The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 16, 1926, Page 5

| ey. CHICAGO FEDERATION OF LABOR— PAST AND PRESENT. By ARNE SWABECK. ILITANT speeches may yet stir the Chicago Federation of Labor to its depths despite its recent big swing towards strictly old line con- servative craft union collective bar- gaining policies, promotion of respect- able schemes of labor banking, labor insurance, and support of successful so-called labor friends on the capitalist party tickets—successful because of their bigger slush funds, This happened, for instance, at a recent Chicago Federation of Labor meeting when Paul McKenna deliv- ered a ringing message from the Brit- ish coal miners. He spoke as the rep- resentative of a group of strikers, dog- gedly determined not to succumb to the dastardly attacks of British capi- talism, The rebel spirit of the British coal miners struck a profoundly sym- pathetic note in the Chicago Federa- tion of Labor. As a result the local tradé unions are now giving splendid donations to the British coal miners. Stirring Fights, TIRRING also have been some of the fights of late, created by the demands of progressive delegates, that the federation adhere to its one time progressive position and adopt the methods and policies required by the growing consolidation and growing militancy of the forces of the em- ployers; However, stubborn opposition and -bitter denunciation have been met with by the federation leadership? The ‘Chicago Federation of Labor in the past established a splendid tradi- tion, but a couple of years ago it was thrown on the scrap heap. Up until then its record was one of leading progressive measures strengthening their ranks. Of course the policy of an organized body is reflected by its leadership, so also with the present change. Past Record. ‘Reo the past activities of the labor movement in which the Chi- cago Federation of Labor took the initiative and practically the leader- ship must be mentioned particularly such great undertakings as the organi- zation of the stockyards workers in 1918 and the ofganization of the steel workers in 1919. The Chicago Federa- tion of. Labor in that period was the warm friend and real champion of the political and class war prisoners. It gave real support to the campaign for the freedom of Tom Mooney; even organized mass demonstrations. It gave support to Sacco-Vanzetti. It sup ported the campaign for the prisoners taken in the raid at St. Joe, Michigan, and other victims of the class struggle. HE Chicago Federation broke with the policy of Samuel Gompers of support of so-called labor friends within the capitalist parties and Jaunched the labor party of 1918. It gave real support to the splendid pa- rade of 140,000 Chicago workers pro- testing against the notorious Landis award. It supported the movement for amalgamation of the trade unions. It went on record repeatedly for recog- nition. of Soviet Russia. Even the recent accomplishments of establish- the first booklet on the subject: ORGANIZE THE UNORGANIZED i By Wm. Z. Foster. A timely pamphlet of in- terest to every worker in and out of the organized labor movement. 10 CENTS, Meat Market 4301 8th Avenue Near Park A’ BROOKLYN,.N. Y., ATTENTION! CO-OPERATIVE BAKERY IN THE SERVICE OF THE CONSUMER. Bakery deliveries made to your home, FINNISH CO-OPERATIVE TRADING ASSOCIATION, Inc. (Workers organized as consumers) Cut Out This Ad; It Is Worth 25 Cents, SCOTT NEARING LECTURE ON THE BRITISH TRADE UNION CONGRESS SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 19th, 2 P.M. at the NEW STAR CASINO, 101 East 107th » New York City Auspices of the Workers’ School, 108 East 14th Street. Admission (with this ad) 50 cents; regular admission-75. cents. THE DAIL¥«WORKER ‘REORGANIZES’ HIS ing the first labor radio broadcasting station in the country, despite the poli- cies which are now dominating and naturally will be voiced over the radio, shows what organized labor can do. Wide Influence. HE influence of the Chicago Federa- tion of Labor has extended far and wide, undoubtedly due to the progress- ive policies pursued in the past. The rank and file trade union members, the local unions in the whole of the mid- dle west, chafing’ under reactionary autocracy of the late Samuel Gompers. his administration and im many in- stances the executives of the interna- tional unions, found encouragement in the rebel note’ sounded in those days by the Chicago Federation of Labor. ‘OWEVER, when in 1923 the na- tional labor party movement was pushed ahead to accomplish a nation- ally unified party for the coming pres- idential elections, but too rapid for its slow development amongst the broad ses of workers, the Chicago Fed- eration of Labor succumbed to the pressure of Samuel’ Gompers, The labor party