The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 17, 1926, Page 6

Page Six Published by the DAILY WOKKER PUBLISHING CO. 3218 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ii, Phone Monroe 4713 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall (in Chicage only): By mall (outside ef Chicage): 98.00 per year $4.50 six monthe | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.60 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ilinele ——. J. LOUIS ENGDAHL itors WILLIAM F. DUNNE {* MORITZ J. LOE semen business Manager es Mntered as second-class mail September 21, 1928, at the postoffice at Chi- cago, Iil., under the act of, March 3, 1879, Advertising rates on application, <i 190 Estrada—Agent of American Imperialism The ferocious campaign by the reptile press of the United States that has been raging for the past several weeks against the Calles government in Mexico has as the objective the breaking off of rela- tions with that government so that Wall Street can provoke another revolution in that nation. Standard Oil, the National City Bank and the big land thieves whose spokesman in this country is William Randolph Hearst and his chain of yellow newspapers, already have their commander of the brigand forces picked that they hope to use against the Calles government. That creature is “General” Enrique Estrada, who was one of the brigands supporting the cut-throat Adolfo de la Huerta in the campaign to force the government of Obregon to yield to the demands of Wall Street. Within a short time Obregon agreed faithfully to serve the interests of American imperialism so the United States government placed sufficient arms and ammunition at his disposal to enable him to dispose of the bandits that the United States capitalists, with the full knowledge of the government, had sent against him. At the present time the “white hope” of Standard Oil, et al, is Estrada, who recently gave an interview in Los Angeles, wherein he repeated the whole list of propaganda lies of the capitalist press against the Calles -government and asserted that a new revolution was brewing. Can anyone doubt that Estrada is the phonograph of American imperialism today and that tomorrow he will be equipped with guns and ammunition and bombs and airplanes and the other instruments of imperialist conquest to launch a drive against the duly constituted government of Mexico? Estrada will be used by Wall Street against Calles just as De la Huerta was used against Obregon. If Calles capitulates to the de- mands of Wall Street he will again be the pampered favorite of American imperialism in Mexico. If not the intrigue of Wall Street that has kept Mexico in a turmoil for the past 15 years will con: tinue. It is to be hoped the Mexican people realize the necessity of standing as one man against the paid butchers of Wall Street and that the moment Estrada again raises the banner of insurrection in the interests of the oil and land thieves he and his entire forces are wiped out with such frightfulness that American imperialism will not again be able to find an adventurer willing, for pelf, to risk his hide in attempting to fasten the chains of its rule upon the people of Mexico. The Mexican workers and peasants are the ones who will suffer \ in case Wall Street realizés its aims to dominate the country and it is they who should fight with every ounce of their energy and to the last drop of their blood if necessary to drive out the American invaders who are there for one purpose and one purpose only and that is to crush them and reduce them to slavery in order that the rich natural resources of that country may be pillaged to enable tke American parasites to grow richer and more powerful. In the struggle to maintain its sovereignty independent of and, if necessary, against the United States, the present Calles govern- ment of Mexico has the support of the advanced section of the Amer- ican working class. We will do all in our power to aid the people of Mexico maintain their own government in order to weaken the im- perialism of this country, which is not only the enemy of the work- ing class here, but the enemy of the working class of the whole world. Mr. Green Acts as a Postoffice Box WASHINGTON.—President Green of the American Federa- tion of Labor has forwarded to General John Russell, American high commissioner in Haiti, the demand of the Labor Confedera- tion of the: Dominican Republic that Monsieur Jolibois, a labor leader, be freed from prison in Port-au-Prince, Haiti—News item, In this manner President Green religiously accomplishes hig duty with respect to the labor movement in the territory covered by the Pan-American Federation of Labor and the Monroe Doctrine. The people of Haiti have been robbed of their dearest posses- sions: independence, civil-liberties, their outstanding fighters, and they had imposed upon them the regime of the National City Bank of New York. They still bear the memories of the enforced road work, the corvee, they still feel the bitterness of suppression —in their daily work—with the knowledge that a big power across the waters is ready to increase its army in Haiti in order to majntain the rule of Wall Street, sanctioned by god and anointed with Haitian blood. \ With such a situation they cannot look ‘to the American govern- i _ment; the liberals suffice for the purpose of giving literary vent to fe the sufferings of the Haitians. But from the organized labor move- y ment, from the workers whose interests are towards the freedom of Haiti, they should expect action! But all they can get from Mr. Green, who has become