The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 27, 1926, Page 6

“A 2 4 Page Six Bao THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORK Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. S118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, I, Phone Monroe 4713 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mali (in Chicago only): \ By mail (eoutelde of Chicage): 96.00 per yoar $4.50 six monthe | \$6.00 per year $3.60 six menthe $2.60 three months $3.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Iilinele a J, LOUIS ENGDAHL ni) WILLIAM F. DUNNE f MORITZ J. LOBB........0resossrsmennee Business Manager as second-class mai! September 21, 1923, at the postoffice at Chi cago, Lil, under the act of March 8, 1879. SE __Aatertising rates on apnitention. World Courters Get a Jolt = Twenty-five republican and seven democratic senators are seek- ihg reelection this year and every one of them are supporters of the world court and subservient to the House of Morgan. The two groups By JOSEPH FREEMAN. OMMUNISTS have accused the American Federation of Labor of being part and parcel of capitalism. We have said that the officialdom of the American Federation of Labor is pursuing the same imperialistic policy as Wall Street, the same domestic pol- icy as big business. In what concrete ways has the American Federation of Labor been doing this? Examine the editorials of the cur- rent American Federationist, official organ of the American Federation of Labor, edited by William Green him- self. . What do these editorials sup- port? Out of the eight editorials of the month seven specifically support capitalist policies, of senators constitute the very backbone of the two old parties in (the cave of the winds at Washington. ’ On the republican ‘side the whole machine stands orfalls in the eoming campaign. William M. Butler of Massachusetts is the na- tional chairman of the republican party; George H. Moses of New Hampshire is president pro tempore of the senate; Charles Curtis of Kanias is the majority floor leader; Jim Watson of Indiana is the assistant floor leader; James W. Wadsworth of New Yorks the secre- dary of the republican caucus, while Wesley L. Jones of:the:state of ‘Washington. is the republican “whip.” R Of ‘the democrats Oscar W. Underwood of Alabama, democratic bell-whethér’of the senate and Thaddeus H. Caraway of Arkansas, with five lesser lights must wage campaigns for reelection this The democrats have little to worry about. They come from the south where the better and more useful citizens, the Negroes, are kept away from the polls by frightfulness, hence their re-election is assured by the simple expedient of prohibiting any uncertain ele- ments from participating in the elections. — The republicans are not so fortunately situated, but are en- deayoring to create conditions that will enable them to perpetuate themselves in power. At this time, however, they have a fight on their hands. All of them voted for the would court because Morgan wanted to seize that European political weapon for his own pur- poses, to use it against the rest of the imperialists of the world. The court and league seemed to be working to the distinct.adyantage of Wall Street’s imperjalist rival, England. Hence: there was an incentive to endeavor to penetrate and eventually control.the league thru the court. ; Since the fiasco at Geneva it is questionable whether,either the league or the world court can be secured from the wreckage and patched up. To make matters worse for the world court,genators, | Ambassador Houghton was called to Washington from; London and ‘made a confidential report which inadvertently came:tolight and ‘ pevealed an attack upon the honesty of the statesmen,,of Great ‘ Britain and cast doubts upon France and other Europeanjpowers. Similar reports haye unquestionably been made to the House * of Morgan by the private observers—as distinguished from its pub- & ‘ea lic mercenaries—of that banking house. tis Such reports are not supposed to be made public property as they sometimes spoil the secret diplomatic game. The-question that now confronts the United States government, as the seryant.of Wall Street, is the advisability of endeavoring to aid Europe revive the Yeague and the court or ignoring the invitations to armaments’con- ferences extended by the league and issuing a call for.a:jyorld ar- mament conference at’ Washington. In other words; American im- perialism is confronted with the question of whether it is advisable to endeavor to capture the league of ‘nations and use that, as an in- strument against other powers, or ignore the league and. try to create a new constellation of nations with itself as the central star. Regardless of the final decision, the report~of,. Ambassador Houghton is a terrific jolt to the senators who must face the ques- tion of the world court. History is rough with them, and buffets them about in the most shamefu) manner. It is indeed unfortunate, for them, that the kaleidoscopic movement in Europe does not con- sider their political aspirations. The least the league and the court could do for its American friends is to hang together until after _ November 2 so they could go back to the senate for another six years. 