organized by them had become part of this movement. The change following the surrender be- came rapid and complete. The Chi-. cago Federation of Lubor now adheres to the reactionary political policy of support of candidates amongst repub- licans and democrats, . The labor party is tabooed. HE Chicago Federation of Labor went on record to support Frank L, Smith, chairman of the Illinois com- merce commission, for candidate for senator of Illinois, whose election was secured thru the immense slush funds made available by the utilities corpo- rations, who depend on this commerce commission for favors—favors detri- mental to the interests of the rank and file workers. The Chicago Federation of Labor has completely renounced its support for amalgamation of the trade unions, His Tool Is Rusty; Needs Repair By ROBERT DUNN, UZZLE problem for labor econ- omists: If it takes a 31-weeks’ strike to make Julius Forstmann, millionaire woolen magnate of Passaic, to “reorganize” his company union, how long will it take Mr. Forstmann to recognize a real labor union affiliated with the American Federation of Labor? Union Is Rusty, ‘BS, Julius Forstmann is repairing his company-union. It has rusted badly and just about fallen to pieces since the textile workers left Mr. Forstmann alone with it and an empty mill last February. Now he is picking up the pieces and trying to put it to- gether again. He is trying to blow new life into the corpse. Will he be suc- cessful in reviving it? We think not. All of the F. and H. workers except the few scabs think not, too. And if they keep thinking that way, and striking that way, it will not be 7 months or 7 weeks, and possibly not even 7 days, before Forstmann quits trying to play tricks on his workers and decides to deal with the Passaic local of the United Textile Workers of America, ORSTMANN has had this company union on hand for several years and it’s one of the most undemocratic, Powerless, stupid company unions it has ever been my duty to examine. A Joint committee type of “representa- tive assembly” with meetings of the sucker members four times a year. Even the personnel experts of the cap- italistic National Industrial Conference Board have regarded Forstmann’s company union as a joke and failed to include it in their surveys on this subject. They knew that it was even more than the usual 100 per cent com- pany and 0 per cent union, Polishes Machine, ‘OW Forstmann, at the eleventh hour of the Passaic strike, is try- ing to repaint his toy. After years of spying, blacklisting, bribery, bull- dozing and outright violence thru the old company union he wants to polish up the old deceptive machine by hay- ing a committee of three non-labor citizens act as mediators and settle differences that the company can’t compose with its intimidated workers. There is nothing new about such a proposal, Some of the most ruthless company union machines in this coun- try have embodied this very provision from the start. The Standard Oil com- pany of Indiana is typical of this kind. But it doesn’t improve the company union a bit to add this little frill. The names of the distinguished citizens may look imposing but the workers achieve no economic power. Indeed, the hypocrisy of the company union is only heightened by such a provision. Too Late. N?: Forstmann is too late. The com- pany union cannot be reconstruct- ed to fool the workers. It may “go down” with the wage slaves who toil for Forstmann in Prussia, but not in Passaic. That is the position of the American Federation of Labor after careful study of hundreds of these worker-misleading plans. Neither will Forstmann’s other proposed patch help his dummy union at all—the proposal to have only elect- ed “representatives” instead of both elected and appointed ones as at pre- sent. This may also look to Forstmann like a good joker to put over on the workers, but it gives them not one fota more of economic power or in- lependence, ‘THEY still have no treasury, ‘no meetings off the company proper- ty, no meetings without Forstmann’s man Reinhold being present, no func tions such as a labor union performs when it is free from the dominance of management. Scores of the vilest company unions in America have this straight elective committee system. The Interborough “Brotherhood” of New York, the Pullman Plan, used to betray and defeat the Pullman porters, and other various plans are exactly of the type Mr. Forstmann now proposes in his latest effort to trick his work- ers back to the mills. | Desperate Situation, gee Forstmann maneuver indicates the desperate situation in which the company finds itself without work- ers to turn out the fall business, It serves also to clarify the central and cardinal issue of the strike: Real unionism ys, company unionism. No more