The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 3, 1925, Page 6

Page Six T HE psn WORKER THE DAILY WORKES | R PUBLISHING CO : Phone Monroe 412 Published by the 1113 W. Washington Blyd., DAILY WORKE Chicago, Ill SUBSCRIPTION RATES .Y By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per vear $3.50 six months $2.50 three months | $2.00 three months and make out checks to 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Illinois Address all THE DAILY WORKE J. LOUIS ENCE WILLIAM F, MORITZ J Frvsneannemonnarnenrsiancnitsttnn Editors | oteren as second-class mail September 21, 19 cago, Ill., under the act of Ma ‘Adve! ising rates on application. ee tome Power of Farmers Financial writers on the capitalist newspapers.devote their } peculiar talents to twisting economic facts to create the dllusion of prosperity. The latest effort in that direetion is the. statement ap- pearing in the Tuesday morning papers to the effect that.the farmers really are prosperous, despite reports to the contrary. As justification for’ reports of prosperity the finance. wizards qtote the increase in mail order sales by-the Montgomery Ward con- cern, which is 10.21 per cent over a year ago. One need not be a financial ¥ rd to recognize the absurdity of such a claim. It is a well-established fact that farmers’ increase their purchases at mail order houses when curtailed incomes com- pel them to make every penny go as far as possible. Instead of in- creased mail orders being indications of prosperity they usually denote the beginning of periods of depression. The complaint of the merchants of the small towns serving agrj- cultural communities has always been that during “hard times” the mail order houses get all the cash and that the town businessmen are asked to extend credit for goods not obtainable at the mail order centers. This situation exists at the beginning of periods of depression. As the crisis grows and the farmers are unable to obtain money there is a perceptible slackening of mail orders. Thus there are two stages of agricultural depression registered by the volume of mail orders. The first is at the beginning of depression, when the farmers stock up on the cheap goods from the mail order houses in order to make their meager funds stretch as far as possible. This shows an increase in mail orders over normal times. The second is when the crisis reaches its peak and the farmers are without funds, which produces a perceptible slump in mail orders. The farmer then de- pends for his merchandise upon the credit extended by the country stores. Agricultural depression results in many of the small stores goings out of existence and not infrequently carries down with them banks that extend them credit. The final results of such a crisis are similar to all crises; further concentration of capital in the hands of the big combines. Precisely, Mr. Sigman! “Delegates: A great responsibility is confronting you at this con- vention, the greatest perhaps in the history of our union. You are be- ing called upon to Heal its wounds, to reunite its forces and to rid. it of all harmful and disruptive elements which menace its existence.” BG Morris Sigman, president of the International Ladiés* Garment Workers’ Union, in the official organ, “Justice.” Indeed it is imperative that tlie disruptive elements ,. be stifled and that unity of the union be achieved. But that means that those guilty of disruptive tactics must go. It means that the Sigman machine that tried to wreck the union in order to maintain power can no longer be trusted with leadership. It means the harm- ful elements that employed thugs and gangsters and gunmen to crush the left wing that had behind it the majority of the, membership in| three of the largest local unions in New “York City can no longer be tolerated. It means that the scoundrel who acts as manager in Philadelphia, where the convention is now being held, and who for two years kept out of the union loyal and devoted members because they wanted an effective union, must go. In plain words it is Sigman and his whole machine that should go. He is the real disrupter. It is he who, rather than see the union get out of the control of the recationaries, tried to wreck it, like a pirate who scuttles the ship rather than see it fall into the hands of its owners. The delegates at the Philadelphia convention should weigh well these words of Sigman, and follow his advice for he is the disrupter, the union-wrceker. Smash the union wreckers, the disrupters, the gangsters, the | Republics, By P. LEPERSHINSKY, President Central Committee |. a U.S. 8. R. The anniversary of the never-to-be- forgotten days of the October exodus of the toiling masses of a great coun- from the bondage of the bour- geoisie is, and will be, the greatest holiday not only tor workers and pea- sants of the Union of Socialist Soviet but also for the capitalist slaves of those countries where the banker has enthroned himself with the hangman's aid. Soviet Conquers. On this anniversary, there will be not a single corner in all the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics where red flags will not be waving. You will