The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 16, 1926, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKE Published by the: DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, I. Phone Monroe 4713 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (euteide of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six monthe $6.00 per year $3.50 six memtha $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ilinols Business Manager J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE f{* Entered ay second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the postoffice at Chi- MORITZ J. LOEB... cago, LiL, under the act of March 3, 1879. Et 290 ———— The “Final” hiewd on Mosul Advertising rates on application. SS While waiting for the storm of’the French cabinet crisis to pass over and afraid to move on the question of the entrance into its council of other nations besides Germany, the league of nations put the seal of approval on the British claims regarding | Mosul oil. - Last December the council granted England a 25-year extension of its mandate over Irak (formerly Mesopotamia) and used the world court to cloak with the mantle of legality the steal of the Mosul oil region which is in reality a part of the Angora republic. | On last Thursday the league councjl made the “final” award of Mosul to Irak, which means to Great Britain. This award, coming at this time, is particularly provocative of thought. At the same time the “final” award was being made, another group of agents of the league was scrutinizing the American reservations of the United States senate on the proposition of ad- herence to the world court. One of the reservations stipulates that the council of the league of nations may not ask the world court for an advisory opinion regarding a ¢ involving the United’States without the consent of the government at Washington. If that yeservation is accepted it will establish a precedent that is contre to the method applied in dealing with the Mosul question. Turkey contended that the league had no right to refer a matter involving its sovereignty to the court without the consent of the Angora gov- ernment, but the league council and the permanent court of inter- national justice proceeded to act against Turkey in spite of its ob- jections. Of course, the United States within the league or the court will not be in the same defenseless condition that Turkey occupies. This (international Press Correspondence) MOSCOW, Feb. 20 (By Mail).—The second session of the enlarged execu- tive of the Communist International was opened today under the chairman- ship of Comrade Geschke, Apart from the commissions elected in the opening session, the following commissions were unanimously elect- ed: A German commission consist- ing of Stalin as chairman, Kusinen qs secretary, and two representatives of each of the larger parties and one representative of each of the remain- ing parties; a Japanese commission with Brown (England) as chairman, an American comrade as secretary, a representative from each section and a number of comrades from the East in person, Comrade Dunne (American) pointed jto the necessity for the telegram {which is to be despatched to the im- prisoned members of the central com- mittee of the Communist Party of Great Britain and stressed the fact hat as the contradictions between British and American imperialisms ew so also did the solidarity be- tween the American and English gom- rades. The sending of the telegram was decided upon unanimously. (OMRADE ZINOVIEV commenced his report upon the activity of the Executive Committee of the Com- munist International amidst protract- ed applause, The Fifth Congress pointed to the opening of the democratic-pacifist pe- riod and the last enlarged executive sessions introduced the slogan “sta- bilization.” The slogan for the pres- ent period must be “the stabilization is commencing to tremble!” Never- theless, it is our duty not. to over- estimate this trembling and to make no false conclusions. I will take the following words of Lenin as to the text of my speech: “The greatest, perhaps even the only danger for a real revolutionary is the overestima- tion and exaggeration of the revolu- government enters the court with the idea of controlling it for the purpose of forwarding the interests of Wall Street’s imperialist pol- icy. By controlling the court it will direct all decisions. Further- more, since Morgan controls the United States government, there is no fear of any conflict between Washington and the world court on imperialist policy. In case Wall Street should, by any chance, not succeed in dominating the world court it has the power to flaunt , its decisions. Such a trifling matter as logical inconsistency in relation to the demands of Turkey and the United States will never disconcert the learned judges of the world court. They may appear inconsistent to superficial observers, but they are consistent in the broad aspect of always serving the interests of the imperialist power that hap- pens to dominate the league and the court. And, after all, legal formulas under capitalism are all merely consistent flunkeyism to the powers that be, regardless of whether they appear to be “logical” or otherwise, As to the claim that the Mosul decision is “final,” we are in- clined to view that as a slight exaggeration and a display of inabil- ity to consider the course of history. Long before the 25-year man- date of Britain