an accomplished. after-dinner speaker at banquets since his advent to the presidency, is the function of a post office box. The dominican protest went thru his hands. When Green and the officialdom of the American Federation of Labor break their sinister alliance with the American state depart- ment which carries out the instructions of the financiers of this country, and begin to fight American imperialism, we will, in retrospect, be able to see more clearly why the rank and file of the workers in the Latin-American republies have so profound a dis- trust of the A. F, of L. patrons. But such a prospect is exceedingly illusive. Only united action of the w 8 of America with the peoples of the bitterly suffering imperi¢ bailiwieks will tear the iron heel of domination from the jand of its rule. | If a radical worker was ever accused of one one-hundredth part of theviolations of the law that Andrew Mellon, secretary of the ‘ treasury, is charged with, he would be hanged, drawn and quartered, and thé editorial hack of the Chicago Tribune would get an attack of epilepsy with raging against the reds, We are expectantly awaiting the moment when the kept church- men of this country will attempt to remove from the clothing of the American imperialists the smell of Mexican oil by pouring the holy ter of the crusader in order that U, S, soldiers may be sent avic across the Rio Grande to make Mexico safe for ot TH (International Press Correspondence.) MOSCOW, Feb, 20, (By Mail) — After outlining the situation in the various countries of Europe, Asia and America, treating the question of “stabilization” especially, Comrade Zinoviev continued his report to the enlarged executive sessions of the Co- mintern with a discussion of the “new” developments within the social- democracy. He said: N the Orient we have shad great successes. Nevertheless, we must not have any illusions. Canton, Shan- shai, and Pekin do not mean the whole of China, and it would be an illusion to believe that the whole of China is potentially ours. Our suc- cesses are nevertheless very great and the party of the Kuomintang which is allied with us, has 400,000 members. We are making our first steps, win- ning our first outposts in the Orient, we are educating the nucleus of the Communist Parties. The teaching of Lenin upon the uni- fication of the national revolutionary movement with the revolutionary working class has proved itself to be absolutely correct, We must win our posts, not only in the Orient, but also in South America for the same struggle against imper- ‘alism. The nations of South Amer- ca are oppressed, the peasant ques ion plays a great role, and the mob- lization of these masses against im- perialism is possible. When we con- sider the colonial question we must remember that there are two possibil- ities, the first is that we are success- ful on the colonial and half-colonial countries in winning the masses, and guiding and influencing their develop- ment form a socialist point of view and taking them in our train before the native bourgeoisie grows up, or this bourgeoisie grows strong and a period of capitalist development comes, As far the Far Mast is con- cerned, we are as yet very weak in Japan. The possibility of a mass movement exists, we must therefore do our utmost to build up the Com- munist Party of Japan. i bebo we are able to say that the analysis of the Comintern was calm and correct. What we said about the partial stabilization and about its relative and partial nature, was cor- rect. We were correct in setting up two perspectives, the one for a quick and the other for a slow development. It was also correct that we adopted the slower and more pessimistic per- spective but we were at the same time always prepared to correct it if neces- sary. The relative weakness of the stabilization is to be seen in Britain, France and Germany, In America the working class move- ment will have to struggle for many years under yery difficult circum- stances, but in Europe there are ten- dencies present making towards a radicalization of the masses. The pic- ture as a whole is therefore not a pessimistic one. The picture shows that our policy of the defensive was correct but that today we are gradual- ly beginning to collect our forces in order to lead the working class on to the offensive.” (applause). FTER a short pause Zihoviev com- menced the tactical section of his speech with the words of Lenin: “Whoever does not grasp the fact that the winning of the majority of the workers is essential for the in- terests of the olution is lost for the revolution.’ The unity of the working class means the winning of the majority of the working class, It is the task of the Comintern to bring this unity into being. Before it was our task to collect the revolutionary minorities even thru splits, we had to struggle for the existence of the Communist Parties. Today we have a different and great task: the establishment of the international unity of the working class, But not upon the basis of a decaying reformism, On our ground. The tactic of the united front means the creation of a real unity upon the basis of Communism. Much is said about new phenom- enon, altho very much about what we have spoken is not new, One may not believe that the creation of a new Second-and-a-Half International is ‘be- fore us, A really new phenomena is shown by the workers’ delegations which for the most part were sent against the opposition of the social-democracy. This phenomena is only in its early stages, There are still peasants’ dele- gations to come. Russian delegations will go to