important issue confronts the whole American working class today. To support the Passaic strikers is to take an effective whack at the reptile union in its typical form. everywhere should send in- creasing support, and send it quick. Bread for Passaic strikers is a telling blow, not only at this particular Forst- mann feudalism, but at the whole com- pany system. Contributions should be rushed to the General Relief Commit- tee, Textile Strikers, 743 Main Ave., Passaic, N, J. ‘ORKERS, and believers in real labor unjfonism, help the Passaic strikers defeat thé company union. No Organizing Effort. TS path entirely away from pro- gressive policies is particularly ex- pressed in the attitude of the federa- tion leadership towards the existing drives to organize the unorganized workers. The present prosperity pe- riod should be the real opportunity for organization. The federation leader- ship at the present gives no initiative whatever. In Chicago two organiza- tion drives are being carried on, on a local scale, that of the machinists’ and of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ unions. The latter have met nothing but expressed hostility trom the federation leadership because the International Ladies’ Garment Work- ers are pursuing militant methods of organization. A number of shops have already been signed up and a healthy change taken place since the downward trend following its strike in 1925, when left wingers were expelled from the union by the reactionaries ‘who were then in control, iN members of the ‘Ladies’ Gar- ment Workers’ Union, mostly mothers leaving their children behind, were thrown into jail to serve the terms of defying the Sullivan strike injunction, the Chicago Federation of Labor leadership failed utterly to measure up to any past record. Never did it attempt even to put into effect the American Federation of Labor dec- laration to completely disregard in- junctions and openly defy such usurpa- tion of power during the strike. And when the victims landed in jail the federation policy became the one of silence publicly and backdoor dicker- ing with capitalist politicians. T the time when mass demonstra- tions were necessary to arouse the workers to recognize the dangers of the injunction weapon and to help de- feat it, this leadership turned its back upon the prisoners and contented themselves with a formal plea for a pardon from Governor Small. Wher he, as could be expected, failed to ac.’ they got busy excusing him, and to further cement their present alliance with the particular corrupt. set, of poli- ticians of the republican party headed by Governor Small, Future events will undoubtedly tur- ther test the leadership of the Chi- cago Federation of Labor and surely they will ultimately help strengthen the ranks of the militants, — We will send sample copies of The DAILY WORKER to your: friends— send us name and address, Brooklyn, N. Y. MR. FORSTMANN|*O7ES > Page Five OF LABOR AND LEFT ‘WING ACTIVITIES IN THE EAST By JOSEPH ZACK & CHARLES KRUMBEIN, COMPANY U N | 0 N AS outstanding achievement of the — lef! t wing leadership in the Fur- riers’ Union in New York was the or- ganization campaign carried on among the Greek workers engaged in the in- dustry here. Immediately after taking control of the union, the left wing of- ficials, with the support of the rank and file, launched a drive to organize the bloc of Greeks who, unorganized, constituted a menace to the organized workers. The result was that, after a very short’ strike, they organized about 1,000 or 1,100 workers and won almost all thé) Greeks in the fur in- dustry. 5 The left wing leadership in the I. L. G. W. U. also’ carried on an organiza- tion campaign; thru which some 4,000 new members were added to the union, HE organization campaigns in both these unions were carried on in a manner very different from that which had been used by the reactionary bureaucracy fm the past. The left wing leadership: drew the membership of the unions into the campaign, and rank and filers, organizing on the job, were to a large extent responsible fyr the success of the d?ives, Organizing Textile Workers In Passaic, HE organization methods employed in Passaic were very different from those used in the organized needle trades. In Passaic there was no organization, not even the sem- blance of a union. The objective con- ditions, however, were ripe for organ- ization and struggle. A number of militant workers employed there pro- ceeded to organize councils in the tex- tile mills. These councils were later organized on a mass basis—in one in- stance involving eight or nine hun- dred members. They began to propa- gate demands for the improvement of the workers’ conditions, with the re- sult that strikes took place. HE procedure followed was