The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 28, 1926, Page 6

Page Six ft f Be E DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER ™ Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il. os cha Rd einer ection ata at Ste Phone Monroe 4733 | SUBSCRIPTION RATES By maii (in Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By mail (outs!de of Chicago): $6.00 per vear $3.50 six months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Iil!nols J, LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J. LOES.. Eatered as second-class mail September 21 cago, Iil., under the act of <Gqpw 290 Editors usiness Manager —_——— , 1923, at the post-office at Cht- March 3, 1879. ‘Advertising rates on application. | Our Estimate of the Philippine Situation Confirmed We were slightly too optimistic yesterday when we inferred lists supporting the Bacon bill had failed to or- that the imper: ganize a Moro demonstration if its favor, or even a substantial demonstration in favor of continued American rule for the benefit «£ Colonel Carmi Thompson and the American press. A later dispatch to the New York Times states: A delegation of Moros handed C Datos, or feudal ch EB govern Lanao Province.” Yolonel Thompson: a list of “who want the American people to They wrote in Arabic . « ow Dhe'list named 400 Datos, claiming 70,000 followers. Inasmuch as there are 500,000 Moros, the numerical following of the chiefs who want perpetual American rule, even if genuine, is not very impressive, but there has perialist press to play up. The Times gives it a headline, “Moros Demand American Rule.” been an appeal for the im- But more important than this feeble popular support for the Bacon bill and the rubber interests is a statement immediately pre- ceeding the sentences we quote and reading as follows: Some Americans of Mindanao, as elsewhere in the Philip- pines, realizing the danger of the situation, the possibilities of a flare-up over the independence and Bacon bill issues, IF THE AGITATION GETS OUT OF THE LEADERS’ HANDS AND BECOMES A REAL ANTI-AMERICAN CAMPAIGN, recom- mend the appointment of a congressional commission .....- (Emphasis ours.) In the concluding article on the Philippine situation published on this page today we make certain criticisms of the leadership of the independence ihe mass base of the movement, movement which this dispatch confirms. failure of this leadership to organize the workers and peasants as their catering to American respectability and the playing down of the importance of the Philip- pine labor movement, has prevented the struggle for national libera tion developing the definitely anti-American capitalist character it must have to be effective in consolidating inself. As usual, when such struggles sharpen, the imperialists arb looking to the middle class’ leadership to check its development and divert it into channels where its fruitless endeavor. energy will be exhausted in Expressions like that which we quote, coming from the enemies fhe 20% ers and peasants. of the Philippine liberation moyement, to its present leaders and convince them of the most exploited and therefore the most determined section of the population—the work- | and one-half hours) it was completing should serve as a warning Important Developments in the Trade Union Movement A wide difference of opinion has developed with the leadership of A. F. of L. unions on the question of how far the worker-employer | indicate those which are hidden. | co-operation theory and practice-of the Watson-Parker bill is to be| The eight-hour law is organically extended by legislation if the report of the views expressed by Presi dent Green during the conference of the A. F. of L. executive council | jocir6 of the bourgeoisie who wish with President Codlidge is correct. The New York Times reports the position of the A. F. of L. crush the workers’ republic, but the official as follows: Organized labor is opposed .. . . to the extension of the principles of the railroad labor board, with indirect. government supervision of strikes and labor disputes, according to the lead- ers who had luncheon with President William Green .... Coolidge today. .... while declining to oppose directly the principle for the adjustment of disputes in other industries, declared, “IT IS NOT PRACTICABLE TO EXTEND THE SYS- TEM IN OTHER INDUSTRIES.” Others in the party asserted that LABOR WAS OPPOSED TO THE PLAY MENT SUPERVISION THRU THE N CHIEFLY BECAUSE OF THE GOVERN- BOARD which had power to exert public pressure on the employes as well as capital. It appears from the report that the objection is not to the prin-| an pe driven to accept the Samuel ciple of “identity of interest” between labor and capital, but to the| memorandum under threats of worse enactment of legislation which creates a government agency espe-| to come if they refuse. cially for the handling of disputes. It is probable that the tremen- dous power wielded by the