The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 3, 1925, Page 12

a eng ry —— o a — . — The Gomintern Letter to the Communist Party of Germany (Continued from page 2.) At the present juncture the most important task of the speedily and energe significant symptom Otcurring of late months is the rising resistance among broad masses of the workers against the “western orientation,” that is, against the going over of the bour- geoisie to the side of the entente im- perialists, against the leadership of the Second International, and the orientation of these working masses towards Soviet Russia, and—if by roundabout ways—to proletarian re- volution. Without overestimating the significance and speed of this process of development, the party must ac- cord these new symptoms a place in the center of its attention, follow their development with the utmost care, and take them into account at every step in practical politics. Everything depends upon the in- creased recruiting powers of the party. In dealing with the masses of social democratic workers now tend- ing to the left, the party must find new formulas, another tone, fresh ma- terial for agitation. It must be thoro- ly informed upon all events in the -camp.of the social democrats, and must) make a special study of the lo- cal conditions in the various districts, sub-districtsy and local groups, in or- der to influence them by our agita- tion. The masses of social democra- tie workers now turning away, from their counter-revolutionary leaders, and beginning slowly and hesitating- ly, but incontestably, to turn towards proletarian revolution, must be made to feel that the Communist Party is really a party of the workers, a party which fights tenaciously for the work- ers’ interests, for their partial de- mands, for their daily needs, a party which does not regard the workers merely as an object for agitation, but as class brothers, and which is sin- cerely endeayoring to form the prole- pate oc 5a in the class strug- sles “4 ; A LL other political steps undertak- en by the party must be made trom the standpoint of this main task. Above all, our parliamentary work must be carried on with this stand- point in view. On every occasion and with reference to every political ques- tion, we must seek to find the plat- form from which the party can speak to the masses of the workers in the trade unions and among the social democrats, to the end that they may be won over for class war. This is the light in which we must place all the questions of the security pact, of the league of nations, of the trade ogreements, credits, tariffs, taxation, housing _ policy, etc. . At the same time the combatting of the monarchist danger, the strug- gle against class legislation, the fight for a complete amnesty, etc., must be combined with the daily economic wage and labor struggles of the pro- letariat. In order really to find access to the best section of the German social democratic workers, the fight must be taken up against those excesses which originate from the time when the struggle was carried out with the weapons in hand. The greatest dam- age is caused to the working class when, for instance, mutual fighting is indulged in between Communists and social democrats (at meetings, among the youth, etc.) which are taking place even today and for which the social democrats are responsible, al- tho the Communists also are not free from blame. Such fights are wel- comed by the counter-revolutionary leaders of the German social democ- racy and these leaders, of course, con- sciously incite such a struggle. The Communists must take up the initia- tive in order finally, to put an end to such things, which of course, pre- suppose the good will of the social democratic workers. NE must understand how to dis- tinguish not only in words but in deeds, between the counter-revolu- tionary social democratic leaders and cular our factory newspapers (wall newspapers, etc.) must know how to conduct the agitation against the criminal policy of the soclal democra: tio leaders, so that every social de- mocratio worker in the _ factory or workshop in question feels that ho, the worker at the bench, the simple representative elected to the factory council is regarded differently from the high “Barmat” leader, who in par- liament sells the worker again and again. The real change of policy in this respect which will be perceived by all workers, will be accomplished, when the party concentrates all its forces upon increasing our trade union work. The social democratic party of Germany must be beaten by our trade union work. The red unit- ed front must be formed by our trade union work. The party, and its trade union frac- tions must carry on a wide scale agi- tation in all unions, local branches re- garding the visit of the first German workers’ delegation to Soviet Russia. This visit must awaken a powerful response in the whole of the German labor movement. HE urgent desire for unity felt by the workers must be crystallized as speedily as possible by the deve- lopment of a left wing in the trade unions, after the pattern of the Eng- lish"labor movement. This is the next step forward to be taken by the Gér- man Party in the German and inter- national unity movement. The great movement for the unity of the trade unions will win over the broadest masses, and will bring a fresh influx of members into the free trade unicns, if the Communist Party becomes the driving foree for trade union unity. The Communists must learn to do their best, most energetic, and con- crete work in the trade union; they must prove to the non-party and so- cial democratic trade union members, by means of object lessons, that they are able, in their character_as Bol- shevists, to be -activer.. union members at ‘the same timer “This means a number of fresh tasks for our fractions in the trade unions. Real penetration into trade union life, in- tense study of economic and _ politi- cal relations (the formations of trusts, rise and fall of economic prosperity, situation in various branches of in- dustry, peculiarities of certain spheres of economics, etc.), the working out of a clear and competent tariff and social policy, the leading of labor struggles, especially the strategy of the strike, the adoption of a definite standpoint with regard to all organ- ization questions arising in the trade unions, the struggle for the industrial unions, the accordance of special con- sideration to the role and tasks of the shop stewards, the emphasizing of the interests of juvenile workers with- in the trade unions, the safeguarding of the interests of the female work- ers, etc. The organization of a competent trade union department in the central of the German C. P. must afford the work the fundamental task of the party. carrying out of our work in the trade unions implies a determined iW § | 5 E Fs : 2, A real and absolutely consist- ent reorganization on the basis of the factory nucled, 3, The organizatory comprehen- sion and firm establishment of Com- munist influetice in all non4arty la bor organizations, above all in the trade unions, but at the same time in the mass organization which are being formed among the proletariat. HE] realization of an active con- nection between the leaders and the members of the party demands the abolition of super-centralization, and the employment of fresh forces