The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 27, 1926, Page 11

Gunboat Diplomacy In Nicaragua By HARRISON GEORGE, ek tee aa diplomacy, sometimes going under the more pacific alias of “dollar diplomacy,” is go- ing ahead under full steam in Central America. The object is complete control of Nicaragua. This fol- lows up Wall Street imperialism’s forceful domina- tion to Porto Rico and Haiti, its extension of actual €onirol of Cuba and Venezuela, and is but one more step in making the Caribbean an American lake. To understand the situation, we must first see what imterest has brought on the present situation, with the Coolidge government proceeding with brass face to thrust its armed forces against the majority of ihe Nicaraguan people, using the bugaboo of “Mexican Bolshevism” to convince the Yankee bour- geoisie as a whole that an enemy of power and maley- elence justifies the “energetic action” taken by the U. S. navy against the weak and small republic lying Just north of the Republic of Panama through which U. 8. imperialism constructed its famous cana] also by act of violence. ; Desire to Grab All. RUIT companies, mining, railway and banking in- terests make up the major part of Yankee capi- tal interested in Nicaragua. But there are other larger imperialist interests, such as Washington’s desire to control all territory anywhere near the Panama canal and to dominate Nicaragua directly with a view to building another canal through Nica- ragua, joining the Atlantic and Pacific oceans by an- other big ditch from the east coast to Lake Nica- ragua and another through the shorter land area from the lake to the Pacific. United States also has a naval base in the Bay of Fonseca, on the north- West coast of Nicaragua. The United Fruit company had in 1912, an invest- ment interest of $8,253,226, including interest in some 276 miles of railway, and undoubtedly has greatly extended this investment, as have other companies cited in Robert W. Dunn’s book on Amer- ican Foreign Investments, y Controlied by Wall Street. y igen National Bank of Nicaragua up to 1924 was openly controlled by Brown Brothers and com- pany and W. Seligman and company of New York. It was formally in that year bought back by the Nicaraguan government under the rule of the dic- tator and U. S, lackey, Emiliano Chamorro, but three Americans still remain in the directorate and Wall Street unquestionably’ rules Nicaraguan flanance. Over 70 per cent of the foreign trade of Nicaragua __is conducted with the United States, and a host of corporations have concessiong in the fruit, mining, lumber, public utilities, sugar, power and other {ne dustries, while the smell of petroleum has given a flock’ of oil vultures concessions for development of this basic cause for imperialist aggression. The National Railway of Nicaragua is formally owned by the government, but is managed by J. G. White and company-of New York. The list of lesser in- terests is quite lengthy. TH each concession and Wan, it must. be re- membered, Wall Street insists on such guar- antees as having control of the government finan- cia] machinery, the right to share in the government directing body, to examine eustoms receipts and generally to boss things through a host of agents and “advisors.” The present revolution came about as follows: Some years ago an election was held under which a so-called “progressive alliance’ was placed in power, with Carlo Solorzano, a Conservative, as president, and Juan Bautista Sacasa, a Liberal, as vice-president. Solorzano, however, was merely a figurehead for the active tool of U. 8, imperialism, ene Emiliano Chamorro, who in 1923 and with the help of Solorzano, overthrew the constitutional gov- ernment and by the grossest fraud had himself “elected” as president, Resorted to Arms, mR the Nicaraguan law, Vice-president Sa- casa should have been installed as president upon the resignation, forced or otherwise, of the president. Therefore, the Liberal party, which clear- ly has the support of the maority of Nicaraguans, claimed the presidency for Juan B. Sacasa. Failing in all peaceful efforts to dislodge Chamorro from power, the Liberals have resorted to arms. Chamorro, after seizing power, well knew that Sacasa, backed by the population, would strive to depose him. Hence, he calmly proceeded to sum- mon his clique in a “congress” and had a decree issued against Sacasa, charging him with “conspir- acy against the peace and security of the state.” This forced Sacasa to flee to the neighboring gov- ernment of Guatemala for refuge, while the Liberal party continued to re-establish the constitutional regime and place the fugitive vice-president in power. Must Save Its Face. © HE United States, which welcomed the rule of Chamorro as a servile instrument for imperial- ist ventures, was placed in an advantageous position, with the exception that it could not very well give the Chamorro government official recognition. This was