The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 14, 1925, Page 8

‘ By TOM BELL. This is the fifth instalment of a serics of articles dealing with the question of World Trade Union Unity. This instalment deals with the Red International of Labor Unions and Interna- tional Trade Union Unity. Following instalments will deal with the American Federation of Labor and Unity, the Development of Trade Union Unity, and What to do for Trade Union Unity. The Red International of Labor Unions and ° World Trade Union Unity. Since its formation, the R. I. L. U. has consistently combatted the treacherous reformistic leadership of Amsterdam, because it is this leadership that is responsible for the split in the trade union movement of the world. As long ago as November, 1922, the R. I. L. U., at its Second World Congress, expressed its viewpoint on the necessity of trade union unity in a thesis in which the follow- ing parapgraph is contained: “If the workers will not succeed in attacking capitalism by the united front, they will not only suffer new defeats, not only greater misery and slavery will await them, but they will even lose their organizations and remain completely disarmed.” This serves to prove that the slogan-of world trade union unity is no mere diabolical plot on the part of the R. I. L. U. or the}. Communist International, but that this policy and this slogan flow from the fundamental conception of the R. I. L. U. as to the role of the revolutionary trade unions and adherents of the R. I. L. U. in every country. : With the growth of-the revolutionary minorities within the trade unions affiliated with Amsterdam, the bureaucracies proved that they were willing even to smash the trade unions rather than allow them to fall into the hands of revolutionary leadership. The splitting of the trade union movement by the reformists has been carried so far in France and Czecho-Slovakia that the trade union movement was cleft in twain in order that the reformists could maintain their positions of leadership. These desperate measures were taken by the social-democratic leadership in order to main- tain their position of close alliance with the capitalists that they had maintained thruout the period of the world war. The role of these labor leaders has been correctly stated time and again by the R. L L. U. as that of the last bulwark of capitalism. The capitalist offensive upon the standard of living and the organizations of the working class beginning in 1920 found its greatest allies in the leaders of Amsterdam, since they sabotaged every effort of the organized workers to defend themselves against this vicious attack and it was precisely owing to.the success of this ‘attacks by the international capitalist class upon the working class that°the R. kL. U. issued the slogan of the unity of the world trade union movement in order to successfully combat this at- tack of the capitalists upon the standard of living and the trade unions of the working class. At the Third World Congress of the R. I. L. U., July, 1924, the following appears in a resolution regarding the question of inter- national trade union unity: “Never for a moment stopping its determined fight against all manifestations of reformism within the interna- tional labor movement, mercilessly revealing all its treacher- ous substance, untiringly explaining this to all workers who do not understand yet the role of reformism as a brake to the struggle of the proletariat for emancipation, the Third Congress, in the interests of a united leadership in the strug- gle of the workers against the economic offensive of capital and fascist reaction, considers it the most pressing task of its activity to develop a widespread campaign among the working masses in favor of the unity of the international labor union movement.” From that time on, the R. I. L. U. has ‘not allowed this ques- tion merely to be a question of resolutions, but at the Vienna Congress of the Amsterdam International, when the British dele- gation led by A. A. Purcell raised the question of admittance of the Russian trade unions ino the Amsterdam International, the Central Council of the Russian trade unions telegraphed to Vienna an offer of negotiations to heal the split in the interna- tional trade union movement. At the Vienna Congress the usual kind of hypocritical resolution was passed in order to soothe the British delegation. This resolution admitted the possibility of the entry of the Russian trade unions into the Amsterdam Interna- tional, but had reservations which said that this entry would be “on the basis of the existing statutes of the Amsterdam Interna- tional” and that “the dignity of the Amsterdam International should be observed.” At the. Sixth All-Russian Trade Union Congress there was present a delegation representing the Council of the British Trade Union Congress. At this congress, these leaders re-affirmed their desire for trade union unity. Negotiations carried on during the congress between the British delegation and the Central Council! of the Russian trade unions resulted in a resolution being passed by the All-Russian Trade Union Congress calling for the formation of.an Anglo-Russian Unity Committee which would work for a closer alliance between the trade unions of Russia and Great Britain and also for the unity of the world trade union mvoement The significance of this step lies in the fact that the British trade unions form the basis of the Amsterdam Interna- tional and the Russian trade unions form the basis of the R. I. L. U., and as such the traitorous leadership of the Amsterdam can only fight against the convocation of a congress for the unifying of the trade union movement at the expense of a split with the British trade unions—in other words, a split with their main support in the European labor movement. The Movement for World Trade Union Unity Is unity of the trade union movement possible? The two trade union internationals, the Red International