present completely reactionary media- tion board, appointed by Coolidge in accord with the provisions of the Watson-Parker bill, and the agitation for the extension of this Jegislation to other industries, particularly coal mining, couple: with the fact that a powerful opposition has been organized in th United Mine Workers’ Union as a result of the rank and file and| mendous triumph this was for the the lower circle of officials seeing the danger of just such proposals, | t jendangering the very life of the union, leaders to give some serious thought to the danger of a mass revolt’ thrown into confusion by the sudden once the workers of other unions become aware of the direction in unity of Cook with Thomas, was com- which they are being led. We must await have forced the Ai'F. of L. further information before we are able to estimate the. full significance of the statements made to Coolidge, ‘but one thing is cert strong and well organized and clear, ain: It is that pressure from below, as yet not is being felt by the official sponsors of worker employer co-operation. The pressure must and will be increased, SUBSCRIBE TO THE DAILY WORKER! CHICAGO PAINTERS’ LOCAL 134 DONATES $1,969 TO MINE STRIKE The Chicago Painters’ Union, Local 194, on Wednesday received the speakers for British miners’ relief, Paul McKenna, representing the strikers directly, and Anton Johansen of the Chicago the addresses of the: Federation of Labor. Following speakers, the local voted an assesement of fifty cents per member, and ordered a check drawn immeditely for an amount to cover cae sessment, a sum of $875. donation of Local 194 to the British strikera Serene f - his is an addition to the sum of $125 previously given and brings the up to an even $1,000, The “| of the union executives. Fight on Filipino Freedom—The’ Vanished “Little Brown Brother Period” —*‘Divide and Con- quer’’——Philippine Rubber Possibilities—The Philippines as a Strategic Base for Amer- ican Imperialism in the Pacific Area-—Natural Resources Other Than | Rubber—Mobilizing “Public Sentiment’’—Some Defects of the Independence Movement. ARTICLE Vil. New Problems—New Methods. By WILLIAM F. DUNNE, |JT is clear that the struggle for na- tional liberation in the Philippines |has entered a new phase, Up to the time that the introduc- tion of the Bacon bill and the inten- sive Wall Street propaganda in sup- port of it announced the intention of American imperialism to tighten its control of the islands, and the rubber interests began agitation for the re- peal of the land laws, the Philippine jindependence movement for the last ten years has based itself on the promise of independence—“whenever a stable government has Wen estab- lished”—contained in the Jones bill. T has been possible for the small Philippine capitalist cl: and the middle class to carry on a highly re- spectable propaganda struggle for a Philippine republic. It has been nec- ssary only to point to the Jones bill 1s the expression of American gov- ernment. The only controversial i sue has been as to whether the Fili nos had established a stable govern- | ment, were organizationally efficient | and in other ways were “ready for in- dependence.” | HE issue therefore became one of | fact and the American propaganda | of the independence movement has | been devoted largely to showing that Filipino workers can and will labor just as hard and devotedly for their) employers as American workers do, | that tropical torpor is foreign to the} Filipino masses, that Filipino, intel-| lectuals are the peer of any in the; world, that Filipino capitalists are good business men, and to similar middle class idiocies. SAMPLE of this kind of publicity is to be found in “The Philippine Republic” for August. Speaking of the Manila daily news‘sipers, it says: Individually and collectively, these four newspapers will compare in every way with the American dai- lies of our larger cities. Indeed, sometimes we think they are better By EARL BROWDER. HEN the British ~ parliament passed the eight-hour law (a law which, if enforced, increases the time nderground of the miners to eight la clever encircling movement about |the miners, with the assistance of the general council, “left” as well as right wings, by means of which it expects ‘to drive the miners to accept the coal commission report. This campaign {has had wide ramifications, extending fright into the labor unions, some | points of which are plainly visible to} |eonnected with the campaign against Soviet Russia. Both reflect a deep longer hours for labor and wish to {immediate purpose is to enable the | treacherous right-wing leaders of the trade unions and labor party, Thomas, MacDonald & Co., to pose before the masses in a militant attitude of de- |flance of the government; for them |to regain some of the lost hold upon |the workers; to demoralize the broad | opposition aroused at the surrender of ithe general strike by calling for a “united