Europe, the “Pravo Bidu” has already invited me (laughter). We are expecting invitations, Another new thing is the Anglo- Russian unity committee. * It has a connection with the world situation of capitalism and the eclipse of British capitalism, CS peters ctele which is not quite new is the formation of a left wing in- side the ranks of the social-democracy. The newness of this is containéd in the fact that this opposition will not take the form of a 2% international, for such a comedy is oply possible once. It will take trade union forms. We must occupy ourselves earnestly with this opposition, The most interesting of all is the speech of Otto Bauer, He is the most prominent figure of the opposition and for this reason his speech may be taken as symptomatic. we must pay more attention to the Austrian social-democracy. mass party, and its leaders Bauer's speech, as sweet as butt milk, was the consequence of In general It is a ‘e clever, =e on é E DAILY WORKER The united front is a policy of a whole epoch of develop- ment. In his report to the plenwm, Comrade Zinoviev shows that it is not the policy of the united front which is inoor- rect, but its misapplication which has brought harm to the Communist parties. the application of the united Zinoviev in his speech; and Five outstanding types of mistakes in front are briefly outlined by these are shown to have had their origin in the opposition from the leftists and opportun- ists at the time it was first proposed in 1922. But the correct application of the policy of the wnited front has succeeded in rallying the masses of the working class to the leadership of the Communist Party. This has been most clearly shown by . our British comrades, by the work of the Chinese Communist Party in its relations with the national revolutionry move- ment, and the"work of other sections of the Comintern. The parties of the world revolution remain neither “small and Bolshevist” nor “large and non-Bolshevist.’? Their Bolshevik character is emphasized by their ability to apply the prin- ciples of Leninigm to the work which leads towards a mass party. i a class, But it was juét’the left social- lemocracy in Marseflles which slan- dered the Comintern by declaring in a resolution from Otto Bauer that it nad warlike intentions: That is real roison. ae For the most part ‘the workers and yeasants carry on a war against war, or the most part they want peace? But Locarno and the whole League gf Nations with the participation of the social-democracy is nothing but a preparation fer war. The strongest side of the Comintern is its struggle against war, its anti militarist propaganda. The statement of the opposition is therefore the cun- ningest, most poisonous and perfidious calumny that one can imagine. In France the role of Otto Bauer ir played by Campere Morel. The ob jective significance of the left wins is to prevent the wofkers who wan to leave the ranks of thé’social-democ racy from doing so. *< One can observe a Certain law of pe tiod of reformist illugfons among: the working class. The-first cycle ra from 1907 to 1917. It’ was the hig water mark of reformism. After tha however, in consequénce of the Ru sian revolution, a perid@ of ebb cam Today we stand before:a new wave these illusions. The second reform’ wave is not so serioas'‘as the fir and probably every ‘succeeding wa will be weaker than the last, but new wave of illusionsican come; America certainly, perhaps also . Europe. dns Te enemy has not heen split only differentiated. We must put the question of the united front in this perspective. The actic of the united frent is not an episode, but the tacti##f the whole present period up to“the time when we have won the majority of the work- ers in the various countries on to our side. The united front has a whole history in the Comintern. When it was first proposed in’%922 objections were made against it!®oth from right and left. That was 06 accident. The best ultra-left workéra-see in it a fraternization with tH®-social-demo- crats, the rights, however, wanted to go still closer; they wanted a coali- tion with the social-défnécrats. The tactic of the ‘imited front has forced its way thru, altho there have been great difficulties; As a turning’ point between two periods of the his- tory of the Comintern, the Third World Congress was most important. Whoever says now that we should re- vise the theses of the Fourth and Fifth World Congresses is a liquidator. The theses of the Fourth and Fifth Congresses are complefentary to the theses of the Third Congress. The definition of the Fourth Congress, ac- cording to which a process of devel- opment is turning “the social-demo- cratic leadership froth: a wing of the proletarian movemenit* into a wing of the bourgeoisie, partly even of the fascists, is also corféct. What about the social-democrasy in Hungary, in Bulgaria? And is hét' the right wing of the French soditifists allied with the bourgeoisie? na the events in connection with the«expropriation of the German nobility? This is not a proletarian revolutionary question, snd bourgeois Tepyplicans can sup- port us. rey Nevertheless, the Social-democratic ‘eaders in Germany’ want to give the nobility, even ndw' when they no longer have any powWér and when there is a tremendous ambunt of unemploy- ment, a milliard myarks. Is that not a wing of the bourggoisie, even some- times the worst ng of the bour- goisie? When the American Federa- tion of Labor calls for an open strug- gle against the revolution is that not fascism, is that not the third party of the bourgeoisie? The definition of the Fifth Congress is