not find a single worker or peasant, with the faintest trace of class con- sciousness, who will not be rejoicing over the fact that eight years have gone by since that experiment of “overthrowing” capitalistic foundation was successfully made on a territory ing one-sixth of the world’s sur- ce. The capitalists have been pow-, erless to destroy that country which | first blazed the trail towards social: | ist construction, and which has not} only been able to prove its ability to| e. , but also is progressing with} gigantic strides towards the red star of Communism. The proletariat of. capitalist coun- tries, who are still bound hand and foot, fix their eyes, burning with joy- ful hope, on that pole star. It is true, the cities in these countries are not decorated With red flags. But all thé same, even in these days, the red blood of the workers flowing behind prisan walls will be the brightest wit- ness to the fact that the proletariat blesses the Russian October, and con- tinues to strive both in word and deed R.@A,, try to the world October.’ The struggte between the workers and capitalists not only is not dying down, but is in- creasing in ferocity; the number of its victims is daily increasing and becoming more and more complicated, and the International Red Aid cannot complain of having little to do, or that there are no more victims left on the field of battle, towards whom it should hasten to aid, 1, R, A. Born in October, The International Red Aid was be- gotten by the Russian Red October, which not only was a brilliant episode, ! but served as a bapner of the prole- tariat in its struggle for the emancipa- tion of humanity from the bondage of capitalism. The fnternational Red Aid has defined itself 4s an organiza- tion, whick has con¥écrated itself to help that very struggle by special means, Even before October, llyiteh more than once dreamt of the Paris Com-! mune as ah examplé ‘to be used for the storming of thé ‘strongholds of capital, for the Ruasian revolution. And afterwards, he uséd to point out with much pleasure’ the similarities | between the “madly' brave” Parisian communards and thé October revolu- tionists in our country—finding many points in common bétieen these two stages of the’ world proletarian strug- gle, ‘ f “Storming the’ Heavens.” One involuntarily says to one’s self that the International Red Aid, one of the direct heirs of Octéber, has not in vain chosen for its “name day” the anniversary of March 18, 1871, so warmly loved by Ilyitch. Where the smoke of gun powder still hovers over the air; where the next problem is that of “storming the heavens” (an expression used by Karl Marx in con- nection with the Parisian commun- ards) there, for the International Red Aid we have an ever increasing field of activities, for.the International Red HE resolution for a labor party adopted by the Boston convention lof the International Furriers’ Union is | {an important step in the movement to |break away the masses of labor from the deadening influence of the old par- ties. The Furriers’ resolution should be utilized by every: revolutionist and progressive in the trade union move- |ment to get local unions and central |labor bodies to endorse it, thereby} laying the basis for a concentrated drive toward the realization of a labor | party. After a large number of local: unions and some internationals dre on record in favor of a labor party a conference should be called for the} purpose of laying plans to carry the fight into every section of the labor movement, Out of such a conference a central directing point should be established from which to coordinate the senti- ment into a powerful movement. Many Obstacles, HERE are many obstacles to be overcome in the struggle for a la- bor party. In many local unions the question cannot be raised for the/ # mple reason that there are laws upon the statute books forbidding the rais- ing of political issues; a heritage of the baneful influence of Gompers. This must be overcome by candidates to international conventions bringing the question before the membership in the form of a platform containing the labor party demand. In unions where political questions can be discussed there is usually present some lackey of the employers who opposes any sug- gestion of class action and who offers the most vicious resistance to the la- tyrant—eliminate Sigman and place the union in the hands of those who express the sentiments of the majority of the membership! Down with the Sigman machine! Servant to Their Majesties Emil Vandervelde, hero of the socialist international,:and for- eign minister of Belgium, confessed before the parliamentary finance committee that the House of Morgan forced him to cut the budget 150,000,000 francs after he had promised to cut no more: Thus the valiant Vandervelde, who betrayed the workers of his country into the world war and who as servant to his majesty the king of Belgium helped slaughter the working class he was presumed to defend, now crawls before the king of Wall Street. It is not of any concern to these scoundrels and swindlers whose hands drip with the blood of the working class of the world which