9 A Strikebreaking Pred. , Whenever any labor struggle lasts long enuf the real character of ‘the agents of capitalism are revealed. The Passai¢’strike is no exception.» Early in the struggle the police force exposed: its hand as the-defender of the greedy bosses. Last week the government of “the United States, thru the secretary of labor, sought to wreck the ‘ workers’-organization by tryitig to deceive the strike :Jeaders into inceepting»a fraudulent “settlement.” Then, on Sunday, , this piece , of seabbery was supplemented by’a certain Thomas duKernan, pas- tor of, 8t..Nicholas Roman Catholic church, who adyecated the ac- ceptance of the proposal sponsored by Secretary of Labor, Davis and whoadyised the strikers to desert the ranks and go back to the mills. Never was the vile role of the priesthood more clearly. revealed. Many of the strikers are catholics, so at first the priests did not dare risk losing their support-by: appearing openly as agents of the em- ployers. ’ Some of the holy Mew proceeded to collect funds for strike relief atid Appeared to be in sympathy with the aims of the strikers. This was only a hypocritivat trick to keep the confidence of the parishoners so they would be able more effectively to serve the ex- ploiters of labor at a critical stage of the strike, Then, after eight weeks of struggle, when various subtle forms of deception are being practiced to force the workers back to the slave pens under the terms » of the employers, the preachers of humility and subserviency to the despotic mill owners stand forth and brazenly advocate the return of the strikers to the mills, which, if heeded, would result in the de- struction of the organization and the complete disarming of the workers for further struggle. To the credit of the strikers we are glad to record the fact that uione of them are influenced by this priest and that instead of the . ranks being depleted at the beginning of the ninth week, they were increased by new recruits. As revolutionists we/rejoice in such exhibitions and are glad that the priest did assail the strike because it exposes-the role of the church to workers who otherwise could.not be conyinced that the holy apostles of superstition are their class enemiés,. The priests and preachers in Passaic, as elsewhere, supplement the brutality of the policemen and cossacks. While the thugs of the mill owners beat strikers over the heads the priests with their loathsome germon- iging try to comfort them by promising them balin for their pains they are dead. Favor Class Collaboration. One editorial favors class-collabora- tion inthe form of the Otto S. Beyer plan, Another praises the anthracite set- tlement, involving arbitration and cur- tailing the right to strike. A third editorial applauds the United States senate for its world court resolution. Green’s words might 2asily,have been published in the or- gans of finance capital, which favors the league of nations and the world court, : Praises Dawes Plan. The next editorial praises the ef- fects of the Dawes plan; it chatters about the wonders of financial sta- A. F, of L. Bureaucracy Tools of Imperialism deems best for those urder its juris- diction.” (That is, Mexico has a right to pass its petroleum law.) Wall Street imperialists. “But no government can honorably violate its contracts.” (That is, Mex- a, ico must not do anything to harm American ofl] investors.) “On the other hand, many of these so-called contracts are legal fictions to disguise fraud.” (That is, after all Mexico is fighting a bunch of crooks, What extraordinary acrobat- ics! Here’s how Green finally re- gains his balance, like a well-trained tightrope walker: “To the protests of foreign repre- sentatives that the so-called of] and land laws are retroactive and confis- catory, President Cilles responds that the impression is based on an incom- plete legal situation.' What he means (This is William Green's explanation, not mine) of course is that legisla- tion may be moéified by executive regulators modifying the scope and proceedings of the enforcement of the laws.” What William Green means, of course, is: Do not worry, gentlemen oil investors, the petroleum law is a paper law; my friehd Morones may appoint administrajors who won't carry it out. You know how that is, my friends. Mexiedn laws are even more flexible’ than lor American laws. Get the right politicians in office and you are safe, bility, its long stable currencies— again a desire of Wall Street. The next editorial masquerades ur der the hypocritical title: “The Re naissance of Mexican Culture.” Cu ture is discussed for one page—the? we come to the real point. The point of course, is oil! William Green trie: to balance himself between. twi stools; he wants to please his