has expired the minions of imperialism will be ex- ) pelled from Asia before the uprising of the colonials, and the league | and the world court of imperialist nations will fall before the world league of the class conscious proletariat—the Communist Interna- tional. What Was Eradicated in Haiti In the report just made public of Brigadier General John H. Russell, the American high commissioner in Haiti, who is the tin selled representative in the unfortunate island of Haiti of the Na tional City Bank of New York, there is contained the classic ex * pression of all true imperialists who point with modest pride to the manner in which they have born the “white man’s burden.” “The intensive sanitary campaign carried on in Port-au-Prince has practigally eradicated the anopheles or malaria-carrying mos quito from that city.” Those are the words of the report. They are part of the justification for the maintenance, even at this time, of ; a thousand American soldiers on the island. ; But the pesky mosquito is not the only thing which the Amer- ican soldiers eradicated in Haiti. First they eradicated the inde i pendence of the republic. Then they eradicated about 3,000 Haitian natives who had the courage to fight for their freedom. They then eradicated any real semblance of liberty for the native government Then, to make sure, they eradicated every honest Haitian offi and public leader, and instituted the rule of a set of miserabk Haitian prostitutes who are ready to sign the death warrant of their own people for the thirty pieces of silver, The Union Patriotique of Haiti, which is still fighting for Haitian independence from the talons of American bankers, will do no more for its people and for their freedom than they are now ac- complishing. Sympathetic reviews in the liberal sheets of the coun- try and petitions presented to the senate will gain them no more independencé than the tears of a slave, The COuntry is theirs. The only thing they can gain from the United States is a lesson: Amer- ican independence was gained only after the thirteen colonies stopped writing petitions and marched on Concord. No one ever earned freedom while lying on his back, We do not in the least exaggerate when we call even the Amer ican brand of socialists the agents of the bourgeoisie. The degrading activities of the Jewish Daily Forward in attempting to stab in th: back the strikes of the fur and garment workers is on a par with thi murder of the Spartacans by the German Noskes which earned then the hateful brand of Cain. Messrs. Hillquit, Cahan, Berger and Co are rapidly overtaking their soulmates in Germany, Hungary anc Italy. Will Debs be eternally silent? | One of the differences between a capitalist dictatorship and : working class dictatorship is that the former has to go the wildes and most brutal extremes in suppressing its opposition. The oppc sition to a capitalist dictatorship is manifold the opposition to ; working class dictatorship like Russia’s beeause the former is con posed of the millions of worker's while the latter is composed of th handful of ousted bosses. i When the “wet and dry” issne came before the senate Wednes- ‘day, “the boys” had a question before them that they were fully Papuanted with from first hand knowledge tion, the failure to observe the boun- daries and the conditions for the ap- plication pf revolutionary methods successfully. Real revolutionaries only fail when they lose their calm and begin to see the ‘great world revolution’ everywhere,” Since the Third Congress, and par- ticularly since the Fifth, we haye worked with two perspectives. These two perspectives had no relation to the revolution itself; they related only to the tempo of its coming and the way that it would take. We are and we will remain proletarian revo- lutionaries, we know that the prole- tarian dictatorship is a matter of our own time. The first perspective as- sumes a quick development, with the victory of the revolution on a world scale within a few years. The second perspective reckons with a slower de- velopment. To reckon with two pos- sibilities like this is uncomfortable, but it is necessary. The accusation that this is eclecticism, and proves a lack of firm policy, is incorrect. It is not eclecticism, it comes dialecti- cally from the given historical situa- tion. In the question of the route of the revolution, in the past we relied perhaps too much upon Central Eu- rope. After-the last session of the enlarged executive we looked too much towards England. In 1925 the Hurray for the Flag! UST as in the time before the war antagonism between England wa» 1 was the most important factor in n England and Aipetica,'*-ZINOVIEY. Stabilization Begins to Tremble “The stabilization is beginning to tremble!” This is the slogan of the present period. The relative and partial stabil- ization of capitalism which was declared to ewist by the last enlarged executive sessions of the Communist International was immediately seized upon by the bourgeois penmen and the social-democratic liars and perverted so as to seem that the Communist International no longer be a revolution and in stabilizing itself. The even had admitted that there could that capitalism had succeeded ts which have taken place since then have proved that the analysis of the Communist Inter- national concerning the relat stabilization was correct. The intern and ite next tasks, just iveness and partialness of the report on the work of the Com- given