this: One strike» was called—in the Botany mills, and then these workers were used to picket other mills, with the result that within a few days mill after mill came out. The first day forty or fifty would come out, the sec- ond day halt of, the entire mill would follow suit; by the third day all the workers in the mill would be out, The United Front Committee was then formed, consisting of representa- tives of the various councils. In this way thousands of workers were or- ganized in a completely unorganized textile city. In the Building Trades. ii ere building trades are more or less well organized; that is, inso- far as new. work or.buildings is con. cerned. There are a number of crafts, however, that have no organization. One of them is the plumbers’ help- ers. The policy followed by the mili- tant workers, there was to organize clubs of plumbers’ helpers. A mass meeting was called and a committee elected to go.to the plumbers’ union and demand that the helpers be or- ganized, As a result of the propa- ganda and agitation carried on by the helpers the plumbers have been forced to take some action. They called a meeting of the helpers and the pros- pects are that steps will soon be taken to organize them into the union. NOTHER unorganized craft in the building trades is that of the hardware setters. The hardware set- ters come under the jurisdiction of the carpenters. But while they work with carpenters they work piece work, are driven at top speed, and receive less wages for longer hours than do the carpenters, who are organized, on the same job. These hardware setters have organized themselves into a club and demanded better conditions. When these demands were turned down they went out on strike, The policy being followed by the militants among them is to prevail upon the carpenters’ union to take them into the organization, and methods are be- ing employed similar to those used by he plumbers’ hélpers, A FURTHER organizational step was undertaken in the case of the mill men—inside’ carpenters, glaziers, etc.—who went 6ut on strike for bet- ter conditions. *” Organizing Clubs. TINHIS policy of organizing clubs as a means of exérting pressure on the existing trade unions to take in un- organized workers was folfowed also in the case of a strike of mill men— inside carpenters,‘glaziers, etc. There are four international unions éxisting to which these mill men are eligible. Had the strikersdepended only on the internationals to(carry on their strug- gle, or had they gone into the different uniong individually, the result would have been either:neglect of the situa- settlement by one or the other of the internationals for their own particular craft, thus demoralizing the strikers, The decision, therefore, was to form a club, and that this club act as an organization to negotiate with the Victory was obtained and the recognized the club. The plan 8 to strengthen and increase the membership of the clubs #0 as to force consideration from the untons thru the pressure of numbers, and thus compel the International to or- wanize these workers. This plan is being carried out. Thus the unorganized workers in the building trades, thru the action of the militants amopg them, are grad- ually compelling fhe existing unions to take them in atid conduct organiza. tion campaigns, ~ IPHERE 8: 9 Chv8: nov Gotag’ on organize the unskilled workers in Greek restaurants in Newark. The situation in these restaurants hay tion by the internationals or else a been most deplorable, especially be- cause of the employment system used. The owner of the restaurant, in most cases a Greek, brings some of his countrymen over, pays their expenses, and then ties them down to 12 or 15 hours of work to meet this outlay. They get the worst kind of food to eat. Naturally these conditions made organization possible. . x Clubs of unskilled workers were es- tablished and strikes called. This had to be done since the A. F. of L. loca! of food workers in Newark takes in only skilled workers—cooks and wait- ers—giving no consideration to the unskilled; This union, however, has been giving the clubs whatever aid they could, giving them office space, speakers and other moral support which is essential in the situation. HE striking workers attempted to put economic pressure on the res- taurant owners by prevailing upon or- ganized workers not to patronize these restaurants. The result was a series of injunctions against the strikers, As each injunction involved an expensé of $400 to $500 the owners sustained considerable financial loss. Several of the smaller restaurant owners yielded the strikers’ demands. The big res- taurant owners, however, are backing the drive against the strikers, and now the bosses have organized an as- sociation. At the present time the