capital ist masters in America, and at the same time to uphold the hand of his friend Morones—the Gompers of Mex ico, who would like to beethe Mus- solini of Mexico. Just now the Mo- rones-Calles government in Mexico and the Standard Oil-Kellogg state department in Washington are having a Jittle argument. The state department wants the Morones-Calles government to put the final touches to the castration of the petroleum laws which (on paper, at least) nationalize Mexican oil, and threaten the vast profits of the Ameri- can ojl investors in Mexico. The Mo- rones-Calles government pretends to be resisting the demands of Washing- ton. This is how William Green tries to please both: “No one can gainsay,” says William Green in his editorial, “the right of a nation to make whatever law it OR a long time we have not heard from that small but hardy hand of warriors who set sail their little ship in the crusade for democracy, the Committee of 48. Like the ‘’Forty- eighters of old, these pioneers broke virgin ground. They were the first to have their national convention at St. Louis, which was to give birth to a mountain, drenched in a hotel by those mischievous boys of the Ameri- can Legion. Their spirits undampened —but without even a mouse to point with pride, not to speak of a mountain—Messrs. J. A. H. Hopkins (all of him), Allen McCurdy, et. al., packed up their socks, toothbrushes and bound volumes of the New Repub- lic and repaired back to the home of their childhood, New York. Since then no one has heard a peep out of them. Occasionally their pro- phet and publicity monger, J. A. H. Hopkins, would issue a manifesto con- cerning the indignation his Com- unittee of 48 (all of them) felt over some ‘new iniquity of the republicans and democrats. (They stop at noth- ing, you know). But now the Committee, i. e., J. A. H. Hopkins, is getting out its paper, The Liberal, with the announcement of the platform of the so-called Pro- gressive Party of New York, the post- bellum child of the brain of J. A. H. Hopkins. And in it we find a touch- ing epistle which reads: “Some of you may recollect me as the old man from Texas, that met with you,at our St. Louis conference. That day has been to me a milestone in a long and eventful life, I recol- lect you all and remember how you looked while the ‘powers of darknébs’ howled around us (they must have looked exceedingly like wet hens, we'll bet), thirsting for our blood, but we sat fast and I believé that the The next editorial in the current ‘ederationist deals with labor insur- nee, another form of class collabora- on, “Labor Investment Service.” The last editorial deals with “A .abor Investment Service!” “In this ssue,” says the editorial, “we pub- sh a memorandum by Prof, William | i. Ripley of Harvard University out/ ining a suggestion for a labor invegt- nent policy, . With the spread of ownership of securities and the de- velopment of what is called popular ownership there developed the prob- ems_of how to miake intelligent yse of (stock) voting Power when it 1 orovided.” 4 OL These editorials béar out in striking letail whit Williaii ‘Green told a con- ference of bos#és ‘and workers last December in Newark, Ohio. After ex- pressing his profownd joy at seeing labor and capital getting together in conference of thateKind, Green said: Will Not Fight Capitalism. “The organizations of labor in America have nevér been committed to a policy'of makifig war on capital- ism. They have ae¥bpted the existing social order, recogffzing the right of private ownershipihd’ the rights of IN MEMORIAM: The Committee of 48 private property,”*6= ron Committee of 48°48 yet sitting fast as it did on that’ ¢ventful day.” Yes, old chap, they dre sitting fast. They hold the fortfor Liberalism and, 3. A. H. Hopkins (ail of him) for president, But we tia add something of the rest of thé#words of this old man, I, J. McCallum, of Teague, Texas, who does not yet know that Lincoln was assassinated. “I am 86. years old, an invalid. My day is done. The sun is setting. A life time has been given for equal justice to all mankind—nothing more to give. Farewell—.” Oh, farewell, farewell, farewell! Blithe spirits of a by-gone day. May the ghost of that frightful abortion of 48 Liberals never assume tangible form again to haunt and torment an intelligent worker with their antics! PULLMAN. LABOR |$ OPPOSED TO ANTI-ALIEN LAWS Pullman workers will protest against the bills afmed at foreign-born workers at a mas# meeting to be held Saturday night/WMarch 27 at 7:30 o'clock at StrumMill’s Hall, 158 East 107th St., J. Loui#®Engdahl, editor of The DAILY WORKER and Alex Reid, secretary of ‘Pfogressive Miners’ committee will We'the speakers. A short prograifi has also been ar- ranged. A one-aét play, “The Last Day of the Paris “Commune,” and a moving picture icting the lives’ of class war p Hers in Europe and America wil be shown, ‘There will also be several musical numbers, SCANDINAVIAN AND temptitty to arrange a joint meetii FINNISH LABOR JOIN FIGHT ON ANTI-ALIEN LAWS (Special to The Daily Worker) POCATELLO, Idaho, March 25.