because the Washington government had signed a treaty with other Latin American countries pledg- ing not to recognize any government which seized power by force and not by being regularly elected. Wall Street needed the formality of an elected gov- ernment. The last few months developed a crisis in which the United States could no longer just let things drift while maintaining its rule through Chamorro- unofficially, although it must be said that the ubiqui- tous U. S, Marines were ever-present to aid the ever-present “American investors.” But the Liberals began a serious revolt and recently seemed on the point of pushing Senor Chamorro and his followers into the briny ocean. Secretary Kellogg immediate- ly became “vexed” at the “menace to peace and order”—and Yankee imperialism, BOUT the time the Liberal army was seizing the town of Bluefields on the east coast, the U. 8S. navy was ordered to land marines and take over that territory. Although Coolidge had decreed an em- bargo on arms to Nicaragua, a whole shipload was allowed to leave New York harbor to aid Chamorro In Answer to a Sky Pilot —_——_ And must | never dare, against the State That binds me helot-like unto this task, Loosen the dark, the deep corroding hate That crouches in my bosom like an asp? Forever must | bow, a willing slave, — Humble and meek, because some lying priest Prattles of rich rewards beyond the grave For those who are good sheep, and duly fleeced? No, never! Cursed be the servile wretch So lost to manhood who would bear the yoke That brands him with the shame of slavery; Who to a man-made God his hands would stretch In futile prayer, while falls the scorpion stroke— I hate, and know my hate, and would go free! —Henry George Weiss. ~—a fiat violation by the United States of its ow rules. Dennis Got Busy. To save itself, American imperialism was forced to save its tool, Chamorro. The VU, S. charge d’af- fairs, Lawrence Dennis, got busy on one hand “ne- gotiating” between Chamorro and the Liberals, and on the other hand brazenly threatening the Liberals with American occupation and open war if they did hot “accept” peace. AY ENNIS forced the Liberals to meet Chamorro on board a U. S. warship in a “conference” during which Dennis openly acted as Chamorro’s protector and read the Liberals’ an ultimatum from the Wash- ington. government demanding a stop to their at- tempt to reestablish constitutional government by force of arms. Dennis demanded that the Liberals accept one Adolfo Diaz, a Chamorro follower, aa president, and threatened the Liberals with more warships and more marines if they did not cease fighting for the government. The Liberals naturally resented this bull-dozing and bolted the conference with a promise to resume fighting, come whaf may. About this time the United States suddenly found a need to raise the image of some vague “peril” which would give grace to the intended crushing of little Nicaragua under the heel of the “Colossus of the North.” A scare was quick. ly spread on the front pages of U. S. newspapers of “Mexican Bolshevism” and its “interference” ‘in Nicaragua. Mexican Progressives Sympathetic. : is undoubtedly true that progressive elements in Mexico, which have long been terrorized by American imperialism, sympathize with the Libcral attempt to oust Chamorro, But it is questionable if Mexico has intervened in their support officially if at all. The arms supplied to the Liberals have ob ably been sold by the same New York munitions» corporatio nsthat sell the mto Chamorro. Such are the ethics of munitioners. But Secretary Kellogg has recently waxed indig- nant at this supposed Mexican “interference,” in euch eelf-righteous way as to be amusing in view of his own clear aggression against the Nicaraguan people with warships, diplomatic threats and mar- ines landed to “protect” American interests, NITED STATES Charge d’Affairs Lawrence Dennis has actively bossed the Chamorro regime. Following the collapse of the “conference,” Dennis ordered Chamorro to summon his hand- picked “congress” and+brazenly nominated Adolfo Diaz as Chamorro’s successor, promising in advance that the U. S. would recognize Diaz as soon as he was “elected.” This was carried out, and the moment Diaz was “chosen” president, the U. S. governmen\ recognized his government, while Diaz replied in kind by ask- ing the U. S. to send a force of U. S. army officers to take over his army and help crush the Liberal revolt. Another immediate effect was the arrang- ing of a loan with Wall Street bankers, $300,000 being given to Diaz as once on a loan which is to total $6,000,000. Yet the Washington government has the audacity to propagandize the American people with indignant protests at Mexican “interference” in Nicaragua! Gunboat diplomacy is not expected te show any signs of conscience at its violation of sovereignty of weak little nations of Latin America; but under Coolidge it seems to have lost its sense of humor as well.