therefore cor- rect, 'N the tactic of the united front the following mistakes are made (1) an idea is adopted that the united front tactic consists of issuing cne or more open letters; (2) the adoption of the methods of exposing too much (an excellent example of thie was the tactics of the Ruth Fischer central committee of the German Communist Party in connection with the Hinden- burg e! ioe) the setting up of impossible cond: 8, impossible not only for the leaggrs, for such condi- tions we must set up, but impossible also for the progressed workers. For instance, when the French party demanded the evacuation of the colonies, which in itself is correct, the turning of the colonial war into the civil war, the fraternization with the soldiers of the Riff as prelimi- nary conditions for a united actign. (4) An incorrect attitude towards the labor party, an attitude which was fought by Lenin as early as the Sec- ond Congress. Where would the Eng- ish Communist Party be today if it ‘ad left the labor party? Today such nistakes exist in the Norwegian gov- THEDAILY WORKER) ZINOVIEV SPEAKS ON UNITED FRONT How Not to Apply the United Front must create a clear situation and we must fight against any backsliding into ultra-left digressions. Our’ at- titude towards the ultra-left danger in Germany andthe right danger in France is characteristic for the path which the Comintern must follow. If the united front policy succeeds, then dangers from the right are pos+ sible; in France at the moment the danger from the right is the chief danger. Traces of danger from the right are visible also in Italy, where false ideas as to the nature of the state are present, in Holland also, where the attitude of Raverstein and Wynkoop towards the party is imper- sible; in Roumania also, where Christescu has gone on the wrong road. In Germany the letter of Kar) Becker gives rise to some thought. Our tactic remains the same; we will fight against dangers from the right and against dangers frown the left. In this struggle we will naturally always fight most energetically against the danger which is in the given moment the most acute. In Germany the ultra-left danger was the greatest dan- ger, and still is. There were moments there when there was even the danger of the formation of a paralle] party Now, however, Rosenberg and. Scho- lem have issued declarations which seem to point to a recognition on their part of their errors, HE application of the united front tactic has brought us successes We shall hear a special report upon these successes in England. In Ger- many the first successes are just be- ginning to show themselves. The same is true in Belgium, where a strong social-democratic party em- We'll Get You Out, Daddy! their class. Mother and children suffer also‘when workers are in jail for Send your contribution to the International Labor Defense, 23 So. Lincoln St., Chicago, III ernment. On the one hand the idea that a participation in the labor party is unnecessary, and on the other hand the idea that if the labor party comes the Communist Party is then super- fluous, (5) Further, there are still psychological remnants of the don’t- touch-me attitude in existence,. Some Communist workers in the shop are unwilling to give the hand to the social-democratic workers. (ERE are many mistakes, both from right and left. The classical example of the right| mistake remains the Saxon gxperiment in 1923. We shall, however, never make this mis‘ take again, | The year 1925 was a year of transi‘ tion. Perhaps this is the reason why it has given us so many ultra-left backslidings. These occurred in Ger- many and in Poland, partly also in France, Norway and in Italy. Per- haps also the simultaneous action of the ultra-lefts was organized and co- ordinated, ‘The one time central com. mittee of the Polish party fought the French, German and Bulgar! par- ties and the whole International. It is very difficult to discover exactly what the ultra-left idea is at the pres ent moment. They are represented here and we will discuss the matter with them, I don’t know what Bor- diga thinks today, but perhaps it is the times that change and not Bor- diga. In Germany one is already able to observe a breaking up of the ultra- lefts. If the ultra-lefts realize their mistakes and abandon their incorrect politics, then all the better, and if they don’t we shall defeat them. We government, the attitude of Hoeglund, party in Sweden has made tf! cation of the united front tactic ¢asier, editing an edition of Branting’s works and Stroem is leading a propagand» is sufficient proof of the correctness of our attitude towards them. of China consisted also in the appli- cation of the united front tactic to the Kuomintang party and the na- tional revolutionary movement. — The delegations to the Soviet Union and the Anglo-Russian unity committee are also results of the united front tactic. ‘The way is correct, but we must fight against all deviations. come the party of the work! The idea that we must be Bo! and remain a small party or beco: large party but cease to be Bolsheviks is absolutely incorrect. This is proved by the Communist Party of Czecho- Slovakia, which’ thanks its successes above all to the process of Bolshevi- zation. braces large masses of the workers. The existence of a social-democratic the cleaning and strengthening of the 9, appli- By the way, Hoeglund is. now busy bureau against the Soviet Union, This The policy of the Communist Party Just In the period of stabilization must. We ‘be- Our standpoint is that the parties will become mass parties just, thru the process of Bolshevization, task will be made more easy by the fact that the social-democracy has ceased to be the party of the working class. eration of Labor organiai millions of qualified workers out of 5 milliot racy is becoming the party of the “W E want the unity of the working class, but upon the basis see Communism, upon the basis of Leninism!”