—The Scandinavian Workers’ Club has sent a resolution protesting against the anti-foreign-born legislation that is now before congress to the Swedish minister and to Senator Borah, Protest to Finnish Minister, TACOMA, Wash., March 25.—The local Swedish-Finnish organization— “the Order of Runeberg”—has sent a resolution protesting against the bills that are aimed at the foreign-born workers to the Finnish in Washington, “Vasa Order of America” Pre PORTLAND, Ore., March 26.—The Scandinavian Workers’ Club is at- with the “Vasa Order of America” to’ hold @ protest meeting against the T stiforeign-born legislation, ’ nies = Two Sol __.By MANUEL GOMEZ. E soldfér has no vote. The slogan, “Keep politics out of the army!” represents a time-honored and jealous- ly guarded tradition. Every precau- tion is taken to cut the army off from the rest of society so that it will be an unreflecting agent of the ruling class. With the increasing centraliza- tion of state power this becomes more and more necessary, for frequent use of the military against the workers in strikes tends to revive any vestiges of class feeling lying dormant in the sol- diers and carries with it the danger of fraternization with the “enemy.” The court martial that sentenced Paul Crouch and Walter Trumbull to prison terms of 40 and 26 years res- pectively for organizing a Communist group among the U. S§.. soldiers in the Hawaiiaff islands, no doubt con- sidered Communism in the army as akin to mutiny. It was not hatred of the abstract doctrines of Communism that dictated the original savage sen- tences (later reduced, under pressure, to 4 years for Crouch and 2 for Trum- bull), but rather the knowledge that the Communist movement has become a world force. In the minds of the military judges was the hidden fear that the army cannot permanently be isolated from the influences sweeping over the social class to which most confronted by the fact that every im- portant revolution of masses in his- tory was participated in by the mili- tary. Precedents of the most discon- certing nature exist—as for instance the revolutionary activity of the na- tional guard in Paris in the days of the 1871 Communards—or the action of the ezar’s cossacks who refused to fire upon the tumultuous workers of Petrograd and made common cause with them one historic day in 1917. Possibly the judges would have been less severe with Crouch and Trum- bull had they not committed their “crime” of Communism while station- ed at an overseas colonial possession, Modern governments are extraordina- rily sensitive about their colonies and semi-colonies. Morocco, Syria and China are constantly before their eyes, The Philippine ‘Islands are close to China. The Hawaiian islands are sev- eral thousand miles away, but the in- fluence of Chinese events spreads ra- pidly among the Hawaiian working class, made up predominantly of Filipinos and Asiatics. The judges were not ignorant of this, When Communism appears in an army of occupation, notwithstanding all the efforts at political segregation of the soldiers, it is a sure danger signal for imperialism. It is a sign of decay in the inner organism of the imperialist systemjso widespread as to stimulate the fnational Iberation movements in the very territories which the imperialist armies are re- quired to keep subject. IL Big changes have taken place in the United States army thru the 150 years of its existence, Qualities required of the ragged riflemen of 1776 were the exact antithesis of the contemporary military ideal, Washington's army was revolutionary, There was no talk ot “keeping politics out.” The ranks were supposed to be imbued with a deeply felt political purpose. Today the army is a typical auxiliary force of parasitic capitalism—expected to serve with equal equagimity, in ag- gressive or in ' TWO HEROES C Chamberlain and Briand So soldiers belong by origin. They were |’ mewhat Damaged and Wit GPRM es aR sk OMING FROM GENEV hout Expected Flowers, ~~" diers of putting dowm-@-revolutionary disturb- ance, is The Mexican War was a war of ag- gression; ‘nevertheless the character of the’ army.was still quite different from at presept.. The Civil War was again revolutionary. The army was permeated, with: political life, despite the draft. It: was not until after 1898 that a new)type of army began to develop, with:the characteristics of a permanent; /‘army of occupation.” Meantime .U;)S, capitalism was al- ready beginning to pass from free competition:to monopoly. The United States was in process of becoming a land of trusts; with an unprecedented concentration, of capitalist strength against theoworkers in the class strug- gle. In 1894 President Cleveland used federal troops;against the workers in the big Pullman strike despite th protest to Governor Altgelt of Illino: into whose state the troops were sent) From then-on, use of state and feder- al forces to-break strikes became more