front” against the eight-hour law and for Soviet Russia (a “united front” with Thomas, MacDonald & !Co.!); and under cover of all this elab- {orate smoke-screen, the miners, their mouths gagged by a “united front” agreement, their support demoralized, 'T ig a very critical situation for the miners, and therefore for the world’s /labor movement. Cook himself fell into the trap when he agreed to with- draw his pamphlet on the betrayal of the general strike and agreed to the ancellation of the June 25 conference What a tre- Itor, Thomas, is reflected in the | convention of the National Union of | Railway Men, where. the opposition, | pletely demoralized. How deep that opposition was in its potentialities was shown on the first day, when a majority of the delegates overruled Thomas and his pleas, to eject. from the, hall, the bourgeois newspaper representatives. The oppo- | sition sentiment was there, but it had | been deprived of its lead, of its point of orientation—it had heen beheaded. | PE role of the so-called “left wing” in the general council (Purcell, Hicks, et al) in the latest develop- ments continue to be what it was since the calling of the general strike and its surrender—that of lackoys to | Thomas and the right wing. In equiv- | ocal public statements and speeches ‘they have attempted to direct away from themselves the mass indignation ot the surrender of the general strike, but thefr actions continue to help Thomas carry thru new treachery, It is the camouflage of new “hetp’ for the miners” that made it possible ‘to postpone the meeting of the execu. tives, together with the pretense of | uniting to defend Russia, and it is this ’ edited and snappier, and THEY CARRY NEARLY EVERY ONE OF THE IMPORTANT SYNDI- CATE FEATURES THE AMERI- CAN NEWSPAPERS CARRY. . “WHY, THEY ARE JUST LIKE AMERICAN PAPERS," exclaimed an American, , . . like many Amer- icans, he had been fed up on prop- aganda, and believed that anything Philippine must necessarily be be- low par. (Emphasis imine.) HY Filipinos should be particu- larly proud of thé fact that their newspapers “are jist like Ameri- can papers” and that. they earry the syndicated poison of the American Di is a mystery, to any intelligent worker. It can be explained only by the fact that Americanization of the island population is considered a strong argument for independence, S a matter of fact, this is the argu- ment of the rubber interests and they propose an intensive Americanza- tion by the enslavement of. Filipino and Moro workers and peasants. At this point the middle class leaders of the Philippine independence move- ment and the American capitalists are in agreement and it is here that the | weakness of the present leadership shows itself, even tho some of them indulge in seemingly militant. national- ist utterances. Speaking recently to a meeting of 10,000 people in the Manila opera house, Manuel Roxas, speaker of the Philippine house of rep- resentatives, said: We are at war. A PEACEFUL war, to be sure, but war, tremen- dous, exacting war just the same. We are engaged in a strenuous struggle against the rising tide of imperialism in our country. . . « Let us all, DEMOSRATS, NATION- ALISTS, VETERANS,,or not,- join forces and fight imperialism with all the force at our command. (Em- phasis mine.) NE may pass over ‘the reference to “peaceful” war as an oratorical euphemism, but where in the mention of the coalition of forces to fight im- false “united front’ which is pledged to no action whatever. that is dissolv- ing the basis for a real advance of the workers—the basis 9f.a mass move- ment for new leadeyship. LE is exceedingly pajmful to note that even some of the. revolutionary workers have beén confused by the new maneuvers of reaction. This is the more unfortunate:since the minor- ity movement and the Communist Party made such a brilliant record, before and during the strike, and gave the working masses Stich a clear, mili- tant leadership. All the more neces- sary it is, then, for us to say clearly that the tendency observable among the revolutionary workers to silence their criticism of thé general council leaders (both right and “left”) at this moment is the most dangerous thing for the whole moverient that could happen. When the Glasgow Worker, organ of the minority movement, issued the slo- gan on June 25 of “Action first, criti- cism afterward,” it, was objectively falling into the same trap into which Cook fell, and thus failing effectively to expose and block this huge treason, this monstrous strategy of all the forces of the British bourgeoisie di- rected agafnst the miners, and thru the miners against the whole working class, IIRU the whole experience of the British working class since the last days of April, the bright yellow thread of bankrupt reformism is in- tertwined; this thread choked the magnificent genera] strike; and now, after it had been so splendidly cast off by the miners in their brilliant strug- gle, it is again about:thelr necks, The first duty ‘of revolutionists everywhere is to cry a warning to the miners and to call for action and struggle which will break thru this ring of governmental forces and re- formist treachery... Such action re- quires criticism, constant and contin- uous criticism, of all the misleaders of the British workers, Only thus can the new hours-law,,be defeated, to- gether with the whole capitalist of- fensive. Coolidge States U. S. Will Not Revise Its World Court Position PAUL SMITH’S,’N. Y., Aug. 26.