The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 17, 1926, Page 13

' = 5 a SERRE By D. KVITKO. (SECOND ARTICLE) The firet article of thie series appeared in the Saturday Maga- vine Supplement of The DAILY WORKER on April 8, under the sub-title of “A Psyhco-analy- tic Perversion of Mass Activ- ity.” In this, the second arti- cle, the author continues to dis- cuss the views of Mr. F. D. Mar- tin, chairman of the Cooper Union Forums (New York) who, the author says, passes as © a ‘keen’ observer of mass pésy- chology.” — e* ¢e An Attempt to Strait-jacket Revolu- tionary Activity. R. MARTIN, like the biblical Ba- laam, comes to curse the “crowd,” but instead involuntarily praises it sometimes. For instance, he classi- fies mass thinking with the category of Platonic or Kantian thinking, for Platonism and Kantianism mean to him rationalization and abstract re- flection. According to Mr. Martin the mob rebels In the name of principles and in the name of ideals. The ideals of “brotherhood,” “equality,” and “freedom” are abstractions which have nothing to do with reality. (there is where he links the crowd with Platon- ism). The crowd logic is a fatal logic leading to death. The actions of the mob are actions of lunatics which are to function only in the realm of “ideas” or “generalizations.” Its principles and ideals are only screens, —Jjustifications for inner criminal in- clinations, “suppressed” im normal life. Mr. Martin gives himself away by showing that principles and ideals are not sespenery and that his un- ‘ are those of a t with social life as it is and who {s afraid of any change. _For the oppressed masses * to reconcile with slavery is sane but the ideals of “freedom” and “equal- ity” are “rationalizations” and “sub- limations” of criminal tendencies! ‘He is against ‘rationalism” but for “prag- matic” thinking. A poor service to pragmatic thinking he does! He says that in individual life rea- ee son leads the man (we may remind Mr, Martin that both Plato and Kant ‘mphasized it greatly), that whole- some sociability puts up barriers, creates laws, compels to suppress the beastly inclinations. The “psycholo- gist” says that in the crowd the indi- vidual behaves like an unchained beast which, seeking a victim, finds it soon, It atacks the ruling class and ascribes to it crimes of which the latter is “not guilty.” Ag a maniac the mob is under the morbid impres- sion that the ruling class or party per- secutes it. It sees in all the laws of the nation’s legislature conspiracies against itself and defends itself against an imaginary enemy. Before the crowd was portrayed as too much rationalizing, now as one which does not reflect—an example of the doctor’s own confused thinking. But what an innocence and naivete! The masses without any grounds “im- agine” that the laws contain conspir- acies against them! And against whom are economic and political laws aimed? Are labor injunctions also fancies of a demented mentality? Are there no class interests in the life of the community? And if there are, are not certain laws devised against the oppressed class? A president of a big public forum knows better the affairs of a capitalist nation, but he only thinks that he speaks to imbec- iles and anything he says goes. The crowd, says the “psychologist,” being the product of hatred, begins to suffer with a mania of granduer, think- ing that it is its mission to liberate the world from evil. Every revolutionary mob is obsessed with Messianism; and its programs are at all times and cir- cumstances identical. There is no difference between the believer in “brotherhood” and “equality” and the believer in the “Second Advent.” (Of course one can learn the difference between messianism and socialism which are as far apart as a life ag kop hereafter andi: , rth, does not foam at : mouti i speaking of revolution as the Cooper Union president does, ARTIN says that the revolutionary class “unconsciously” feeling that it is inferior to the ruling class, puts up abstract ideals on its banner in or- der to prove its superiority, that in reality such idealism is only a “de- Psychology of Revolution fense mechanism” to shield itself against the “inferiority complex” as a “compensation” for the hidden feel- ing. Mr. Martin, much as he wishes to conceal his sympathy and loyalty to the capitalist cldss, is unable to do it. He juggles with the psychoanaly- tic terminology showing how skill- fully he can stand on his hind legs before his masters-who finance the public forums. According to. this psy- choanalytic: theory the. mere posses- sion of ideals is already a dangerous sign that: something is wrong with the social group, wrong