The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 6, 1926, Page 9

| | (Continved from page 2.) constitution was an agreement be- tween sovereign states and that any state had a right to secede when the union no longer accorded with their interests, There were many who thought that the secession of the south settled the matter. If we might imagine life to be a different thing from what it is, and to be wlat the professors and the sSocialdemocrats think it to be, we could imagine Lincoln consulting some law books and-deciding to “let them 9. their way” as so many petty-bour- geois pacifists in the north screamed that he should. But life is not that way. The manu- facturing north needed the agricultur- al, cotton growing south as a part of the national unit, and any questions of legality are the most peurile play upon words; the north under Lin- coln’s leadership beat the south into submission and in doing so fulfilled its role in history. Lincoln cleverly managed the ques- tion of the relief of Fort Sumter in such a way that the south became the aggressor, and thereby Lincoln’s task of getting the wayering elements of the north to support him was light- ened. With a large proportion of the pro- fessional military elements deserting to the south, and with a long series of defeats for his raw armies, Lincoln persisted thru four years of the bloodiest warfare that had been known in modern times. Only after two years of war and while facing what seemed to be dan- ger of complete defeat, did Lincoln approach the question of abolition of Whither American Federation of Labor By “MORR,” A Plumber UR great chief, the president of the American Federation of Labor, has found the labor movement too narrow and limited for him. He has already ganized. American workers and ay ei Ptalehe eyes them the millenium. ow, eer oat of his abundancy and leis- ure, he is entertaining our enemies with sweet songs of the common aims and identity of interests between cap- ital and labor. Last month President Green spoke before the Taylor Society for elimina- tion of waste and speeding up of pro- duction. There is a comment on this speech in “Babson's Reports” of Jan., 1926 (a bulletin issued by the Babson statitstical agency for business men and manufacturers) Babson says: “All this indicates that slowly but surely a new spirit of co-opera- tion between capital and labor is ex- pressing itself. We (the capitalist interets, M.) consider this attitude of labor one of the most heipful signs in the present industrial situa- tion.” It is interesting to note that while Green spoke on labor being interested in speeding up production, the “Manu- facturers News” of Jan. 23 (official or- gan of the manufacturers’ association) features two calls to the manufactur- ers to slow down production in view of a possible crisis due to over pro- duction. It shows the consistency of the policy of President Green and his like. But the climax of class treachery has been reached by President Green ‘in a speech before the Newark, Ohio, ‘chamber of cémmerce, last month. ((Printed in the American Labor} ‘World of Jan., 1926). : ~ #guen meetings as these are not © Held in many other countries or in : eh y other lands. At an industrial rofind table conference held in New York recently, the Honorable Alton B. Parker, chairman of the confer ence, made the following amazing statement: “| wonder how many of us ap- preciate the fact that ours is the only country in the world today where such a conference as this could be held! “'The conferees were representa- tives of capital, industry, and labor. They were assembled for the ex- press purpose of discussing two top- ics of profound interest, ‘Eliminate Industrial Waste,—Minimize Indus- trial Controversy!’” This is what he slavery. The first proclamation on the subject was merely a threat declaring that if, after January 1, 1863, the south had not laid down its arms, any territory still in arms against the Union would be declared free terri- tory. In other words, it was not to be essentially an emancipation but a confiscation of slaves as a means of punishment to the masters, The final “Emancipation Proclamation” on Jan- uary 1, 1868, however, carried . the matter beyond any. possibility of returning, ’ Lincoln’s whole course in regard to slavery, if measured by the standards of proletarian revolutionary leaders, was weak and mean. But Lincoln was not a proletarian revolutionary leader, and for his bourgeois purposes he fol- lowed a consistent course in a strong, forceful manner. When he needed the emancipation of Negroes, not for the Negroes’ sake, but for the bourgeois’ sake, he moved with an iron hand. He acted always for his own class, bearing in ming the danger of going too far with a toiling class which would ultimately be an inherent enemy. He went only so far as neces- sary, and only when no other course was open, in loosening the chains of toilers. A dramatic incident of the war time is a singular illustration of the bour zeois-revolutionary character of Lin- coln’s role. A very powreful -and truly magnificent figure of the. time was Frederick Douglass, a runaway Negro slave laborer whose able lead- ership dominated the militant wing of the abolition movement and split it away from a pacifist William Lloyd Garrison. Fred Douglass visited Lin- ing the chamber of commerce about Judge Parker’s description of class struggle and hatred in all the coun- tries of Europe, and Green concluded: “If we, as American citizens prop- erly" appreciate the “Significance o this statement; ‘We must feel ‘déepi; gratified when we comprehend the fact that the American labar move- ment is sound and constructive and that we live in a country where class distinction and class hatred can have no place in the industrial and sociaj life.” These words were spoken by Mr. Green at the same time when the an- thracite strike was in its fifth month with the operators determined to starve the 158,000 miners in order to break their ranks. President Green spoke thus to the chamber of Com- merce, the bitterest enemies of labor, at the end of a year when 370 wage reductions took place. The past year was the worst one in wage reductions since 1922, when the textile and rail- way shopmen strikes were broken by the government injunctions. President Green is optimistic; but let us look at the following statistics in the “Babson’s Reports”: " Wage Wage increases reductions ng menstingasooeaasies OE Year 1923... 