— President Coolidge tx “disturbed” by the rumors from Europe that the countries which constitute the world court are intending to induce the United States to revise ite reserva- tions and ask for various trades on tariff regulations. The “spokesman,” who always speaks for the president, asserts that the United States will go into the world court on the reservations adopt- ed by the senate or will not go in at all, This is the ultimatum handed in advance to the league powers. BRIDGEPORT, Conn., Aug. 26.—Four men were killed, ‘ote is dying and two others are in eritieal condition in a hospital here as /the result of an automobile crash perialism is there any mention of the labor movement—the 150,000 organ- ized Filipino workers—or to the pe ant organizations, of which there are a number in the islands? It is quite evidently a purely par- liamentary struggle that the present leaders of the independence movement have in mind and one in which the working masses will’ be represented only thru middle-class political par- ties, « HIS is a fundaniental’ mistake and it spells failure for freedom of the islands unless it {8 corrected. present leadership is being tested. Much depends upon its decision as to what forces it must base itself on. The Philippine , leadership should study the Chinese’ wational liberation movement. It will,find that the mili- tancy and vitality of the Chinese movement springs from the fact that it is based upon the labor movement. first, and, second, upon an alliance between the workers and the peas- antry, The honest intellectuals. of China, students particularly, have be- come organizers of the trade unions and peasant associations. The Chi- nese labor moyement is now the leader’ of the struggle for national liberation. as well as its principal or- ganizing force. with the peasantry giving it a mass character, HE Philippine trade union moye- ment in proportion to total popu- lation is immensely stronger than war the. Chinese trade union movement when the Hongkong transport work- ers’ strike marked the beginning of the rise of the labor movement to the leadership of the national liberation struggle. One hundred and fifty thou- sand organized workers in a popula- tion of some 11,000,000 can exert an immense influence in shaping the course of the struggle. HERE are signs that the labor} In case of war between the United States and any other nation bordering on the Pacific, THE WORKERS OF THE PHILIPPINES WILL REMAIN NEUTRAL, The resolution made the further declaration that: The Filipino workers HAVE NO OTHER CAUSE TO DEFEND THAN THAT OF THE LIBERA- TION OF. THEIR. OWN COUNTRY. “7 A REVOLUCION,” a Manila labor paper published in Spanish, in commenting on“the above declaration, The | says: One must stand one way or an- other.. Let us be perfectly frank from now on. We should not hesi- tate to let the world know our posi- tion: we are for Filipino independ- ence AND WE WILL ALLY OUR- SELVES WITH ANY POWER WILLING TO GUARANTEE US INDEPENDENCE, ALTHO THAT GUARANTEE MUST BE A MORE EFFECTIVE ONE THAN THAT GIVEN TO US IN 1898. (Emphasis mine.) IONTRASTED with the generalities of the middle class leaders of the independence movement, these state- ments show an understanding and de- termination which no national libera- tion movement can fail to take full advantage of and succeed. The organization and extension of peasant organizations, the division of estates and public lands by a commis- sion of delegates of peasant organiza- tions, an intensive campaign for the inclusion in the trade unions of all agricultural and industrial workers, the establishment of a firm alliance between the trade unions and the peasantry, the demand for a workers’ and peasants’ government—the link- ing up of al] these demands and or- ganizational measures with the strug- gle for national liberation, autonomy movement and the labor press are|in internal affairs for the Moro sec- already considerably in advance ‘of the.purely nationalist movement. The annual convention of the Philippine tions desiring it—these are the mini- mum requirements for a_ successful struggle against American imperial- Federation of Labor on May 4 adopt-| ism in the Philippines. ed a resolution declaring that: (THE END.) A Danger to British Labor jAre Demands of Miners Unfair? By MAX BEDACHT. PES. British general strike raised any issues for the workers that careful consideration. One of these issues