psychically. At the first time after its seizure of power, according to the “psycholo- gist,” the mob is still in ectasy, but the ecstasy soon vanishes, and there begins tyranny in the name of those ideals. The behavior of the. crowd always recalls the behavior of a lunatic or of one obsessed by paran- ola (a paranoiac suffers from the mania of granduer and persecution); with this difference, however, that what a paranoiac would like to do but is afraid of, the mob executes, that is, it is seeking its victim and finds it. The revolutionary clique when seiz- ing power, always act under the illu- sion that it is “the” people and that its leaders are men of principles. While the revolutionary leaders have the power they suppress even their own crowd in the name of ideals, by calling it dictatorship (as the rule of Cromwell, Robespierre, Lenin). (From this comparison is to be seen both how fair and how deep this psychol- ogy quack is.) When the passions, however, subside, when the revolu- tionary beast is driven into the cage, only then is it possible for sane and practical leaders to rule, The revolutionary leadér—a crowd man—speaks the language of the mob and is possessed of the same insan- ity. Flattering the people, he thinks of his own power and advantages. Himself belonging to the ruling class, ei the, leader’ unable .tocobtain power there, due to his inferior intellect (that is, the leader is suffering from the same complexes of “grandeur” and “inferiority complex”), he finds outlet for his selfish motives in the revolutionary crowd. For the sake of his own power he sheds blood, but he finds justification for his criminal tendencies in the ideal of “equality,” and therefore leads a “scared war against the parasites” and for “lib erty.” The mob has no respect for lead- ere but only for principles—is the ter- rible accusation of Mr. Martin. Grant- ing that it is true, what may be in- ferred from it? That the revolution- ary masses re not as demented as he depicts them; for if the leaders do not represent properly _ the principles thanks to which they ascended _ to power, they are either told to go, or deserve punishment for betrayal; that is, the leaders are not accounted as idols who are to be worshipped under all circumstances, but may only be ac- claimed and admired when they serve the people, not themselves. Indeed, very practical and sane, tho such san- ity may not be to the liking of the capitalist lackeys. UCH is the diagnosis of the: psy- chology doctor. And what are the remedies of the social psychoanatyst, for a psyshoanalyst must offer some remedy against the social diseases: to cease being a crowd man, that-is to develop an individualistic feeling; to go on the path of reforms (that is to leave the “practical” legislation to wise men like the “prominent” educa- tor is and his like); to refrain from dictatorship, for dictatorship means a delusion of the demented, annihilation of personality, the death of the genius etc. Underneath the “psychologist” we behold ‘the defender of “law and order” in the disguise of a scientist, not a new figure, but his language is new, Of course our psychologist approves of defensive warfare for the sake of the nation. But why is “national in- terest” less abstract than “class in- terest”? Sacrifices are required both by a revolutionary upheaval and a war, in one case it is a sign of insan- ity, in the other—of great wisdom and . -. idealism, The attempt to straight-jacket the revolutionary masses is an old device, the only new method being the psy- chological paraphernalia of such pseudo- scientific wiseacres as the fol- lower of psychoanalysis and progma- tism is. It is characteristic that the “Behavior of Crowds” takes up such a prominent place on the ‘shelves of the public libraries. It only proves that the bourgeois psychologist as well as the chief librarian runs the errands of the chamber of commerce, Anti-Labor Politics by the Miners’ Union Officials By GEORGE PAPCUN. HE second issue of the “Coal Facts” is out. It is a paper issued in the name of the United Mine Workers of America of District 5 under the direct supervision of the officials of the dis- trict. It seems the paper was put out to help fight the 1917 scale in this dis- trict, It would be a very good thing for the 1 Baste, of District 5 if this paper, ” would be made a real ponks. of the coal miners of ‘this. district, and if the miners themselves would be allowed to write for it on their conditions and struggles in the coal mines. But it seems that the officials have turned it into their own instrument, so that they will be able to use it in promoting their own personal political ambitions