The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 11, 1926, Page 8

International Weekly Review COOLIDGE AND PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE HE recent declaration of Governorieneral Leon- ‘ard Wood again denying the rumor that he. in- tended to resign as American administrator of the Philippine Islands, followed by a newspaper inter- view with President Coolidge in which he expressed complete confidence in Wood despite the sharp op- position to him by the Filipinos, have been capped by the opposition to independence for the islands contained in the Coolidge message to the short ses- sion of congress, The opinions expressed on the Philippines, while no legislative action based upon them is certain in this session, clearly indicate the trend of American policy and cannot fail to have an effect upon the Filipino independence movement, lt is obviously the Coolidge policy to bind the islands more firmly to the Wall Street hitching post, to force open the still-remaining doors that keep American interests, chiefly rubber,.from in- tensified exploitation of the resources and people . of the Philippines. The half-promise ef the Jones law for eventual independence, together with the solemn promises of presidents and governor-gen- erals in the past, are more definitely than ever be- fore slated for the discard. The tendency of Amer ican imperialism is steadily developing in exactly the opposite direction, JHE Coolidge’ attitude towards the Philippines, whether acted upon by the short session or by the congress which assembles to install the newly- elected members in March, will add to the factors “which are developing the movement for independ- ence towards a more militant position, This move- ment is now led almost exclusively by petty-bour- geois elements who have the support of practically all of the Filipinos. It has a number of serious weaknesses, chief among which is its native inde- pendence upon the’ sweet and meaningless phrases and illusive “promises” of ihe American bourgeoisie and its superabundance of “aith in the effectiveness of measures of a strictly legal nature within the limits of American domination. The tenure of po litical life for such a policy is largely the Jones law, which, seemingly, pledges the U. S. to eventual independence, The virtua] dumping of the Jones law, the likelihood of the adoption of the Bacon bill, must result in a radical change in the character of thé independence movement. The masses of the Filipino ¢ people ‘will undoubtedly bring pressure to bear for the adoption of a program of struggle against American imperialism. Other factors making for this are: HE development of a labor movement in the Philippines which supports independence unre- gervedly. The greater and more conscious partici- pation of proletarian elements in the independence movement will tend to cleanse it of its futile mild- manneredness and drive it towards the left. The movement of a Labor Party in the Filipino trades unions will hasten this process. The classic exam- ple of such a development can be found in the Cht- nese revolutionary movement, The successful march of the Chinese revolution- ery forces against the foreign imperialists. This historic event cannot fail to point a lesson to the Filipinos. In this connection there is the remark- @ble..interview given to American newspapers by General Chiang Kai-Shek in which he expressed, @4 the opinion of the Chinese revolutionary move- - ment, sympathy and solidarity for the independence movement in the Philippines. After all, Washington fs more than 11,000 miles from Manila, while Can- ton is less than 700 miles off... INALLY, the American-inspired organization of an anti-independence party by Aguinaldo (if it has not actually been subsidized by American im- perialists then they are getting a good thing for @othing!) will force the independence movement €nto a more definite position. The flames of the revolutionary anti-imperialist movement are spreading rapidly throughout the Orient. The short space of water intervening be- tween the mainland and the Philippines will] not Berve to quench these flames. * * * SIGNS OF A CRISIS IN FRANCE desperate measures taken by Poincare to stabilize the franc have not been without their @ritical results. Unemployment, which was prac- fically unknown, at worst negligible, for many gonths, is increasing sharply. In a bare few weeks thousands of workers have been laid off; many establishments can furrish only parttime employ- gent. Factories, particularly automobile plants and @llicd industries, are either shutting down of se- @erely curtailing their production programs.” The . jBlump continues and a heavier one is predicted. To head off the crisis, a number of firms are pay- ‘tng a sort of unemployment relief to the workers, |Zegislation which has been pending for two years im y the chamber of deputies, to make such funds and payments obligatory for all establishments, has prac- tically no likelihood of being considered for some time, % Another method of holding off the wolf is utilized by some employers who are firing their foreign-born employes (there are hundreds of thousands of Ital- ian, Polish and other workers in France) so as to prevent the French workers from immediately feel- ing the effects of the depression and acting accord- ingly. The foreign trade of France, especially with Ger- many and the United States, is not in a bright con- dition. Figures for the first ten months of 1926 show that France imported from Germany 3,894,000 francs worth of goods as compared to 1,838,000 francs in 1925; exports to Germany on the other hand in- ereased from 1925 to 1926 only by 196,000 francs. - Similarly with the United States, The unfavorable balance of trade amounts to 3,283,000 francs, as against an unfavorable balance, in 1925, of only 2,398,000 francs. HE foreign affairs of France have not fared much better. Pressure continues to be exerted by the United States for the ratification of the Mellon-Ber- ‘enger debt accord, ‘failing which no loans will be made to bolster up the sagging frame. British and American capitalism have effectively scotched the Briand-Stresemann plan to float the Dawes railway bonds so as to raise a loan for the rehabilitation of the’franc. Pressure is"lso being brought to shat- ter the German‘French accord whose prospects looked so rosy after the Thoiry negotiations. The Germans, furthermore, are disappointed by the fail- ure to evacuate the Rhine valley, as was projected at Thoiry. The menace of a conflict with Italy con- tinues to hang over France, and feeling has run high especially after the exposures in connection with Riccioti Garibaldi, il