by Comrade Zinoviev, its chairman, at the sessions of the Comintern now taking place g place, outlines this development and is given here in its essence. stabilization in Ge y had gone so far that we nesioca the maturity, of the revolutionary tonditions in Ger- many. Capitalism in-the Balkans is also comparatively stgbilized. Never- theless, the revolutionary possibili- ties in the Balkans must not be neg- lected. Then there-are the events in China. We must a atersred for all eventualities, W* cannot give up our double reck- oning even now. We must still allow two possibilities for the tempo and the course of the revolution. We must become ever more and more not merely a European Interna- tional, but a world International. The speaker then flung scorn upon the proposal of G, P. Cramp (British Railroad Union) to divide the working class into a European, an American and an Asiatic International under the respective leaderships of Amsterdam, the American Federation of Labor and Moscow. Such a proposal showed not only the naivete of the reformist leader, but it also represented the hopes of the bourgeoisie. We do not want an Asiatic International, but a world International, and in harmony with the Russian revolution and its leaders we are upon the best road to become one. Many bourgeois under- stand better than Cramp that we must either conquer the World or the bour- geois will make an attempt to defeat us in our own strongiiold. WwW had hardly médtioned the word “stabilization” re last year than the social democracy had snatched it up with cries of joy and attempted to sntorspte it as tho we had given up the rspectives of the world revolution ang ythe dictatorship of the proletariat. We did not do that for one moment, we were only sensible enough to recognize that a gertain partial and temporary stabilization had taken place in the camp gf the bourgeoisie. The differences betwee! and Otto Bauer on + ourselves on the ca is not that we deny a certain stabilization of capi- talism, for we are strong enough to work without any illusions, but in the fact that the social-democrats do not see a temporary, provisional and rel- ative stabilization, it a new epoch, a capitalist renaissance for a long period, perhaps for a say th Otto Bauer did not say this in a scientific analysis, but they say this in their daily polities. Thus, in the “Pravo Lido,” issuéf’in Prague, it was said that the @xistence of capi- By William Gropper. The cheap and tawdry patriotism of the American theater where he flag, the dollar, the church are idealized and labor is the butt] English and American workers, The of their jokes. eo was certain for hundreds of years, According to the “‘Vorwaerts,” Lo- carno meant a 100 per cent and for the Austrian a 50 per cent realization of socialist principles. The difference between us is that we diagnose the complaint of capitalism, whereas they declare that capitalism is being re- born for a whole epoch. dies the question of the stabilization it is important to compare the pres- ent situation. In comparison with 1913, no country with the exception of America has reached this level, altho a number of countries are close to it. Added to this, the population has grown, and in normal times the pro- ductive forces grow in the same tempo, In comparison with 1920 which was the worst and most difficult year tor capitalism, a slight and weak stab- ilization is to be observed. Nevertheless, the present balance of capitalism is the following: five mil- lion unemployed, with chronic unem- ployment in England and now also in Germany. One million soldiers in Europe in excess of prewar time. Low- er wages in most countries in com- parison with peace time. This stabilization was obtained mostly at the cost of the working classes and also with the assistance of “American aid.” There are various methods of bourgeois stabilization. The German method is the so-called “rationalization,” the English use the method of deflation, the French use he method of inflation, but all of them are carried thru at the cost of the workers, The English conservatives have. artificially increased the num, bers of the unemployed. The French methods at the moment hit chiefly the petty bourgeoisie. The American method consists in the high interest on their loans and in the growth of the tax avalanche, We are therefore justified in saying. that the stabilization partly strength- ens the bourgeoisie, but that it is car-° ried thru by such means that even- tually it must result in a revolutioni- | zation of the situation. Since the last session of the en- larged executive the English stabiliza- tion suffered a decline, despite the small improvement shown during the last few months. The new factor in the situation is that one of the vic- torious powers, France is suffering from a long wearying, and ever sharp- ening crisis. A year ago in Germany there was an “excellent” situation, nevertheless a serious crisis and se- vere unemployment has set in. And one must remember that the effiects of the Dawes plan are only beginning to show themselves in their first stages. Even the bourgeois economist Keynes sees that the crises, not only in Ger- many, but also in England are only to be solved by a political storm. The complete collapse of the stabilization of Poland is of first rate importance, because it stands in the middle of British, American and French in- fluence. The events of the Orient prove still more the doubtful nature of