and aspirations. The miners must de- mand that it be made their organ, for the miners are the ones that support it with their own hard-earned money. Let us take, for instance, the second issue on page 3. We find a whole page devoted to political advertise- ment which is headed by the following “The People’s Choice.” It goes also tells the miners. ier suum did the anthracite coal strike of 1923 and 1925. It tells about the good work that he has done, Yes, the coal miners should look over Pinchot’'s record and find out how he helped John L. Lewis to betray the coal miners, especially in 1925, where he actually helped to put the anthra- cite coal miners in slavery for five years by getting them signed to a five-year agreement which hardly at- lows the miners to move. In spite of the fact that the battle against the 1917 scale means life and déath to the United Mine Workers in this district, the wonderful document of endorsement of Pinchot which the district officials put out with the help of Philip Murray, international vice- president, does not say how Pinchot helped the miners. in their battle against the 1917 scale which the Pitts- burg Coal company is trying to put into effect. Not how Pinchot served the mine workers against the opera- tors, but how he served “the common interest of all the people’—which is a polite way of saying that Pinchot served the interests of the coal opera- tors and is supposed to have served the mine workers at the same time. We know which side really got the “service.” After reading further on you come to the following quotation: “Under Pinchot the state police no longer serve as a strike-breaking agency.” It seems that the officials of the union forgot that in this district the state police are bieng used today against the miners and that they were used to arrest and persecute workers, espe- clally during the years of 1924-25. The state police have assisted the opera- tors to break the strike of the coal miners, not only in District 5 but in District 2 also, - During the anthracite strike the coal miners were intimi- dated merely because they wanted to stop some scabs from working and taking their bread away from them. How ridiculous it sounds when the of- ficials have the guts to come out with a statement that the state police are not used to break strikes, when on every hand you can”point out con- crete instances where they are doing it! Then we come to a quotation where it says that “Under Pinchot coal and iron police must be licensed.” Which is true. Now they have become li- censed strike-breakers, authorized and legalized by the state of Pennsylvania to beat and slug strikers and work- ers. Is this something that the offi- cials think that Pinchot should be proud of? Then we come to the most con- temptible He of the whole advertise- ment. The following is how it reads: “Pinchot has been a life-long cham- pion in the promotion of humanitarian legislation.” It is impossible to. find out under. what heading the sedition law falls, whether it falls under hu- manitarian or some other kind of leg- islation. But when Pinchot was run- ning for governorship one of the things that he promised labor was that the sedition law of this state would be repealed. The sedition law, as all workers know, is the most con- temptible means of suppressing mili- tant workers of this state who dare to raise their heads and fight against their exploiters. No only did Pin- chot fail to repeal the sedition law, but he did not even bring it up before the legislature in any form. He also stood by and saw militant workers being persecuted and convicted under this law. ~ In view of the above facts, the rank and file of the United Mine Workers have only one way out of the betrayal and that is by categorically repudiat- ing the endorsement of Pinchot and demanding that a labor party in this State be built, with working class can- didates only. This must be done by immediate action thru’ the local unions. The miners also must demand’ im- mediately that “Coal Facts” be‘turned ~ into a militant fighting working-dlass paper in behalf of the coal miners in this district and all the coal miners in genera] and not as a political in- strument for the officials who want to use it for their own personal ambi- tions and aspirations, but that it must be used to fight against the 1917 scale and against the other coal operators in this district. It must be used. to arouse the workers of this state to help to maintain the wages and the union in this territory. Why Don’t YOU write for the New Magazine Supplement of THE DAILY WORKER? You can if you try. Workers must write for their own press. TRY YOUR HAND TODAY! ne