of Labor Unions and the Amsterdam International Federation of Trade Unions are separated by a deep gulf of principle and practice. On the one hand, the Amsterdamers have proven themselves to be agents of capitalism working within the labor movement, defenders of cap- italism who stand for unitywith the capitalist class. On the other hand, the R. I. L. U. stands for uncompromising warfare against capitalism. Amsterdam has unity with the capitalists to preserve capitalism, by sabotaging every struggle of the work- ing class against capitalism, while the R. I. L. U. works to de- stroy capitalism. In face of these fundamental differences, why is it that the R. I. Li. U. issues the slogan of trade union unity? The objective of the Communists is to win the masses from the-reformists for revolutionary struggle against capitalism and the unity of the trade unions will create a broader field in which the Commun- ists will work for winning the masses to the revolutionary ban- ner. The menace of the Dawes plan, fascism, imperialist war‘and the capitalist offensive on the workers’ standard of living can only. be combatted by a united front of all workers. For these reasons the R. I. L. U. has issued the slogan and taken practical steps towards effecting world trade union unity. Bolshevism Against Spilts in Trade Unions. The struggle for unity in the trade union movement flows logically from, the Bolshevik attitude towards the trade unions during the entire history of the Bolshevik Party. The Bolsheviks fought to preserve trade union unity not only when they were in the majority but also when they were in the minority in the trade unions. Prior to the November revolution, when the mensheviks were in the majority in the trade unions, the Bolsheviks combat- ted all splitting tendencies, considering it one of their major tasks if the proletarian revolution was to be successful, to win the ma- jority of the organized workers to the support of their policy. When the Bolsheviks won a majority in the trade unions, they likewise fought against all splits. The Communist International and the R. I. L. U fought con- sistently against. those misguided Communists who have from time to time raised the slogan of “Split the trade unions.” The kernel of Linin’s teaching on Communist work in the trade unions lies precisely in the necessity of preserving unity, fighting all secessionism and dual unionism, and working within the trade unions to win the majority for the revolutionary struggle. . Unity of the trade unions is a Bolshevik method of winning the masses. The passionate earnestness with which Lenin combatted all splitting of the trade unions in his pamphlet, “Left Wing Com- munism—An Infantile Sickness,” shows the importance given to trade union unity*by Lenin. Further, his statement that those munists who 1éave the trade unions give aid to the réformist bureaucrats by so doing, adds additional emphasis to Lenin’s view on the necessity of trade union unity. Lozovsky, in his pamphlet, “The Role of the Trade Unions in the Russian Revolution,” states that the revolution is impossible outside of or against the will of the trade unions. Since its organization the R. I. L. U. has raised the question of trade union unity on an international scale and in various countries has fought the Amsterdamers and their disruption of the trade union movement. An example of his occurred in 1921 when the R. I. L. U. offered as the price of unity of the French trade union movement the liquidation of the revolutionary frac- tions in the trade unions. This the Amsterdamers rejected, with the result that the trade unions of France were split in two. _ It is clear, therefore, that to the Communists trade union unity is not only necessary to preserve the standard of living and condi- tions of work of the working class, but is also a prerequisite for the winning of the masses for the world revolution. P Conditions for Unity. But, it will be objected, must not the Communists impose conditions upon the Amsterdamers in order to prevent Amsterdam swallowing the Communist trade unions in the event of Amster- dam having a majority if unity is affected? It will be said that the R. I. L. U. should insist that the unified trade union interna- tional must fight against the Dawes plan, against the capitalist offensive and against imperialist war. To put up these conditions is tantamount to rendering unity impossible, because the Amsterdamers will utterly refuse to break their alliance with capitalism. Therefore the R. I. L. U. makes | only one demand: The convening of a congress representative of all trade union workers, whether belonging to Amsterdam, the R. I. L. U., or to neither, in order to found a united trade union international. The R. I. L. U. wants unity of the working class irrespective of wherther Amsterdam has the majority and will lead the new trade union intérnational or not, knowing that unity | of the working class will lay the basis for a struggle against capitalism and create a broader field in which to carry on the | ideological struggle to win the workers for Communism. Amsterdam's Objections. On the contrary, the Amsterdamers impose conditions be- cause they are opposed to’ unity of the working class and. want unity with the capitalist class. For this reason the issuance of the slogan of world trade union unity by the Ril. LU. precipitated a campaign of vilification against the unity proposals. The most virulent campaign was led by the German trade union bureaucrats and the leaders of the German social-democrati¢ party against the R. I. L. U. unity proposals. In the Berlin Vorwarts, the reform- ists expressed their real opposition to world trade’ union unity when they demanded: Will this world congress demanded by the R. I. L. U. be formed by proportional representation? Will the new trade union international allow national autonomy for the trade unions? Will the new trade union international be inde- (Continued on page 7) \ { \ i