the stabilization. UST as in the time before the war the antagonism between England and Germany was the most important factor in the world, so today the most important factor is the antagonism be- tween England and America, Never- theless, this question must not be treated too simply. The superior ad vantage of America must not be ex- aggerated, particularly as the popula- tion of Europe is three times that of America, and that the population of Europe includes 100 million proletar- jans. On the other hand however, this antagonism must not be under- estimated. The export of capital is very large. Sixty per cent of the total gold supplies are to be found today in America, and apart from this, Europe is completely in debt to Amer- ica. America is already beginning to dare to couble its loans, for instance in Belgium, with political conditions. In England the situation is quite different, It has lost its privileged situation, despite the recent small betterments, this is an accomplished fact. Naturally, we must not count up- on the revolution in England in a few months. But the earlier and unclear line of development has become clearer, And in this situation the Bng- lish conservative government harbors a war plan against Soviet Russia altho it is expecting a conflict in its own country with the miners, 4 E must recognize the basic dif- ference in the situation of the development inside the working “ J the world, so today the most important factor is the antagonism. ama 80 RIZINOVIE V SPEAKS ON WORLD SITUATION , class movement in England Is going in the direction of the revolution. In America’ for the present in the direction. of the reaction. This is documented in an almost Leninist fashion by the resolution passed at the convention of the American Fed- eration of Labor against the recog- nition of Soviet Russia and for the open struggle against the revolu- tionary movement. America has become the land of promise for the reformists, the meth- ods of America are being transported to Europe and a beginning is being made with workers’ banks, Fordism in the struggle against Marxism. The American Federation of Labor is not merely an aristocracy of labor, but as comrade Pepper rightly says, an aristocracy within an aristocracy of labor, The German trade union leader Parnov and the “pot-bellies” of the American Federation of Labor are of the opinion that Bolshevism is only a religion for hungry and desperate people. In America we shall probably experience a bloom of this ideology of aristocracy. If we want to know the essence of the ‘social-democracy, then we must study this ideology. IRANCE as a victorious country is experiencing a crisis which is not only financial, -but also economic, so- cial and political. It would however be an exaggeration to thing that France is experiencing now the crisis which Germany went thru in 1923, ond for this reason the slogans “Turn the Moroccan war into a civil war!”, “Fascism or Communism!” were in- correct. The situation is however favorable for the political hegemony of the proletariat in the present pol- itical struggle. The struggle is pro- ceeding between the big bourgeoisie on the one hand and the petty bour- geoisie and the peasantry on the other hand. In this situation the Commun- ist Party of France should be able not only to take over the leadership of the proletariat, but also of large sections of the petty bourgeoisie and the peasantry. In France we are able to observe a classical example of The bankruptcy of petty bourgeois parties. Such parties must always be ‘finally domin- ated by the big ,bourgeoisie. The left block capitulated continually before the big bourgeoisie, which wishes to perpetuate the inflation still for some time. When thes inflation policy is abandoned, then the real crisis will begin. This crisis will probably not bring unemployment immediately with it, for there are two million foreign workers in France who would be driven away upon*the advent of the crisis, For this reason the Commun- ist Party of France mist work ener- NOTES OF AN INTERNATIONALIST. The British Dominions Against Locarno By JOHN & isae outstanding success of British ‘imperialism’s" foreign policy dur- ing the past year was Locarno. Thru Locarno Great, Britain has succeeded, first in forcing Germany into the anti- Soviet bloc, secondly in breaking up the continental hegemony of France, thirdly in bringing into being a Euro- pean bloc against the evermore pte- dominating» Amerncan imperialism. Chamberlain, the British minister for foreign affairs, was hailed as a hero in Great Britain for the Locarno success. As the most successful agent of British imperialism he was showered with the highest decorations and distinction. Yet hardly a few weeks pass before there already de- velops the first rift in this so artificial structure of-Locarno. The extremely important news is now reported from London that the British dominions are expressing their opposition to Lo- carno. Dominion. policy is the Achilles’ heel, the most vulnerable pSint in the whole foreign policy of the British em- Dire. The British government and the British parliament. conduct foreign policies but all diplomatic steps of the British ruling class are likewise bind- ing upon the dominions, upon the pop- ulation of Cariada, Australia, Ireland, South Africa, and India, At least this was the cise before the war and also during the war. But in the post-war years there began slowly, and in recent years ever