The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 18, 1925, Page 6

eae "Tailoring Company, resorted to raiding the Amalgamated head- Page Six _ THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER | Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO i 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. Phone Monroe 4412 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago énly): By mail (outside of Chicago) $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months [| ; $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address al! mail and make out checks to | THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Illinois J, LOUIS WILLIAM F. DUNN fen MORITZ J. LOEB....... Entered as second-class mail Séptember 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Lil, under the act of March 3, 1879. | Editors | | Business Manager | =e 20 Advertising rates on application. | Judge Lyle and the Amalgamated According to American law those accused of crime are assumed to be innocent until they are proven guilty. This, however, is only “an assumption. It is one of those handy fictions that are used to fool the workers into believing that they are equal with the capitalists before the law. As a-matter of fact the workers are always assumed to be guilty whether they are proven innocent or not, in the eyes of the capital- ists and their retainers. Judge Lyle proved this a few days ago, when he referred to the members of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers who were brought before him by Lieutenant Grady, as “criminals.” He immediately assumed that every charge made against them by Grady was true, In Placing the exorbitant bail of $105,000 on Patsy de Rosa, an Amal- gamated member. Lyle proved conclusively that he considers the Amalgamated Clothing Workers a criminal conspiracy against the eapitalist system in general and against the International Tailoring| *t¢"d8 for, and endeavors to defend eompnay in particular. Had a capitalist been brot into court on the flimsy charges framed up by Mike Grady, former boon companion of the Dean @Bannion gangsters, it is quite likely that Grady would experience another one of his frequent suspensions. faked-up evidence that he used against the members of the Amalga- mated Clothing Workers? By simply going to Ray Reeder of the) Should and can wine It pipe to International Tailoring Company and taking that open shopper’s| °Y°"* comrade how much. stronger How did Grady get the; To the Central Executive Committee | of the Workers Party of America, EAR Comrades: During the visit of the representatives of your Party to Moscow we held with them a consultation on the immediate tasks of the Workers Party in the sphere of organization and the methods of the! carrying ont the decision of the} Plenunt as expressed:in the Theses of | | Comrade Zinoviev on Bolshevization | | in the Section dealing with the duties | of the Workers Party, the second | point of which (the decision) states “to fuse the na- | that it is neces tional sections of the party into a real united party.” The conclusion ar-j} | rived at in our consultations on this | question was unanimously agreed to by all present. | We observe with great satisfaction | that the Workers Party has recently been achieving undoubted successes | in its political activities, Neverthe- it may be safely said that these es would have been greater if the Workers Party possessed a proper | Organizational structure. Every mem- ber of the Workers Party ware that there is no party or political or- | ganization in the United States, apart | from.the Workers arty, which really the interests of all toilers. Neverthe- less, every member of the Workers Party will admit that this party—the ers—is ‘still far from having received from the majority of the workers, the interests of whom it is out to defend, that recognition which the party ws ‘importance: ‘ a party have, what part can jt play in the po- litical life of the country, if its deci- sions remain only i paper, are not carried into effect, ‘an _ assert.no in: finence on real affairs?’ The party must know how to act, counti: ig upon the whole of its membership and the help of its organs, For that purpose its organization must be a united and centralized one. If its organs and members act in an isolated way, each after its own fashion, it is hopeless to expect useful and «lesirable results. Moreover, the party, must be able to bring the masses into the movement, which demands that; its structure should be such that its organs can mass of the workers, exert influence ever them, organize them for the struggle, guide their organizations and also introduce the decisions and slo- gans of the party inté.those organiza- tions. ab The present organizational struc- ture of the Workers .Party is not adapted to these reqnirements. Those advantages which centralized activity bring a working class, party are ab- sent in the Workers Party. It does not even possess @ real single guiding party center capable of directing the activities of the party as a whole, nor does unity prevail im its ranks. A party of the working ¢lass can, if it has a centralized party organization, simultanéous . lay duties. upon the only party of the workers and farm- | Whole. party and direct the whole of its forces towards putting them into effect. The result is a situation in which the party is able to carry out its policy firmly, uniformly, and with- out distortion, in all parts of the coun- would be the position of the Ameri- word as gospel. Grady did not care whether Reeder was telling the! can workers and farmers if they fol- truth or not. He had at least one powerful motive for making the lowed the Workers Party and if the raid on the Amalgamated, outside of his chronic willingness to do| imfiuence of the latter were the domi- any dirty work that will bring. him money, | Grady spent months in “exile” becanse of his connection with| the high-jacking ventures of the late gangster Dean O’Bannion. Dean! was also a political ally of state attorney, Robert E. Crowe. Note, | how this interlocking directorate of gangsters, capitalists, police, judges and states attorney works! Grady was recently suspended for getting mixed up in a drunken brawl in Colosimo’s Cafe, in the notorious red light district, where the Johnny Torrio booze and vice ring make their headquarters. Lieutenant Grady just got back on the force thru political influence a few hours before he raided the Amalgamated headquarters. Grady’s brother is a representative in the Tllinois assembly. 