—ZINOVIEV. This In Amefica the American Fed- only 2.2 The German social-demoé- _of . |sections, this must be our course, only 50 per cent workers in its ranks in the various countries. In this sit~ uatiom we must inevitably become the party of the working class if we cor- rectly apply the tactics of the united front and become the fighters for the unity of the working class, The objective situation for this is good. This is proved in Germany, for instance, by the movement for the confiscation of the property of the nobles without compensation. In tthe Berlin town couneil we must use the tactic of the united front better. The German lessons in this connection are, valid for the whole Comintern. The letter of the executive committee of the Comintern was 100 per cent cor- rect, The French right danger is typical for all right deviations, The right opposition is not homogeneous. It consists of the Rosmer group, aiohy is going thru a period of development back to the old syndicalist ideas; the Souvarne group, which objectively. speaking plays the part of Bubnik, altho it must be said that subjective Souvarine does not sell himself, and then the Loriot group, which is going thru a development back towards the social-democracy. There was very much mechanical centralism in the leadership of the Communist Party of France and very little democracy, and this was real- ized by the majority of the French central committee itself. This had to aristocracy of labor and thepetty bourgeoisie. On the average it has be got rid of in order to win the best proletarian elements of the opposition. The opposition, however, declared just like the Russian liquidators at one titne, that the party was dead, altho at the same time the enemies of the party declared the” contrary. The op- position does not want any reorgani- zation on the basis of the shop nuclei and in this it is at one with the Ital- jan ultra-lefts. In the Moroccan and Alsace-Lorraine questions the opposi- tion has taken up what may be simply described as a social-patriotic stand- point. The opposition fought against the general strike, against the Morocco war and also against the demand for the independence of Alsace. When in this connection they ask, why not also independence for Nice and Savoy, then this is sheer social-patriotism. Everything must be done to win the best proletarian elements of the oppo- E the mechanical centralization must be abolished, the internal party democracy must be strengthened, but no concessions must be made to the eights for they want to lead the party ‘o the social-democrats. The right in France as an organization must be de- troyed and the best proletarians mongst them must be won over, We lust also begin to struggle against te signs of an ultra-left danger in rancé. Ultra-left ideas are interfer- sng with our work in the trade unions. The tasks in France gre therefore the liquidation of the right danger, the alteration of the organizational regime in the party in the spirit of a party demotracy, and a struggle against the ultra-left ideas, Our standpoint in the question of partial demands must be cleared up. The parties and the executive must together work out a program of ac- tion for the given period of time, i lagers question of the affillation of the Russian unions to Amsterdam must be discussed by no party from its own national standpoint, This is above all an international question. There can be no question of a sepa- rate affiliation of the Russia unions. That which was said in the letter of the central committee of the Commun- ist Party of the Soviet Union remains valid. The speaker then described the’ suc- cesses and the mistakes of the Young Communist International, The sue cesses were chiefly met with in China, England, Austria and Italy. With regard to the internal tasks of the parties, the chief necessity there is a development of the internal party democracy. The non-Russian parties must be drawn into/an active and real articipation inthe leadership of the ‘omintern, as this was proposed by the Fourth Party Congress of the Russian Communist Party, The tasks of ‘the leadership are srowing and for this reason there. is ‘need for a greater degree of collective work, In the solution of their own internal problems the parties must learn more to stand) upon their own legs. We shall, nevertheless, remain an international. world. party. democracy, more collectivity in ; leadership, more independence of ¢ There must be no revision of the Fifth Congress, and no revision of our estimation of the social-democracy, and we must get at the masses from all sides, even tho our methods must be sometimes roundabout, a struggle for the unity of the working class, but this unity must be upon our basis, We are the fighters for the idea of unity, The English Independent La- bor Party proposes the amalgamation ‘ of the Second and Third (Communist) Internationals, Its letter will be an- swered in full, We cannot abandon the independence and the existence of the Comintern and the Communist: Parties, The creation of the Comin- tern and Ad Communist. Party is the greate: torical fact. For this rea. son our answer fo! a thousand times No! We want the unity of the working class, but upon the basis / of Communism, upon the basis of Len: (nism!" (| of