king they serve. The leadership of the Second International stands perpetually and voluntarily on the auction block of «nperialism, ever for sale to the highest bidder. They serve everything and everybody but the working class. The lower they grovel before the royal robes of monarchy and the imperial sceptre of the dollar dictatorship the more vicious become their murderous assaults against the workers. From servant to his majesty the king of Belgium, Vandervelde becomes obedient lackey for their majesties, the Wall Street bankers. Absent by Compulsion Among those present at London when the Locarno pacts were signed were all the outstanding governmental leaders of the countries affected with one exception. That exception was Mussolini, the blackshirt brigand and craven poltroon, who dared not face the British workers who let it be known in advance that they would make it uncomfortable for the assassin of the working class of Italy. Beneath the bayonets. and the terror of his criminal bands Mus- solini can strut with, pomp and circumstance, parading as the popular hero where no one has the power to challenge his pretense. But where there is still some working class expression this creature faces the open insults and execration of the masses. That is it ae a make the Ridownies that he] 4 dared’ not attemp eo i ine bor party demand. Usually the prin- cipal opponent of a class policy is one of the satellites of the officialdom of the central labor council. The professional clique of local la- bor leaders act as watch-dogs for the capitalist class. They are the back- bone of reaction in the labor move- ment, In order to understand why this is so it is necessary to examine the structure of the American labor move- ment, Industrial Treachery. E must start our investigation with the American Federation of Labor itself. Just what is the Fede- ration? Is it a machine for consol- idating the ranks of labor into a pow- erful movement against the ¢apitalist class? Everyone knows it is nothing of the sort. It does not even recog: nize the fact that a class struggle exists. It is primarily a political ma- chine polluting the American labor movement with the most incredible venom of ruling class prejudices, In every conceivable manner it plays the game of the capitalist class. In pe- riods of the most intense industrial strife, when great international unions affiliated with it are struggling for their very existence, the officials of the A. F, of L. seldom show their faces. Take as one example the pres- ent/mine strike in the anthracite re- gion. William Green, president of the American Federation of Labor, rose to his present position from the sec- retaryship of the union that is now waging the fight against the mine ba- rons of Central Pennsylvania, but he remains in his office at Washington or travels from city to city addressing bodies on the identity of interests of inp and labor instead of fighting -of the miners in the coal @ organization of which ead really functioned to Barriers in the Path achieve the most elementary. demands of the working class: he would be fighting directly against the despotism of the mine owners: His organizers would be touring the country arousing the workers to thesthreat of exter- mination facing the« largest union within the A, F. of Lig If the A. F. of L. officialdom were really interested in the growth of the labor movement untik it could chal- lenge the capitalist tyranny in this | country it would throw its power against the treacherons procrastina- \tion of Johu L, Lewis:and the other officials of the miners- union, The mine barons would: abandon their arrogant. attitude the American la- bor leaders would demand the exten- sion of the strike taxthe bituminous fields and the calling,out of the main- tenance men who nowy with the full consent of the union, keep the bosses’ property in good condition in order to protect the capitalist exploiters from any loss while the strikers are being gradually. starved and terrorized into submission. While its very struc- ture, as a loose federation, prevents compulsory action. against tional unions, the A, B, of L. could at least hold such infamies as,are now being committed by the union. officials in the anthracite strike up to the workers of the nation and so arouse the membership of fhe United Mine Workers that they ld drive out the treacherous leaders. If Green and company really desired to use their limited power they have they could help to cordinate the labor movement of the country, but they are the agents of the capitalist class and hence at all times serve the interests of their masters, Political Treachery. ‘HILE betraying the workers into the hands of the employers on the industrial fleld, ‘the A. F. of L. machine repeats the’performance on the political field. “ft proclaims its political character fi'its constitution. Article II, Section’; of the consti- tution of the American weterstion ot Labor says: “The object of “the Federation shall be the encouragement and for- mation of local ‘rade and Labor unions, and the eldsér federation of such societies through the organiza- tion of Central Trade and Labor unions in