strike is still going on. About 250 workers have joined the clubs. In the Metal Trades, N the metal indusery of New York and vicinity we find that about 80,000 metal workers are unorganized. There are two unions existing in this country—the International Association of Machinists, with a few thousand members, and the Amalgamated Metal Workers, with a few hundred mem- bers. The existence of these two com- peting organizations, small tho they both are, is a hindrance to unioniza- tion. The problem is one of amalga- mation of the two unions. Steps are being taken now to this end. The fight for amalgamation in the metal industry is being strongly pushed by the T. U. E. L. Among the Bakers. ERE we have also two organiza- tions in the field—bakers’ locals of the Amalgamated Food Workers and of the American Federation of, Labor. Both are mass organizations. The conflicts that take place between these organizations, however, even when they carry on joint campaigns, makes amalgamation of the two unions essential. The question is now being taken up with good prdéspects for success, Shoe Industry. CAMPAIGN for the amalgamation of the American Shoe Workers’ Union and the Shoe Workers’ Protec- tive Union has been carried on by ac- tive militants of the T. U. E. L. The Protective Union has about 2,000 members, the American has about 6,000 members. The latter is a bosses’ union, but thru the-activity of the militants in the industry the rank and file members are being graduall) won over and we are yeginning to see the company union gradually trans forming into a union for struggle. Thi; will give considerable aid to the movc for amalgamation. These two union: are now on the verge of amalgama tion, \ Expulsions. ‘HILE the International Ladies Garment Workers’ Union was th first to start the policy of expulsior of members of the T. U. E. L. an active militants generally, it was th: last. The same policy has been trie: by other unions than those in th needle trades, The Associagon of Machinists d cided on the expulsion policy. proved so unsuccessful, however, th they tried to back out. An oppositi bloc formed in the union with a p: gram which had as one of its plank opposition to the expulsion policy The result was that the policy wa stopped. MVHE painters at a recent conventio1 ¥ decided to put a clause in their constitution to expel all Communists, all members of the workers’ party, all members of the T, U. E. L. This pol- icy, however, cannot be put into effect until it is approved of by a referen- dum vote of the membership, Mean- while an active campaign is being carried on against this policy. Boston Waitresses : Get Average Wages of $8 Beside Tips BOSTON, Sept, 14.—Witresses’ con- ditions in Boston are among the worst in the country, reports Bee Tumber, international organizer for the hotel and restaurant employes’ union, There are 3,000 waitresses in Boston, s) said, and the average gets only week in wages and has to depend on tips. This side money sometimes amounts to only $6, $7 or $8 extra. Where wages are better the rules sometimes forbid acceptance of tips and girls are compelled to pay for their own meals, Boot and Shoe Holds Convention Sept. 20 ROCHESTER, N. Y., Sept. 14.--The Boot and Shoe Workers’ Union holds its biennial convention in Rochester September 20, é Send The DAILY WORKER for one month to your shop-mate. tlt a r pene Se SS By Upton Sinclair (Copyright, > 1926, by Upton Sinciair> mm All this was near the end of the strike; and also it was white America was going to war. So the excitements of sex were mingled in Bunny’s mind with those of patriotism. The two were not so far apart as you might think, for the youth of the country was preparing to march away to battle, and that loosened sexual standards. You might not come back, so it made less difference what you did in the meantime. The girls found their hearts softened towards the boys, and the boys were ready to. snatch a bit of pleasure before it was too late. Bunny was too young for the first draft, but he. went to drilling at school, which cast the military halo about him.. There was.a high school corps, provided with old rifles of the state mili- tia, and the athletic field was.covered with groups of lads march- ing, “Hep, hep! Hep, hep! Squadsright! Squads left!’