and more -frequent. y The socalled “democratic” period of American: capitalism gave place to the absolute domination of Wall Street's ..fimancial oligarchy. The United States became the American empire. |) The army became an imperial army, “Join the army and see the world!” became the slogan of recruiting bu- reaus. American soldiers (or sailors, or marines) were stationed in the Hawatian. islands, in the Philippines, at Porto Rico, Panama, Cub, Haiti, Santo Domingo, Central America, The Americans ap everywhere as aliens, clearly marked off from and entirely out of sympathy with the native population which théy. domin- ated. A new.type of officer appeared in'the_U,'S, military service, the typi- cal colonial adniinistrator—iong a familiar figuée in the British colonial possessions (of the Far East. Wood, Lassiter, Russell—these names indi- cate the development, Such military rulers ant, became thoro auto- crats among their own soldiers, ide Sections of the soldiers to the le m and brutality, several long talks H ‘whet he came to Chi- after completing his term at A] 2 military prison, and he recounted numerous instances. where ‘the/agldiers in the Hawaila islands -went of their way to visit indignities the natives. The phrase,” ‘as a white man,” the lingo ota, 8. colonial armies. ives with unconcealed | imate superlative in| #"d) Freedom war army required different slogans from the old “regulars.” There was @ general politicalization of . the troops; official propaganda, tendenci- ous and poisonous tho it was, appeal- ed to the political consciousness of the men. Special laws even provided for soldier participation in the elec- tions at home! Added to such factors was the ex- perience of the war itself—and finally, the influence of the Russian revolu- tion. fs Mutiny appeared in the American army when troops were shipped into Soviet forces at Archangel. French sailors of the Black Sea fleet also mutinied when sent against the workers’ and peasants’ republic. And now, years after the war, we find an American army of occupation carryitig the seeds of a national liberation movement to an American ony where no such movement had previously existed! One of the primary aims, of the Hawaiian Communist | keague, Trumbull told me, was ma- tional independence for the Hawaiian islands, Seventy-five soldiers had joined the league up to the time of its sup- pression. Crouch and Trumbull noted the in- tense exploitation of the contract la- borers from the Philippines, who toil away on the American-owned planta- tions for $1.05 a day. They realized thet there can be no emancipation for these workers without the overthrow of American imperialist rule. It is eig- nificant that, to accomplish their aim, they turned their eyes toward Soviet Russia, organized the Hawaiian Com- munist League and applied for affilia- tion to the Communist International, The Comintern is the rallying center of every kind of struggle against imperialist capitalism. It is the active ally of Chinese, Hindus, Moroccans, Koreans and Syrians, ‘Why not of the Hawaiians? Communism is the natural form in .Which the aid of Americans to the Hawaiian cause would express itself. The’ Workers (Communist) Party in Jean colonies and semi-colonies in their struggle for national liberation, ‘The revolt of the colonies translates {tsélf into support of the American working class, , There are not many Crouches )Trumbulls in the army. The pg /U. 8. imperialism, at home and md, are the enemies of American Workers as well as of the oppressed 8 of the colonies. But Crouch Trumbull are symbols of the working class origin of the army, of ‘races ‘this country is the ally of all Amer: . At the same time, these very condi-| 18 Probable participation in the crit tions tend to undermine the self-|°#! stages of the proletarian revolu- respect and morale of the soldiers—| ‘lon. They are symbols of the Com- unless their isolation from the econ-|™UnIst alliances between the revolu- omic and political currents in the| onary working class in the United . homeland can be rigidly maintained.| States and the national Mberation The reactionary role of the army be-|™OVvement of the American colonies comes manifest. The inner resistance | “4 semi-colonies, to disintegrating influences is weaker,| All honor to Crouch and Trumbull Thus when the y seems most iden-| ‘Ue Soldiers of liberty: J tifled with i rialism, appesr to-'ba'innaneele wks oe The Passaic Textile Workers Mass Meeti red by an idea of any kind—precisely at this point is there the greatest In Garfield Saturday © GARFIELD, N. J, March 26. danger of the. balance being disturbed meeting for the Passaic strikers will at the firgt dontact with the facts and ideology ofthe class struggle, yas The World War supplied this con- pone ch 9 ‘al soldiers were thrown a0 pcbwnsirr§ Pog Bree eo i together with hly recruited masses | River Road ‘and Belmont pee 5 and draftét'men direct trom the tac- Gitlow, Charles Krumbe! a8, a A 4 ( the arctic north to een uad = ae 1 é