every cityfand the further combination of sith bodies into State, Territorial “6r' Provincial or- ganizations to secifre legislation in the interests of the working masses.” Its political character is plainly stated. It pretends’ it secure legisla- tion in the interests’ of the laboring masses, Its very straéture is not indus trial but political, Itead of organiz- ing according to infustrial units, its organization is based upon political divisions; on the identical divisions of the capitalist government and its various states and cities, Just why are the headquarters of the A. F. of L. in Washington, instead of in some industrial center? Simply Washington is the political capital ofthe nation. In those where thé state federations of labor are not in the capital city, the prin- cipal officers of the federations spend their time in the capital, or actually live there as is the case of the pres- ident of the Ill “State Federation of Labor. The A, F. of L, machine at Washington, during the lite of Gom- pers was an adju party, although fessed a none interna- | Aid is ‘the red cross serviceéin ‘the ranks of the proletarian revolutionary army. The International Red Aid is organ- izing the red rear guard for the world revolution. This very fact binds the International Red Aid still\more closer to the advance guard of ‘the prole- tarian revolution. October was the first great battle between the prole- tariat and the plundering capitalists, and has been followed by a long period of “trench warfare,” with but rare intervals of open fighting of one or another detachment of the “great army of labor.” For all this, this is a real war, and like every war, its success demands a_ well- organized rear, The International Red Aid has taken this very task upon its shoul- ders—that of organizing the red rear guard. Need World Support. No one has yet forgotten the fact that the Russian proletariat, who rose against their bourgeoisie, owes its victorious revolution to the~interna- tional solidarity of the world prole- tariat. It would have been foolish to dream even of cur October without this hope of support and _ solidarity from the world proletariat. The Rus- sian workers did not err. eIlyitch more than once emphasized the fact that “we are Victorious, not because we were stronger, but because the toilers of the entente countries turned out to be more faithful to us than to their own governments.” (From his speech at the non-party conference of the Borough of Krasny-Presny, January 26, 1920.)' There are numberless proofs of this statement. Here, how- ever, we will simply point out the re- fusal of the Frenc.: sailors (and among tiem Comrade Marty) to obey the or- ders of their officers, who demanded they murder Russian peasants and workers. Marty Aids |. R. A. It was-~by no accident that this very Marty later on turned’outto be one of the best workers in: the ranks of they International Red Aids By its unceas- ing propaganda (not only oral, but in deeds) of the idea of international solidarity of all members of the pro- letarian ‘family, the International Red Aid is now repaying the debt of the Russian. workers and peasants to those who “had been more faithful to us than to their own governments,” and who had helped us in leading our October. victory to a successful end hru the barriers of barbed wire bar- ‘icades. But the work of October did not stop. by merely throwing the revolu- tionary advance guard-—the prole- tariat—into the fight,,.Were it, not for the support of the millions of peasants, the proletariat would not have been successful. ° The greatest of all lessons, aiid thé most practical of all slogans, given’ us by those leaders of the’ October days—and, above all, by ‘Iyitch—is that of the union “strong, lasting ‘atid serious” of peasants anit proléetaridt. And ever since then this*slogan hiis not lost its enormous significané® (and never will | lose its signifieancé,'so long as a peasantry exists) asa special toiling group) for the Gause.ot the world revo- lution, neither has it, lost its active force. And the*lnternational Red \Aid, does it not: work for the same cause, to the same end? Does it not continue the work of October, when it unites the Ukrainiamor White Russian toiler of the soil, the’ Kirghes: wandering hordes, the Chinese “owner” of about half an acre of land, etc., etc., with the world proletariat, by joining them} under the common International Red Aid task of aiding revolutionaty war- riors, prisoners of capital? Finally, it is most necessary to state that October facilitated the entry -@f the Russian proletariat to that school of Communism, known as ‘the Com- munist ERE But Lislibarn hundreds of pt all social proble International Réd Aid---The ‘Child of Red October thousands of units pass thru this |school—millions, are still at a great distance from,it. And yet, sooner or later, these tens of millions will have to go thru both such a theoretical and practical communistic course of social construction, which is only being at present undertaken by the most ad- vanced members of the toiling masses. Preliminary Preparation. It is evident that the preliminary preparation of these