—tread- ing on one another’s toes, but keeping the grim look on theif young faces. Soon they wotild have uniforms, and so would the girls of the nurses’ training corps. Boys and girls met in school assembly, and sang patriotic songs with fervor. Yes, it was war! “Whole fleets of cargo vessels were taking supplies to England and France, and brigades of engineers and laborets to prepare the way for the army. The President was making speeches—wonderful, glowing, eloquent speeches. There was,a race of evil men, the Huns, who had risen up to threaten civilization, and now the might of democratic America was going to put them down. When this job had been done, there would be an end to all the world’s troubles; so the duty of every patriot ~ to take his part in this last of all wars—the War to end War—the War for Democracy. Statesmen big and little took up the chorus, the newspapers echoed it a million copies every hour, and a host of “four minute men” were trained, to go into factories and theaters, and wherever crowds were gathered, to rouse America for this crusade. The Ross family, like all other families, read and listened, and argued. Bunny, the young idealist, swallowed every word of the propaganda; it was exactly what he wanted to believe, his kind of mental food. He would argue with his cool, slow-moving, quietly dubious father. Yes, of course,, Dad would say, we had to win the war; we had to win any war we got into. But as to the future, well, it would be time to decide about that when we came to it. First, Dad was occupied with getting the strike settled, and after that, with selling oil on a constantly rising market. There was no sense giving it away, because the government wanted more wells drilled, and how were they to be financed, unless the product was paid for? The government was paying generously, and that was patriotism enough for Dad; he would see to the spouting of his wells, and leave the other kinds of spouting to the politicians. “in-laws.” “ patriotic lady-orators, telling about Belgian babies with their ~ hands ‘cut off, and munition depots blown up by German spies, 2ven worse, for her young man who took her to the jazz-parties was active in one of the defense societies, and knew the names of all the German agents in Southern California, and the villainies hey were planning; so Bertie was full of dark hints, and a sense of awful responsibilities. You could never tell how this war excitement was going to~ uit any one person. For example, could you have imagined that * m a ranch, and supposed to be wrapped up in painting in oils, vould suddenly blossom out as a Hun sympathizer? Such was yrandma, who declared that she had no use whatever for this var; the Germans were no worse than any of the other people’ oncerned, they were all stained with blood, and all there was to he atrocity stories and spy rubbish was to make people hate the ‘nemy. But Grandma wasn’t going to hate anybody, no matter 10w much Emma and Bertie and the rest might rage; she pro- seeded to show her defiance by painting a picture of some Ger- uans in old-time costumes drinking beer out of painted steins. ‘he wanted to hang this in the dining-room, and there was a great ow, with Aunt Emma and Bertie trying to persuade Dad to for- id it! All this was part of Bunny’s education; he listened and arned. From his quiet, steady old father he learned to smile niably over the foibles of human nature, and to go on gathering : the dollars. Talk was all right, but after all, what was going o win the war was bullets and shells, and to get them to the sattle-field you had to have transportation. The oil that Dad orought up out of the ground was driving big trucks that were . carrying»munitions up to the front; it was moving the biggest and fastest cargo-ships, and the swift destroyers that were pro- tecting them; it was lubricating the machinery in the factories,” and moré and more was being called for. As soon as the strike” was over, Dad proceeded to sign contracts with the government, and to put down a dozen new wells in the Paradise field. The one thing that was troubling him was that he could not make three-times as many contracts and put down three times as many wells; the big fellows, who controlled the banks, would not let him have enough money—at least not unless he would go in with them and let them hog most of the profits. That was a dif-. ferent kind of war, one going on right at home, and there was no _ prospect of its being ended by presidential spaeches. Dad would explain that to Bunny, as a reason for the limitations in the “idealism” of a business man! (To Be Continued) GINSBERG’S Vegetarian Restaurant 2324-26 Brooklyn Avenu LOS ANGELES, CAL, We Aunt Emma considered that a shameful way to ‘talk to a” boy, and she scolded vigorously, according to the privilege of** Aunt Emma would go to the clubs and listen to the and she would come home in a blaze of militarism. Bertie was .. . perfectly respectable old lady of way over seventy, brought up ° * The Best Place to Buy Your ; CARPETS LINOLEUM : RUGS FURNITURE 2 Is at Comrade — OSCAR I. BARKUN’S 4 STORES 4 2635 W. North Avenue, Phone Humboldt 4983 a 2408 W. North Avenue, Phone Humboldt 6941 fo” 1618 W. Chicago Avenue, Phone Monroe 6264 3 1600 W. Roosevelt R Phone S 5500 gd