The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 14, 1925, Page 13

‘a The Movement for World Trade Union Unity (Continued from page 2.) pendent of all political parties? to preserve their standard of living and working conditions, but they have also prevented the seizure of power by the working Will the new international be} class, as, for instance, in Central Europe in the years 1918-19 and used only to better working conditions or for world revolution? |in Italy in 1920. ‘ And, as a last refuge, they sought to defend their alliance with That the Amsterdam leaders stoop to the futile argument the capitalists by saying that to break with the capitalists will|that to break with the capitalists will mean that no wage agree- mean that no voffes oh agreements could be made with the |ments can be made with the bosses shows that they are desper- bosses, and that all co-operation with the labor bureau of the |ately fighting against World trade union unity in order to preserve league of nations would be broken. Lozovsky Replies. ‘ To this the R. I. L. U. replied, thru Lozovsky in his speech at the Sixth All-Russian Trade Union Congress, that the R. I. L. U. proposed that the labor organizations be represented at the unity congress in proportion to their numbers and the R. I. L. U. would ‘combat any attempt of the Amsterdamers to limit the representa- tion to trade union bureaucrats appointed by the officialdoms. What the R. I. L. U. desired was the election of delegates repre- senting the workers in the shops and factories who really desire trade union unity. On the question of national autonomy, he pointed out that under the guise of national autonomy the Amster- damers had committed the blackest crimes against the working | Go class, since national autonomy had been utilized to break strikes in every country thru international scabbing. Thus British and French coal was used in 1922 against the coal miners of the United States on strike, and, vice versa, United States coal had been used against the miners of Great Britain and France to break their strikes. The new international would really be a co-ordinating center to bring international unity into the strug- gles of the workers against the capitalists. With an innocent air, these Amsterdamers pretend that “their” trade unions are independent of all political parties, but in thise countries in which they are not the backbone of the so- cial-democratic and labor parties and act as the handmaidens of capitalism, they are altogeher dependent on the capitalist parties, as in the United States. But what the Communists are advocat- ing is international trade union unity and have already declared that even though they are in the minority at the world congress, they will remain in the international, obey its discipline, and their unity with the capitalists. They conveniently overlook the vast difference between wage agreements forced on the bosses by the struggles of the workers and the voluntary entry of Amster- | dam leaders into capitalist governments to stifle working ¢lass revolt, and sabotage of even the most elementary struggles of the working class. They desperately fight against unity since they know that world trade union unity will lay the basis for a fight against capitalism which they will be forced to oppose to defend capitalism, and thus expose themselves to the mass of the organ- ized workers. To preserve their social standing, the alliance with the capitalist class is absolutely necessary for these leaders and they will betray every working class action to preserve it. At the Scarborough meeting of the British Trades Union ess the British trade unions definitely placed themselves in line with the Russian trade unions on the question of inter- national trade union unity. Up until that time the British lead- ers had held the idea that the entry of the Russian unions into the Amsterdam International would secure the unity desired. But the bitter antagonism of the right wing Amsterdam leaders (Jou- haux, Merrheim, Oudegeest, etc.) against having anything to do with the movement for unity or the Russian unions, has dis- illusioned the British unionists regarding the possibility of secur- ing the co-operation of Amsterdam in securing trade union unity. Today the British unions support the program of the Rus- sian unions on the unity question: To secure world trade union unity by an all-inclusive international federation of trade unions. This can be achieved thru an international congress of represen- tatives of the workers from the factories, shops, mines and unions irrespective of whether they belong to Amsterdam, the R. I. L. v. or neither of them. The Anglo-Russian Unity Committee, composed of official lay their program before the workers and let the working class | representatives of the British and Russian. Unions is the center of decide whose program and tactics are right—the R. I. L. U. and|the world movement for unity. The Norwegian Federation of the method of the class struggle, or Amsterdam and co-operation | Lab with the capitalists at the expense of the workers. Amsterdam Wants Unity with Bosses. or has gone on record for affiliation to the Anglo-Russian Unity Committee. The reactionary trade union officials denounc hi; - ‘The opposition of the Amsterdamers to the trade unions men + nae iene, mobilizing the working class for the abolition of the wage sys- tem is expressed in their demand that the trade unions shall be used only to. better working conditions and not for the over- e unions have done neither one nor- the other. » Not ese leaders sabotaged the struggles of the workers CHICAGO WORKERS’ SCHOOL Outline for Study Class in “Capital” Volume 1. ers the tr: only have throw of ed lon but under the leadership of the,Amsterdam- Course to run thru three semesters Fourth Week: Section 4. Pages t for unity, the capitalists and their press are bitterly attack- ing it. The agents of the bosses in the trade union movement are mobilized to maintain the divisions in the ranks of the trade convene eee a a resistence of the workers against the of capital. ose who stand for unity are for, the, inter- ‘ests Of the WorKers:’'THdse who oppose unity are aiding the cap- italists. 