not only in the central, but in all the leading organs of the party, especial- ly among the district leaders; it fur- ther demands the guarantee of col- lective work in the entire member- ship, and the closest co-operation with the Comintern, Co-operation with the Comintern is the more necessary that it enables the party to be enriched by the experi- ences gained by the whole Interna- tional. Besides the reform of the inner party course, and the reorganization on the basis of the factory cells, an- other factor of greatest importance is the rapid development of a system of realy Bolshevist party fractions, cap- able of practical work on their own initiative, in every workers’ organiza- tion, without exception, in which there are Communists. This task is by no means confined to the trade unions, but applies equally to all other non-party mass organizations, wheth- er these have already existed for a long time, or whether they are just be- ing formed. The Red Front Fighters’ League affords the best example of the new formation of proletarian mass organizations on the basis of the fight- ing experiences of the German prole- tariat. The rapid adaptation of the party to such organizations (sport associations, tenants’ league, free thinkers’ league, Red women’s league, etc.), and making use of the same for strengthening trade union work, are necessary. ' MONG the errors and defects of the leadership of the German C. P., not the least is their completely wrong policy with reference to the young Communist league of Germany. The numerical weakness and the dif- ficulties experienced by the Youth League in Germany are to be explain- ed to a considerable extent by the fact that the party has done next to noth- ing to aid the Youth League to attain a very much higher standard. The main cause of the weakness of the German Youth League lies, however, in the fact that up to recently it has trod the same wrong path which the party has been led by its leaders, and has shared all the errors of the party. It is thus the more significant that at the tenth party conference only the youth openly and to the end defended the proposals of the Comin- tern. This is a certain symptom that the youth has already begun to choose the right path for itself, without the aid of the party, and even in spite of the resistance made by the party leaders. Therefore, the attitude of the representatives of the party lead- ers towards the youth was quite in- admissable ag it found expression in the obstruction at the party confer- ence, and the subsequent “pressure” put upon the tentral committee of the Youth Communist League of Ger- many. The party must understand the fact that the adoption of such an attitude with regard to the’ Young Communist League is capable of de- stroying the whole of the Commun- ist work which has been done among the youthful workers; this work is, however, one of the most important prerequisites for the real Bolsheviza- tion of the party. The organizations of the rural and city petty bourgeoisie require the spe- cial attention of the party. At the same time the necessary+steps must be taken in Germany towards the practical realization of a Leninist peasant policy in Germany. The party must mobilize the tncreasing discon- tent of the petty bourgeoisie and the peasantry in the questions relating to revaluation, trade agreements, cred- its, taxation, and tariffs, for the pur- pose of a common struggle against the big bourgeoisie (Communist frac- tion work in the revaluation and ten- ants’ asseciations, thé arginization of the vintners, small holderd, ténant | farmers, etc.). Te parliamentary work done by the party in the whole country, in the provinces, and in the muntcipall: ties, must be conducted in the aiain front from the point of view of pro: moting our work in the mass orgar- izations. For this an indispensable prerequisite is the closest co-opera- tion between the parliamentary frao- tions and the Communist fractions fn the trade unions, etc. The party must not forget for a moment that serious right and wultra- left dangers still continue to exist in its ranks. Mechanical measures how- eyer, do not afford any safeguard against these dangers, but solely a broad, thoro system of enlightening and educative work carried out by the party, penetrating down to the last member,’ and comprising every organization and cell, The ideological overcoming of all errors in the spheres of practice and theory is best accomplished by means of the permea- tion of the party with the principles of Leninism and of the Comintern, by means of the application of these principles to the actual conditions ob- taining ii Germany and by means of the practical party tasks arising out of this application. This work of inner party propagan- da must be consciously commenced by a broad campaign of enlighten- ment among the whole of the mem- bers, explaining the necessity and the political import of the present dis- cussion. 7. Why Must the Change by Made in the Party Precisely Now, and Why Must the Change be Rapid? M‘4X* party comrades will ask why the change in the leadership of the German.C. P. hag become so “sud- denly” necessary; in reality, however, it is not a matter of differences which “suddenly” arose between the execy- tive and the Ruth Fischer group. It is rather a question of differences which have existed during the whole course of the last eighteen months, and which have become more and more acute until the present state of affairs, entirely intolerable for the “party and for the International has been reached. The executive has warned the leading group more than once against the continuation of their deviations. As early as the session of the enlarged executive the Russian delegation informed the German dele- gation under the lead of Ruth Fischer, after days of serious consultation, that the continuation of the wrong inner party course hitherto pursued would render a severe conflict inevit- able. The representatives of the ex- ecutive in Germany pointed out again and again the deviations and errors of the above mentioned group. But all advice and earnest comrade-like ~ warnings remained without effect. Up to the last the executive has sought to avoid the breaking out of an open conflict and the resulting necessary organizatory méasures. It was sole- ly for this reason that the executive confined itself to negotiations with the leading group in the party cen- tral, and refrained, in the hope of regaining sound conditions by these means, from submitting the accumu- lating antagonism to the organiza- tions and members of the party. We have attempted to convince the group Maslow-Ruth Fischer of its errors by means of educational methods and comrade-like co-operation. Despite our misgivings we avoided an open conflict, in order that we might throw no difficulties in the way of the Ger- man left, with whose political line the executive has solidarized more than once, at a moment when it was un-° dertaking a severe struggle against the right and ultra-left deviations in the German C, P. This necessary step has been rend- ered easier for us by the” circum- stance that within the left of the Ger- man Party the center of a powerful opposition has been formed against the system of the Comrades Maslow- Ruth Fischer. The Berlin party con- ference, and the events immediately (Continued on page 7) nannies ii) a