is that the strike was fought in support of the struggle of the British Miners’ Federation for the maintenance of their standard of wages and hours against the mine owners who claim that the coal min- ing industry can no longer maintain decent wages and hours and still pay profits. The mine owners maintain that it is manifestly unfair of the workers to demand “more than the] industry can pay.” The issue of capi- talism itself is thus raised, The capitalist “invests” money only because ‘he expects profits. Organiza- tion of production is carried on onj- that basis. No profit—no production. As against this there is the interest of society as a whole and of the worker in particular. No production— no eats. The Contradiction, ERE is for capitalism the insol- uble contradiction between the profit interests of the capitalist own- ers of industry and the very life in- terests of society. It is here where the principle of the Americcan Federa- tion of Labor, “a fair day’s work for a fair day’s pay,” suffers its Waterloo. A fair day's work for the boss can be only one guaranteeing good profits, irrespective of whether the workers eat or not. A fair day's wage for the workers, on the other hand, can only be one which guarantees sufficient means of living, irrespective of whether the boss gets any profits on his investment or not. > The British struggle 1s establishing for themselves the principle that the concern of the workers and unions is only a “fair day’s pay,” It is in the nature of capitalism that in these struggles. for a fair day’s pay the workers will run up against a situa- tion when industries conducted on the basis of capitalism can no longer guar- antee a “fair day's pay” and a “fair profit.” At this moment the struggle of the workers must direct itself against profit, against capitalism it- self. The workers cannot starve them- selves merely to guarantee profits to their bosses.. And when the. bosses, when the private ownership of indus- try can no longer keep the workers | alive then’ the workers will abolish the bosses, abolish the private owner- ship of industry which stands in their way. “The Alternative. HIS is a revolutionary perspective, it is true. But this perspective is not manufactured by the terrible Bol- sheviks, but by the logic of capitalism itself.’ The Communists do not manu- facture such revolutionary alterna- tives.. Capitalism creates them, And in spite of all the protestations of the right and the pseudo left leaders of the British general strike of theff peaceful and non-reyolutionary inten- tions this alternative rises before the working class of Great Britain and of the world as a result of the strike and its causes, The miners of Great Britain fight for a chance to live, The mine own- ers fight for their profits. The prin- ciples of capitalism make it obligatory for the mine owners to fight for their profit. The will and the right to live make it obligatory for the workers to fight for their wages. And as between the principles of capitalism and the will to live the. struggle will go on until one or the other side wins de- cisively. And it is not difficult to select the side. which will eventually be victorious. # : TALE OF TWO CITIES: CHICAGO "MILLINERY SHOPS UNORGANIZED, LOWER WAGES THAN IN NEW YORK CHICAGO — (FP) —Nonunion Chi- cago sweats its millinery _workers while unionized Néw York gives much more tolerable conditions, the Womens Millinery Workeré* union explains in driving home to Chicago gitls what organization means, Th°union, which is Local 62 of thé!iCloth Hat, Cap & Millinery Workers Intl,, draws the fol- lowing comparisons: —Weekly Wage— Makers & Union Operators Trimmers Hours New York 45-65 $30-45 44 Chicago .. 20-35 15-30 48 Overtime Rate Work Job New York 1% equal secure division Chicago..., straight favorites arbitrary “Wages and hours for nonunion mil- linery workers in Chicago compare still more unfavorably with unionized New York,” Secy. Atta David of Local 52 says to the girls. “The conditions in New York werd. seoured through the union, You cal bring about the . same conditions in Chicago if you will organize.” pitted The local, though organized less than a year ago,:promptly showed its sense of responsibility toward the rest of the labor moyement both at home and abroad. .When Local 47,,the men millinery workers of Chicago, gave $40 for the relief of the Passaic textile strikers, Local 52 donated $75. When the .men gave $50 to.the British min- ers, the women volunteered in num- bers for the British relief tag day in Chicago and they are doing the same for the ‘Passaic tag day. Two delegates are going from Local 52 to the annual woman trade union conference under the auspices of the Women’s Trade Union league, at Wau- kegan, Ill, Sept, 24-26. The succers of the hat frame workers local in New York in a 3-day strike has led to plans to organize the workers of that craft in a similar local in Chicago, Septet WRITE AS YOU FIGHT! Get