot more than we do, and we could get them to stock up pretty heavy on explosives. Let's try it with this book. As you dig into the first chapter, try to form a @efinition of imperialism. Of course you can’t make a first-rate one till after you have read the book; but you ean start. Then ask yourself likewise what differenee imperialism makes to the world—that is, to you and me and the other fellow. Chapter H will give you a chance to ask yourself how things got that way, and why the big guys change their minds on such subjects from time to time. ‘Turn then to Chapter Ill and find out -what econo- mic reasons led to modern imperialism, Ask your self what nationalism means with its clothes off. See whether you can tell any difference between the goodness or badness of the great powers. When You get into Chapter IV you can make a list of the ‘Yarioug interests that create and bolster up impe- fiatism. Which are mainly responsible? Which @re just understrappers and bootlickers? How @uch of the whole game would you call graft? Which is worse, the graft on the side or the game itself? Chapters V to X inclusive give a basis for analyz- A Side Light on 'A MERICANS have heard a great deal about Sov- iet politics and something about Soviet econo- mics. They have had alfhost no information about Boviet education. Nothing that is going on in the Soviet Union at the present time is more important for the remain- of the world than the work in education. Else- r fie er are @ few centers of experimental ‘édu-~- tion. Soviet education is practically all experi- mental. The most extensive and radical educational &xperiments in the world are now being made in the Soviet Union. Soviet education has one dominant aim: to en- Barge the life experience of the people. Since the vast majority of the people in any society are workers, it ig wpon the education of the workers that . the Soviet authorities are concentrating their ef- fort. Three other propositions are subordinate to this main proposition: First, education must be Primarily for children. The child is the object of educational endeavor, not the school system, Sec- ond, education must prepare the child for life in his present environment. At the same time, it must train the child in such a way that he will be able to improve that environment. Third: Education must ®pen before children the whole field of human cul- ture. Soviet education ig therefore concentrated on the children of workers and farmers, who are being taught to shape their own destiny. Take one illustration of the way in which this ‘work is being done. Children in the Soviet schools, from the earliest grades are expected to take over $ certain amount of responsibility for the direction of their own affairs. As they advance in the school, @eir responsibility is correspondingly broadened. fy the time they reach the colleges, they are self- governing in all important matters that relate to student life and are participants in the control of the educational work of the institution. Student organization in the earlier grades of the Boviet schools is by classes. In some of the schools each separate class has a simple form of class or- ganization—a president, or secretary, or class com- mittee. This class organization is charged with the direction of student activities within the class. The elementary school, as a whole, has some form ef student organization. Frequently, each class elects one or two members of the student sehool executive committee. If there are twelve classes, this would man twelve or twenty-four delegates. In some of the schools, the younger children have one @elegate per class, and the older children, two dele- gates per class. The whole body of delegates is eharged with the responsibility for student activity. Questions that come before the student commit- tees for decision concern discipline, sport, student Feading rooms, student societies and social activities, a student co-operative, and similar activities in which the students normally engage. The student school executive is usually divided into sub-commit- tees, each one of which takes charge of one of these fields. The chairman of the student executive committee becomes, automatically a member of the governing body of the school. This governing body includes the principal, the vice principal or secretary, a couple of teachers, and at least one representative of ® ing the whole African layout. “How much does the rivalry between the imperialist powers amount to? What obstacles can you see to indefinite extension of imperialist activities in Africa? Is there any- thing in the whole situation that might give a basis for revolutionary propaganda in Africa itself? ~ Chapters XI to XIV inclusive cover the area that | most concerns the Soviet Federation—the whole sweep of land from the Balkans thru Turkey, Per- sia, Central Asia, to India, China and the Pacific. What imperial power is the chief rival of Commu- msm over most of this area? On which frontiers do the two threaten to clash? What can be done with the nationalistic feelings of the countries in sub- jection to imperialism? What prospect is there of a@ militant proletariat in any of these lands? What can the workers in the imperialist nations do to help the workers in the subject states? You may not find answers in the book, but you will find clues out of which to make your own answers. Then there is the field of outright American im- perialism—the Pacific region and America to the South. What made the United States imperialist? How do its tactics differ from those of the older im- perialist powers? How much difference does im- perialism make to American workers? ‘What can we do about the whole business? It might do A. F. L. leaders good to study Chapters XV and’ XVI, or even XVII, where the story passes to Europe with its welter of conflict, involving the old powers, Sov- iet Russia, and the United States. What ought American labor to do about the European muddle? Ought the A. F. L. to join the Amsterdam Interna tional? Ought we to whoop it up for the League of Nations, described in Chapter XVIII? What will be the outcome of its activities? What will become of its mandates? What can we do about it? When you come to the XIXth chapter, ask your self whether Moon’s summing up agrees with what you have learned in Communist literature. Does Soviet Education the students. All decisions affecting the school are made by. these governing committees, on which students always have at least one spokesman. In the higher schools the students have more than one representative in the directing body. ‘With the high school, Soviet students pick a field of study—mining, railroading, commerce, education, medicine.’ From that point, forward, the students are organized, not by classes, but by occupational groups. A student may intend to take up medicine. As soon as he begins to specialize in this field, he has an opportunity to join the student Health Workers’ Union. If he wishes to take a part in student af- fairs he has no choice, because all student activities are organized on a basis of union organization. The student executive is no longer selected by classes but by unions. Each union is represented on the executive in proportion to the number of ite members. All student activities therefore rest back on labor organization rather than on class “organiza- tion. ‘i Thru this plan, students learn labor solidarity in school, and by practical experience. When they go into the shops they are already trained labor men and women, These student organizations are built up among the students, but the school authorities give them every encouragement and opportunity to handle their own affairs. What is their purpose? To teach the boys and girls self-direction. These student or- ganizations are just as much a part of the school work as Classes in chemistry or in economics, The students are learning the arts of social life by prac- ticing social activities. } From the point of view of an American school, with its great emphasis on individual work, the Sov- jet system must seem absurd. But the children in the United States ag well as the children in the Soviet Union must live togther and work together when they get-out of school. It is for this reason that the Soviet educational authorities are laying so much stress on student gelf-direction. They want to raise a generation of boys and girls who are cap- able of organizing social life, and who are equally capable of living in a co-operative community, Their way of going about this is to let the boys and girls learn organized activity by organizing. he have the right slant on economics and ideals? Why would a university professor write such a book? Why would a capitalist publishing house circulate it? Would it be worth while to bring the book to the attention of the workers you know? Ought the author to get out an‘abridged edition? Has the book-ehough dramatic intérest to relieve the monotony of historic and geographic detail? Could some Communist writer dress the material up in a fetching way? _ What name would you apply to the author: scien- tist, liberal, radical, Bolshevik? What will Presi- dent Butler of Columbia University call him? How soon will he lose his job? How much difference will it make whether the book remains a heavy tome for ‘high-brows in the universities or whether we get everybody to. talking about it, so that. it gets inte the headlines as a damaging document?.. Let's got International Weekly Review (Continued from page 2) perialist policy, it appears that the British oil com- panies have signified their intention of adhering to the: new laws, in a brave effort to stand out as the friendly concessionaries in Mexico in contrast to the murderous Shylocks north of the Rio Grande. In Mexico, at least, Britain seems to be paying American imperialism in its own coin by. stealing a@ march on the foe that has so sucessfully torn up the British stakes in other parts of the world. , e ® te The Nicaraguan Conflict. fae struggle between the liberal government at Puerto Cabezas led by Dr, Sacasa and the re actionary regime of Adolfo Diaz at Managua, as sumes @ more than usual importance in view of the present developments in Mexico. For practically the first time in the history of Latin-American rela- tions with American imperialism has a conflict be- tween two opposing groups in a Latin-American country been characterized not merely by the con- trol and subsidy of one group by the American im- perialists, but by the open sympathy and aid to the opposing group of such a power as Mexico. The change in relatiofiships consequent upon the rise and strengthening,,of nationalist, independent governments—instead of,-as previously, puppetigor- ernments with easily bribed rulers—has brought about a condition in which the aspiring nationalist movements, especially in Central America and the Caribbean, look for inspiration, guidance and help te Mexico. This tendency has been substantially strengthened by the stiff resistance of the Calles’ government to the imperialist demands of Washing- ‘tom, which the latter was formerly accustomed to having translated forthwith into deeds. American imperialism, all of its bluster and strength to the contrary notwithstanding, cannot halt this development of a new era in its Latin- American relations. The new epoch of resistance to American encroachments and hegemony is @ serious menace to Wall Street and it realizes this truth by the manner in which it foams at its Wash- ington mouth, The realization of this development is even more keen in Mexico, which does not bother to hide its open sympathy for rebels like Sacasa. If Calles will follow an unswerving road of oppo sition to the brutal domination of American imperi- alism he will have behind him not only the people of Mexico, but also the sorely-pressed peoples of the other Latin-American countries which bleed un- der the heel of Wall Street. A staunchly-maintained conscious Mexico can become, as it is becoming more and more, a rallying center for these peoples who will look to it for leadership and will enhance its prestige and strength. This road has been partially followed already, Unlike other nations, the Calles government has raised its legations to a number of the Latin-Amert- can countries to the status of embassies. The semi- official organ of the Mexican government is read with attention and confidence by the other Latins who have a common problem in their relations with Wall Street. As the struggle of the Mexicans is folk lowed with interest by the people of Hatti, Cuba, San Domingo, Nicaragua and other colonies and semi-colonies of America so are the conditions of these latter followed with interest by Mexicans, - Sacasa, who already controls the entire Atlantie coast of Nicaragua, and one-third of the country, will find his allies in the masses of Nicaragua, in the Mexican peoplé, in the people of the other Latin American lands, and in the revolutionary workers of the United States. To think of victory in terms of appeals to the generosity and honor of Wall Street and its Washington government is to think in terms of futility proved a thousand times. Those who thus fight Wall Street must select their road, American imperialism chose its road a long time ago. °