masses, who are at present standing aloof from the Russian Communist Party is: in- dispensible. The International Red Aid is just the organization to carry on best this preliminary preparation, In truth, it is most successfully carry- ing out its task as a “preparatory class”, for the many millions. The most backward and politically illiter- ate peasan(\ has all the opportunities for learnin and understanding the ABC of Communism, passing thru all stages of International Red Aid teaching and its popular explanation is, inked with the existence of the ternational Red Aid work of aiding those warriots for the cause of the world revolution, 1. R, A. Mission. Many more examples might have been given, showing the relationship between the October “storming of the heavens” and the historical ‘task of the International Red Aid. But the above is quite sufficient to place the International Red Aid as a revolution- ary child of October. The Interna- tional Red Aid, with many other helpers of the grand October revolu- tion, continues the great work of October and will carry on its mission to the very end up to the moment, when October, having successfully covered all corners and parts of the world, will cause all weapons of the fierce class war to be laid aside as of no more use. For in Communist so- ciety there will be neither class war, nor enemy classes. of a Labor Party that party, as the political expression of finance capital, led the country into the European war to defend the in- terests of the House of Morgan, Gom- pers followed it, Truly the leading labor lieutenant of the capitalist class he made the slogans of the war-mak- ing machine the slogan of the Ameri- can Federation of Labor. Now that Gompers is gone and the democratic party is declining the of- ficial family of the American. Federa- tion of Labor strives to line up the labor movement behind the Harding- Hughes-Coolidge government. When- ever the interests of capitalism change the policy of the official machine_of the labor movement in this country also changes. The so-called heads of the labor movement never lead, never have an independent existence. They always follow in the wake of the in- terests of the capitalist class. The same is true of the state fede- rations of labor, In New York the official machine is an adjunct of Tam- many Hall. In Illinois of the Len Small machine. In New Jersey of the Hague machine. Similar conditions exist in all other states. It is because of this intimate al- liance with the capitalist political ma- chines that the State Federation of Labor officials and their supporters are ever watchful against any attempt to induce the workers in the trade unions to abandon the suicidal policy of political non-partisanship. From the official American Federa- tion of Labor fountain head of cor- ruption all the little mercenary tricks- ters in the labor movement draw their ‘inspiration and learn to repeat the whole malevolent credo of the vindic- | tive reactonaries. With the most astonishing billings- gate, blackguardism and coarse so- phistery these creatures state that the American Federation of Labor is the only agency that stands between “democracy and the dictatorship of revolution.” They conceal their treachery by paying lip-servicce to labor the movement while doing everything in their power to stultity it. They want the movement to exist only in order that they may have some excuse to curry favor with the capitalist class, But they resent any efforts to make it effective against the capitalist class. Agitation for independent political action on thé part of the working class meets with the contemptible charge that a labor party will usurp the functions‘of the A. F. of L. It there is any truth in such a charge it proves conclusively that the A, F. of L, officials recognize the fact that it is a political machine serving the capitalist class, otherwise a labor par- ty could not possibly injure it, It's Functions, Wren we examine the function of the American Federation of La- bor and the various state and city federations directly chartered My it we discover the fact that they can not call strikes in any industry what- soever, The only strikes the A, F. of L. can possibly call are those small federal unions, such as bookkeepers, ‘bank clerks and federal labor unions in small towns where no regularly constituted craft unions exist, The A. F. of L. has neither the power to call nor prevent strikes of any international union, If its execu- tive council should desire a strike of one or all the whions affiliated’ it would meet with no res; mh the simple reason that each njoys: on of the“American Federa- nomy. Shoujd the A. F. of A desire to step ant a ‘strike situation it dare not do $9, yal less a request comes from the executive. of the union involved. Then if ny time the officials of the A. F, of ‘lL, did not carry out the policy 0} rife ‘international they would be sum renal kicked out of the strike and cowl Nt do nothing about it at all, In its titution the A. F. of L. ‘ « right to levy assessments upon \ ernationals in “emergen- cies,” ‘put it is careful that no such emergengle Arise, for fear of alienat- ing