1924... FER sdisisenceints,: SP. ethionine TO And remarkable, the reductions have taken place in the more basic industries where great numbers of workers are employed. If Green would have had the labor movement at heart he would not rejoice in looking at the trend of wages. “, ... We live in a country where class distinction and class hatred can have no place in the industriat and social life.” If we have actuually reached the millenium, then why keep up the trade union movement? The answer to that we find in the same speech of Mr. Green: “, ,. Suppose it were possible to destroy the bonafide labor move- ment of America. Who would suffer most? Would working men and women remain passive and ‘unorgan- ized? What would be their state of mind as a result of the destruction of the labor organizations which they have worked so hard to create and build? What do you think would be their reaction when the economic pressure became so_ in- toierable and unbearable, following 4he destruction of their economic de- fense?, | ask in all seriousness LL snes stesso Then President Green went on tell- nrc sees coln to demand that the-Negroes be] Lincoln cannot be the hero of the recruited in the army to fight for their own liberation. The shrewd Ne- gro leader seemed to sense the in- herent revolutionary quality of the war (as Karl Marx did in a greater degree as shown by his letter to Lin- coln), and to understand that an arm- ed Negro population would carry his people farther than they weree likely otherwise to go. But Lincoln also un- derstood, from his own class view- point, and did not consent to recruit Negro soldiers until much later and then only to a severly restricted degree. Lincoln led the last stage of the American bourgeois revolution to its successful completion, and more could not be expected of Lincoln. Lincoln symbolizes for the American capitalist class the completion of its conquest of power. But he is conceived in a static sort of a way. Lincoln is semi-defied as the symbol of things as they are—a symbol opposed to change. His dynamie role as reyolu- tionist is not clarified, for his shadowy image, surrounded with a haze of al- most religious mysticism, becomes one of the weapons for the support of a decaying, doubly brutal, murderous capitalist system which he served in ts younger days when it was brutal, 't is true, but still revolutionary and ‘herefore still leading forward, What does Abraham Lincoln mean o the WORKING CLASS? This matter must not be confused, as so many flabby “socialists” at- tempt to confuse it, by quoting certain pasages of speeches which throw a little sop in a crafty way to working class psychology. would you, if you could, destroy a rational constructive, patriotic busi- nesslike organization of labor and thereby risk the formation of and organization of a destructive force which would manifest the same spi- rit-in America as shown in Europe —the spirit of revenue, of hate and destruction?” This is a frank expression on the part of President Green, as to the function of the A. F, of L. “Who would suffer most?” Green’s answer is clear. The ruling class of America. In either words the present clique dominating the A, F. of L. is a tool in the hands of the capitalists to keep in check the rebellious and auiitent forces of the workers, Mr. Green, if the business men whom you were addressing are wise enough, your plea will have its effect proletariat of today, But, while repell- ing all the ‘peurile worship of Lincoln as a symbol of the capitalist wage slave system of today—the proletariat can learn a great deal from Lincoln and his part in history, First, let us learn from Lincoln as we learn from the better revolution- ists, Marx and Lenin, that no ruling, propertied class (whether it be a chat- tel slave oligarchy or a capitalist olig- archy) ever did or ever will give up . the basis of its power and its wealth without resorting to every means of force and violence, civil war and, mur- der, even to the point of extinction of | civilization, so far as such means may be in its power, Second, let us learn from the same sources what a class political party is: that in its full development a class political party, whether it be the re- publican party of a young revolution- ary capitalist class, or whether it be a Communist Party of the working class—is a mass organization of the most conscious members of its class, becoming its class’ organ of leader- ship, not merely to put ballots in boxes, but to put its class“in power | as the ruling class, going thru what- | including parliamentary electidus, maneuvers, civil war and iron dicta- | lorship (as the republican party did), for the one purpose of placing its class in power as the ruling class and thus becoming able to shape society to its mold. Of course, there are differences-be- tween the working class party and the capitalist class party—but of those we can learn from Lenin. They will not crush you. You are saving them the trouble of building up company unions. The B. & O. plan has proven that, the railway labor act before congress, which has the mutual consent- of-’'therailway com jever actions are required by history, | } i panies and railway unions, is another’ proof of that, It will remain for the militant left wing workers within the unions to bring the American Federation of La- bor to life again. Beware that day, Mr. Green, when the militant current shall sweep thru the unions! The workers will not remain long without organizations of economic defense. Quite right. They must have organ- izations not only for economic de- fense, but also for economic attack. This we shall have! The workers are awakening ‘towards the need of rid- ding themselves of their present Hail Plutocrat By Henry Roenne. ‘YOU are the salt of the earth indeed, The sour salt of the earth, You have one god, the god of speed, The dizzy dance of your boundless greed, The substitute for the dreams you need To bring your heart rebirth. What of the men you have ground to dust— Ground on your whirling wheel. . . What of your empty nights of lust, ng What of your women you cannot trust, i The women you cannot love yet must Before you perish by steel. You are the king of the world. ah yes, The king of the world gone mad. . . You grovel supreme in your lonliness, And what you envy you must oppress For you have none of that happiness Which makes us humans sad. Go strut about in your pompous pride, And mock with your lip upcurled— We see the rot of your brain inside, The awful fate that your sneers deride, The monstrous fear that you cannot hide— You—the king of the world! =