a copy of the American Worker Correspondent. It’s only 5 cents, /Teach and improvement. Ernest Haeckel on “Last Words on Evolution” CHAPTER II. THE STRUGGLE OVER OUR GEN. EALOGICAL TREE, Our Ape-Relatives and the Vertebrate- Stem. (Continued from previous issue.) Encouraged by these great advanc- es of modern phylogeny, and with the support of many new discoveries in comparative anatomy and embryology, in which a number of distinguished observers were at work, I was able in 1874 to venture-on the first attempt to trace continuously the whole story of man’s evolution. In doing so, I took my. stand on the firm ground of the biogenetic law, seeking to give a phylogenetic cause, for each fact of embryology. My Evolution Man, which made the first attempt to ac- complish this difficult task, was ma- terially improved and enlarged as new and important discoveries were made. The latest edition (1903 [1904 in Eng- | lish]) contains thirty chapters distrib- uted in two volumes, the first of which deals with embryology (or on- togeny), and the second with the de- velopment of species (or phylogeny). Tho I was quite conscious that there were bound to be gaps and weak points in these first attempts to frame a natural anthropogeny, I had hoped they would have some influ- ence. on modern anthropology, and especially that the first sketches of a genealogical tree of the animal world would prove a stimulus to fresh re- In this I was much mistaken. The dominant school of anthropology, especially in Germany, declined to suffer the in- troduction of the theory of evolution declaring it to be an unfounded hy- pothesis, and described our carefully prepared ancestral trees as mere fig- ments,, This was» due, in the first | place, to the. great authority of the y founder. and president (for many years), of the German Anthropological Society, Rudolf Virchow, as I briefly pointed. out in the previous chapter. In view of the great regard that is felt for this distinguished scientist, and the extent to which his powerful opposition prevented the spread of the theory, it is necessary to deal more fully with his position on the subject. I am still further constrain- ed to do this because of the Orrone ._ 1 P ous yiews of it that are circulating, and my own fifty years’ acquaintance with my,eminent teacher enables me to. put them right. Not one of Virchow’s numerous pu- pils and friends can appreciate more fi than. I do his real services to medi- cal science. His Cellular Pathology (1858), his thorough application of the cell-theory to the science of dis- ease, is, in my opinion, one of the { greatest advances made by modern | | medicine. I had the good fortune to begin my medical studies at. Wurta- burg in 1852, and to spend six vaiu- able terms under the personal guid- ance of four biologists of the first i rank—4Albert Kolliker, Rudolf Vir z chow, Franz Leydig and Carl Gegen- | baur. The great stimulus that I re ceived from these distinguished mas- ters in-every branch of comparative and microscopic biology was the start- ing-point of my whole training in that science, and enabled me subsequently to foHow with ease the higher intel- lectual. flight of Johannes Muller. From Virchow especially I learned, | not only the analytic art of careful / observation and judicious appreciation of the detailed facts of anatomy, but also the conception of the whole hu- man, frame, the profound conviction of the unity of our nature, the insep- arable connection of body and mind, to which Virchow gave a fine expres- sion in his classic essay on “The Bf- forts to bring about Unity. in Scienti- fic Medicine” (1849). The leading ar- ticles which he wrote at that time for the Journal of Pathological Anatomy and Physiology, which he had found- ed, contain much new insight into the wonders of life, and a number of ex- cellent general reflections on their significance—pregnant ideas that we can make direct use of for Monistic purposes. In the controversy. that broke out between empirical ration- alism and materialism and the older vitalism and mysticism, he took the side of the former, and fought to gether with Jacob Moleschott, Cay Vogt, and Ludwig Buchner, WV _ ge ( the firm conviction of the vi / of or- °s ganic and inorganic nature/, “o¢ me- chanical character of ai) vital and f psychic activity, which @{ have always f held to be the foundation of my Mon- istic system, in a» great measure to Virchow's teachi"% and the exhaust- ive conversathons I had with him } when I was/his assistant. The pro- found view/s of the nature of the cell ¥ ndependent individuality of ementary organiéms, which. | he adveinced in his great work Cellu- | lar Patthology, remained guiding prin- ciples flor me in the prolonged studies i that I e thirty years afterwards of ization of the radiolaria’ and other wni¢ellular protists; and also in regard ape theory of the cell-soul, owed naturally from. the S| ey! ‘ical study of it, (To be continued) = / 4