t rt of internationals that might. r; t such a tax. Many unsophisticated radicals ima- gine the A. F. of L. can call a general strike, pring about the amalgama- tion of af ted unions, or bring the unions. », labor party or any one of a ¢ other progressive meas- ures, is far from the case. mE such, Its- only authority is the exercise of! ay: “moral,” »”. Which is less than nothing. cases of labor struggles, It can ne’ 7 nor settle strikes. Its resolutions. ‘adopted at its conventions are not binding upon one single inter- national ynign. affiliated with it. At best the ean only be starting points for agitation among the rank and file for the measure that already has been adopted by, i Gane to the A. F. of L. conve ome Resolutions, ree the question of amalgation for instance. On many occasions the tion of Labor itself has gone on rec- ord in favor of amalgamation of kin- dred unions ina given industry, but nothing came of it. These resolutions, adopted at a number of national con- ventions, never came to life because very few members of organized labor outside the delegates in attendance knew they had passed. The questoin then arises: ‘Why did the resolution pass? ~ ‘ Simply ecause’ someone introduced it and the officialdom scanned it and perceived thatvit/meant nothing in the way of action,/and@so if was permitted to pass. Other resolutions were passed year after year’im the same manner, but meant nothing. ‘They were all fu- tile as far as action is concerned. They committéd ‘the’ rank and file of organized laber'to'nothing. But when these same resolutions’ were brot in as part of a defitité’ program of action toward revoliitioniziig the labor movement, whén they were sponsored by workers strivitiz’ to establish a po- litical movement of thie working class, they met with the inost stubborn re- sistance, and defeated as part of a diabolical cons) nspiracy, a red men- » against the labor movement, The experience in the Amreican Fe- deration is duplicated by the various city labor councils and state federa- tions of labor. The Chicago Federa- tion of Labor used to pass every sort of resolution presented by radical del- egates. In the launching of the last campaign for amalgamation it was the first prominent central labor body that adopted the resolution. ’ But that by no means meant that the 325,000 mem- eee By H. M. Wicks Labor conventions can be used as starting points for agitation in the local unions. How to Start. HE struggle for a labor party should be launched in the central labor unions for the purpose of carry- ‘jing the fight into the center of reac- tion and striking directly at the al- liance of the labor fakirs with the machine politicians of the capitalist class. In such a fight they can effec, tively be unmasked. Combined wit! the fight in the central bodies shou! be the most intensive campaign with- in the local unions and an exposure of all delegates to the central labor bodies who vote against the labor party. In this manner the labor party demand can be made a most effective weapon against the reaction in the trade union movement. While voicing the elementary demands of the work- ing class for intelligent class action against the capitalist class it serves at the same time to unmask the agents of the capitalist political par- ties in the labor movement. With such a combined drive in both local unions and central bodies it is possible to set in mation forces that will deeply affest the whole labor movement, bring ing the powerful internationals into line for a labor party. Minor Opposition. 4 Py came the powerful oppositior from the agents of capitalist pol tical machines in the labor movement there is always a group of super- critics, and utopian pessimists who ob- ject to the struggle for a labor party by pointing to the traitors at the helm of the labor party in England, They say: “What is the use of creating a labor party? Will not the leaders of such a party also betray the workers just as Ramsay MacDonald betrays the British workers by playing the game of British imperialism?” To such a question we reply that such will probably be the case, But the creation of a labor party is és- sential as a means of breaking the workers away from the old capitalist parties and organizing them into a class party. We as Communists will aid in the creation of such a party tor that purpose, and in elections we will support the American MacDonalds and Hendersons in order to place them in positions of power where they can expose themselves to the workers and also expose the limitations of parliamentary action of any kind with- in the capitalist order. As Lenin said “we will support them in the same way & rope supports a man who be hanged himself,” The creation of a labor party wit be @ great step in advance for the workers of this country and ag they become aware of the limitations of such a party they will swing pea the Communists and prepare for thé final overthrow of the capitalist sys. tem. COOLIDGE COMMITTEES DISAGREE ON GIVING AWAY MUSCLE SHOALS | WASHINGTON, Dec, 1,—T Calvin Coolidge, | ented the president with and, minority. ‘reports, Both. mended {easing the plant to p { }