2 ee ei ae Some Impressions from the Donetz (Continued from page 6) Basin in a manner beneficial to the pre- of eight weeks each: Instructor—Earl Browder. Course covers Parts I, II, and III of Volume 1, beginning at page 41 and concluding at page 331. “Commodities and Money,” “The Transformation of Money into Capi- tal” and “The Production of Absolute Surplus Value” are the three basic subjects dealt with during the course. All students entering this course must give satisfactory evidence that they have obtained a fair grasp of the elements of Communism and Marxian economics. The course will include outside reading and the pre- paration of written pages for each les- son besides the regular work in the class itself. * 28 Outline for first semester, Nov. 15 to January 15. Part I, Chapters 1, 2, and 3; pages 41 to 146. First Week: Organization of class, Chapter I, section 1. Pages 41-48. Commodities: The two factors of a commodity. Use value and value. The substance of value and the magnitude of value, Second Week: Sections 2 and 3 (to sub-head 3) pages 48-63. Two-fold character of labor in commodities. Form of value or exchange value. Relative and equivalent forms. Rela- tive form of value. Its nature, and import. Quantitative determination eal ‘Week: Section 3. (to con- clusion of section) pages 64-81. The}: eS ee ee portant that this course be given | experiences of the Russian miners is present as we will soon have to|not that we shall endeavor to patch form of value. The expanded relative money form. The money form, 81-96. The Fetishism of commodities. | °Y ¢ workers in other countries and Fifth Week: 96-106. Exchange, Chapter If. Pages| ** ® Consequence they are ready and willing, when necessary, to make still Sixth Week: Chapter III to Section| ™°T@ ®@¢rifices in safeguarding their 2. Pages 106-116, Money. The meas-| 2474 Won gains and in extending a ure of values. helping hand to the international Seventh Week: Section 2 to sub-| Y°T*ing class. section c. Pages 116-139. The medi- The question before the British min- um of circulation. Metamorphosis of | ers is, “How can we benefit from a commodities, The currency of money. knowledge of Eighth Week: clusion of section. Pages 140-146. the past and present ex- Section 2 to con-| periences of the Russian miners?” Coins and symbols of value. Review ET us remember first of all that of semester work. Outside and Supplementary: As- signment and recommendations to be made by instructor. Marx’s Critique of Political Economy to page 162 should be studied as a earlier elaboration of material covered during this ter. His Poverty of Philoso also be used occasionally. Herman Cahn’s amples given are more up-to-date and American in terminology. Young Workers Class for Correspondents Meets on Saturday advantages similar to those en- joyed by the Russian miners are only possible after the last remnants of capitalism and exploitation have been destroyed and the proletariat have captured power. In the midst of the Semes-| present crisis in Britain we have phy can} many elements, even in our own ranks that would gladly help us to forget Capital Today! this fundamental truth. Those ele- should be referred to, since the ex-| ments led by Hodges and other lead- ers who aim at bettering the condi- tions of the miners by persuading the | government and the coal owners to reorganize the coal industry along more scientific lines xre simply aim- ing at perfecting the machine that is already responsible for our present deplorable conditions. Instinctively we know that the application of sci- Bean ate enter e ence to industry has meant greater of the Young Workers’ League in New York will take place Saturday, profits for the owners, but more dan- gers and more degrading conditions Nov. 14, at 4 p. m,, at 108 B. 14th St. for miners. Further improvements in This will be a very interesting class + ob this direction will inevitably mean more ruthless exploitation and weak- issuing factory papers, wall.pa-|up a decaying system. Our task lies pers and what’s more, our comrades | in emulating the Russian workers and will have to make the Young Worker| peasants im our struggle for power a young workers’ paper by writ-]only after that has been gained, can ing for it. Make sure to be on time. | we hope to apply science to industry ducer. _ the present crisis our duty is clear, Let us take a different stand on the principles of no longer hours and a living Wage for the min- ers, and above all, let us make the necessary preparations to insure that our fight will be a class fight round definite class issues. Only by acting in this manner will we be able to show our appreciation. Lip service to these achievements is so much humbug, unless we are prepared first of all to follow the example set, In our present crisis we must for- — sake, once and for all, the paths of | class collaboration that have so often brought defeat. Let us present our demands and struggle determinedly for their attainment, refusing to coun- tenance all attempts at side tracking. By this means and only by this means . will we pay our tributes and earn the esteem of the Russian working class and their achievements. Russian Labor’s Tasks Twenty Years Ago (Continued from page 1) where possible, be preserved. One wave is followed A ther. The capital follé6w8’ tha provinces. The Border States are followed by the heart ofRus- | sia, the proletariat by the town petty bourgeoisie, the town by the village. The defeat of the reactionary government is un- avoidable in the face of its wide- ly divergent tasks. Upon our preparations for the spring 1906 depends to a great extent the issue of the first phase of the great Russian revolution. :