Unrest continues in the French colonies. With the Chinese revolution as a source of inspiration, and their own sufferings as a goal, the Annamite revolutionary movement in French Indo-China is pressing forward for liberation. In Syria, France has made such a thorough meéss of its rule by mandate that it is seriously considering the suggestion to “yield the mandate to another power. But here there are complications. Syria is coveted by Italy for its imperialist ambitions in the Near East, and by Ger- many as the first step in the creation of a new colonial base. Unfortunately for all of these, Syria is not like Abyssinia which was so calmly divided by the two robbers, Britain and Italy. It has a strong revolutionary independence movement, whose scars are not very honorably borne by France, Altogether France is not in any too enviable a position. If Poincare would take the trouble to look across the English Channel he would see an image of the disintegration that already marks the future of French imperialism, * . * FASCISM ON A VOLCANO HE new series of repressive laws instituted by Mussolini is a manifestation of the growing inse- curity of fascist rule in Italy. If one can speak of an impending crisis in France, this is many times more true of Italy. Mussolini has been unable, even with the help of his financial “wizard,” Count Volpi, to secure a favorable balance of trade for Italy. In 1925 there was ao passive balance of trade to the extent of 7,887,000,000 lire; and for the first six months of 1926 there was already an excess of imports over exports of more than 6,600,000,000 lire. As an indi- cation that this situation was being “remedied,” Volpi announced, at the end of last July, a surplus of receipts amounting to 1,500,000,000 lire. But not only was this surplus secured by the raising of tariff Pd * By Max Shachtman duties putting them on a gold dais while the lire was steadily falling, bub it involved Italy in a new contradiction. Italy, altho predominantly an agricultural coum . try, is unusually densely populated, and depends not only for its coal and other minerals, but for some of the most elementary food products, upon impor tation. To solve its budget crisis it increases ita tariff duties. But the increase in tariff duties af fects the price of its food imports, of such living necessities as ‘cereals, meats, etc. The resultant suffering for the workers can easily. be imagined. The cost of living not only rises, but the wages of the Italian workers, which have for some time beer practically the lowest in Europe, continue to sink. Exploitation is intensified. Mussolini’s recent law, instituting the nine-hour working day, did not com tain a proviso for payment for the extra hour of labor. Only the frightful and repressive conse quences prevent the occurrence of hundreds of strikes; even then, some have taken place. The lire continues to hover around a very low point. rpHEee is a limit to the state of quiescence that can be maintained even at the point of a fascist bayonet. With the bitter years of Mussolini’s rule in mind, the masses of the workers are reaching the point of desperation and revolt. The shakinzss of Mussolini’s position is indicated everywhere. At tempts to assassinate chiefs of government are often a barometer of unrest; four attempts have been made on Mussolini’s life in the period of a year. In the ranks of his own party there is a power- ful movement of division and discord. Repeated - fractional struggles among the fascisti are not the smallest of Mussolini’s worries. The dissidents have reached such a point of power and effect that Mus solini was forced to withdraw his previous auto- cratic decrees and permit a certain amount of democ- Tracy and electoral rights within the fascist party. The fiction of Mussolini’s universal popularity has been additionally demolished by the presistent re- ports of demonstrations—isolated and spontaneous, but demonstrations nevertheless—of members of the fascist party bearing placards upon which Mussolini is denounced. These are not to put it very con- servatively, signs of stability, Like France, Italy is not faring so well in the field of foreign affairs. Her alliance with England is neither firm not eternal, Brittania has never been distinguished for her loyalty to the allies of the moment before if the allies of the moment later offer- ed better opportunities. There is'no doubt but that in the negotiations which are being conducted be- tween Briand and Chamberlain,- France will propose as a condition for forsaking her rapprochement to- wards Germany—upon which England looks with alarm—the withdrawal of British support form Italy’s imperialist ambitions—which is not looked upon with any too much happiness by France. The uncovering of the Garibaldi-Rapolla scandal, and the intrigues of Mussolini's agents to discredit France in Spain in connection with the Catalonian inde- pendence movement, have not served to increase fascist stock withthe French. HE blow to Mussolini as a consequence of the overthrow of Pangalos in Greece is too well known to need repetition. The fascist ruler’s other adventures in the Balkans have not strengthened his hand, either. It took only the report of the treaty arranged between Italy and Albania to call forth strong denunciation of Mussolini’s skirmishes in the Adriatic from a number of the Jugo-Slavian leaders. Raditch and Ninchitch both have intimated their determination to resist Mussolini’s encroach- ments upon Jugo-Slavia’s interests by the establish- ment of an Italian protectorate over Albania. The Turks, too, do not appear so easy a prize as the lord of the Chighi palace originally presumed. Kemal Pasha has shown an unusual belligerency in defying Italy’s attempts at aggression in Asia Minor, When the threat of invasion was imminent, the An- gora leader did not hesitate for a moment to mobil'"> a number of army corps to meet the fascist troops; but if Kemal did not hesitate, Mussolini did. it is, of course, impossible to predict the length of Mussolini's rule. But his days are numbered. There is, as we have said above, a limit to suffer- ing, and a limit to the period in which Mussolini can continue to exist without being able to solve the raging contradictions that are undermining fascisim. -One needs add only that the “official” bourgeois opposition of the Aventine bloc has vir- tually collapsed. After the fascisti, the Communists are the strongest party in Italy and their hold upon the masses is strong despite all the terrific handl- caps with which they are confronted. The Gordian knot of Italy's crisis can be cnt only with the sword of revolution in the handg of the Italian proletas lat }