more rapidly, the crystallization of an entirely new at> titude on the part of the British do- minions, They are no longer content to remain vassals of the British bour- Beoisie in their foreign policy. Sev* 1 causes have contributed in bring- ing about this new policy. First: dur- ing the war the dominions had to make very large sacrifices in men and money for British imperialism. For this reason they are wary of new warlike entanglements. Secondly, a new big industry was cultivated dur- ing the war in all important domin- ions which extraordinarily * stiffened the backbone of the native bour- geolsie, they demanded an independ- ent tariff and diplomatic policy, ‘Third: the mighty American imperialism has broken the finance \opoly of Brit- iss imperialism and more and more becomes the principal source of credit getically amongst these foreign work- ers in order to make them into agit- ators and organizers of Communism in their own countries when they return, The finance; crisis has already pro- duced a classical crisis of the petty bourgeois parties, and the Communist Party of France must utilize this situation, The French bourgeoisie has no other way out than of sharpening the crisis and the French working class government will soon become a radi- cal working class movément, and @ good second to England. The French workers have no great organizational traditions, they have however a tradi- tion of great revolutionary struggles. As Lenin said, they are able to/ mount the barricades without noticing it themselves. It is absolutely imper- missible that only 10 per cent of the French working class is organized in the trade unions, this must be altered. ‘T would be a damaging exaggeration to say that Germany was going thru the year 1923 once again, there is no immediate revolutionary situa- tion in Germany, and for this reason we must not make the slightest con- cessions to the ultra-lefts. On the other hand it is true that since March 1925 the situation has become more tense. Even if the affair with the league of nations upon the-field of external policy goes well, even if the parlia- mentary crisis is overcome, something which does not appear probable, even if the economic crisis is overcome, something which is not out of the question, there will still be left a mil- lion and a half dollars permanently unemployed. We may not overestimate the situation in Germany, An improve- ment in the situation of the bour- geoisie is possible,. We must not for- get that America is prepared to inter- fere again and ag#in in order to save the German bourgedisie, that is to say the American capital which is in- vested in Germany. Interference on the part of America means “stabiliza- tion” at the same time however it means revolutionization. In Germany therefore we may say that the situa- tion is more tense, but that there is no immediate revolutionary situation, and with this we must reckon soberly. (Continued in next issue) ‘ American Protestant Injured. TOLUCA, Mexico, March 14,— Charles Lee Neal, an American Pro- testant minister at Tlacotepec, a vil- lage in the state of Mexico, was seri- ously injured in a riot there, The angry crowd assaulted him. The preacher was hit by a ‘stone. It is not known whether he was “turning the other cheek” when he was struck. PEPPER. for the British dominions, thereby ex- ercising, like the magnetic mountain of folk-lore, an irresistible attraction upon the dominions, Already in the beginning of 1925, at the first important step of Britts! foreign policy, the adoption of the Ghent Protocol, the dominions de clined to co-operate. The British gov- ernment wanted to call a general im- perial conference but the dominion governments declined the invitation because they feared that some sort of obligation bound up with new wars might result for them as the result of the conference. The chief organ of the British empire, The Times, at that time wrote a whole series of articles on this gravest danger to the Britsh empire. It said:| “Britain’s most im- portant problem in the post-war period is the question of how the six autonomous sections of Great Britain, which in their entirity constitute the real imperial power, can be drawn to- gether into a uniform policy against the dangers menacing the empire. We are confronted here with a problem of most extreme significance because it involves the very existence of the em- pire. If these six units of the British empire cannot come to an understand- ing as to foreign policy then their transformation into mutually inde- vendent states becomes inevitably a question of the times, They cannot solve this question in any other way than to answer: either we must recognize the need for a uniform for eign policy or else the empire must tall to pieces.” (Retranslated from the German), a The Times is right. The question really is that either the British bour- geoisie be successful in conducting a uniform world policy for the empire or else the British empire falls to pieces. The events of foreign policy show evermore clearly however that the dominions no longer tolerate the British “uniform” world policy, or in other words the imperialist policy which is contrary also to their inter- ests. The British government intends to call an imperial conference of all dominions next June. But this im- ferial conference can help little, it will not create the unity of the British empire but will bring to even more crass expression the existing antagonisms,