4 #t is on the word of a man with such a shady reputation as Lieutenant Grady that Judge Lyle held sixteen trades unionists in heavy bail and one on a $105,000 bond. Judge Lyle is playing up tg the big business elements and is working hand in hand with the police department. Thednternational quarters owing to its failure to secure an injunction preventing pick- eting. They could not find any legal means to prevent picketing which is not forbidden by the Illinois state laws. The arrested men are held in the detective bureau contrary to} law. Judge Lyle knew this. He also knew of Grady’s shady record. | Yet he showed his colors by blurting out: “I am confident that some of those who are before me are guilty of slugging, and if I could indentify them, I would send them to jail for five years.” . hus spoke the capitalist judge. And yet there are workers who still believe that they can secure justice under capitalism. They cannot. Jndge Lyle is. only one of thousands of his kind. | He is a servant of the capitalists of Chicago. He is there to do their work. And he does it. He is class conscious. Judge Lyle| would not vote for a Communist candidate for office, because he knows the Communists are out to serve the working class. Unfor-| tunately the workers are not as class conscious as Judge Lyle. If they were, a capitalist mayor would not be in the city hall. A cap-| italist. chief of police would not have charge*of the armed forces) of the city and capitalist judges would not be on the bench to send, trades unionists to jail. The trade union movement of Chicago must fight side by side with the Amalgamated in this struggle. The Chicago Federation of Labor should take.action. Every local union in the city should let Judge Lyle know what they think of his action in putting a union man on the same level as the high jacking gangsters, that Lieuten- ant Mike Grady protects occasionally. A Renegade Squeals nating factor in the movement of the masses. Therefore, every member of the Workers Party should ask him- self the question, what in reality is preventing his party from gaining that influence? ROVIDED the policy of the party is a correct one it may be safely said that one of the chief reasons for such a state of affairs lies in the defects of the organizational structure of the Workers Party, which are greater than in any other party and therefore affect it to a greater extent than other par- ties. It canndt be denied that it will be extremely difficult for the party to consolidate its successes, and that the extension and interpretation of its po- litical influence will be hampered very considerably both in respect of em- bracing by bur agitation the Wide sec- tions of the Workers and farmers who are still outside’ our influence and by winning Over those workers from other mdss’ organizations which our enemies still hold firmly in their grasp, as well as in the protection of our movement’ from possible destruc- tion by the bourgeoisie, if our party does not posses a well-constructed or- ganization. Thijs consideration, in our opinion places before the Workers Party, with gréater insistence than ever before thé question of a correct organizational structure. For a party of the working class a proper structure is, first and foremost, a guarantee that its decision will be carried into effect by all its organs and members. try and in all organizations in which the party has its members, and, in fact, everywhere where the members of the party come into contact with the non-party workers and peasants. The federal structure:of the Workers Party stands in the way of such a sue- cessful conduct of itswork. Each of ts 17 national sections represents al- most a separate and independent party within the Workers Party, enjoying lation to the leading organ, the Cen- have their own districttown, and na- tional bureaus; theyysummon their own conferences and-tellect their own membership contributions. The fun- damental organizational. requirement of a party defending the interests of the whole working class, namely, that the decisions of the leading party or- gans should be earried>out by all the party organizations, isxto a large ex- tent dependent in the Workers Party on whether the national:organizations are willing or not, tagcarry out the corresponding decisions: of the supe- rior party bodies, Thenefore, unlike a centralized party; the Workers Party as it is at present constituted, is not | @ party of united action. The party members of the various national sec- {tions are not fused together into one | whole, but divided amang themselves. They do not discuss questions inter- esting all the workersyand the whole party. They live the exclusive life of their own national minority, or of its working class section;.s0 isolated from the American workers that they even do not sufficiently know the direct in- terests of the whole working class of the United States. As a result, in- stead of unity of actionpinstead of gen- eral decisions which would unite and { Zat penetrate deeply into the non-party’ a large portion of independence in re- | tral Committee. The National, Sections | SESE re eeeoeenermee «on The Reorgani consolidate the party, digorganization and differences inevitably arise in the course of its work. F course, we do not for a moment believe that this state of affairs exists because the various national sections desire it, or that it is not in any way due to objective causes and the past development of the party. It is also clear that the absolutely essen- tial reorganization of the Workers Party, with a view to centralization, cannot be at once accomplished upon the mere orders of the Central’ Com- mittee. It is quite natural that in so nationally diversified a party as the American party centralization cannot be as easily achieved as in some other working class parties, But the ab- normality of the present situation must be made clear to every member of the Workers Party whatever na- tional section he belongs to. It is necessary that every member of the Workers Party fully realize the abso- lute necessity for centralization,. the actual harmfulness of the present di- visions in the ranks of the party, and tedlize the part which national sec: tions ought to play, in such a party like the American party, If that is achieved, then whatever the difficulty which the task of reorganization may encounter,. their solution will be pos- sible. The beginnings of the reorganiza- tion above referred to are already to be found in the successes achieved in the work of the existing factory nuclei in the Workers Party. It is essential that the formation of these nuclei should be vigorously proceeded with, a task which according to the DAILY WORKER has already been well begun. The factory nucleus is the best organizational method of unit- ing comrades belonging to different contact with the working class masses. i Therefore, the work of properly or- complished by the organization. of fac- tory nuelei. The party should also make it its duty to form street’ nuclei. In these nuclei the national factor will | no longer count, too. We will ‘not dwell here on the question as to how | the factory and street nuclei* should be formed, since that question is dealt with in special instructions and reso- lutions, from which you may. obtain all necéssary information. We would only refer to one fact . which, we learned from the reports in, the DAILY WORKER on the work. of the factory nuclei. In these reports the names of active comrades are openly mentioned, and facts are cited which may assist the employers ij repressive measures against e mem- bers of the nuclei. We desire to draw your attention to the fact that, a, nu- cleus, without isolating itself trom the non-party workers and clerical. em- ployes ought so to conduct its, work as not to permit the employer,.or his agents to see how the nucleus js, work- ing or to ascertain who its members are. The activities of a nucleus, must be concealed from the eyes,-of, the enemy and yet kep close to the work- ing class masses (see our letters of December 6, 1923, No. 1313, and Janu- ary 10, 1925, No. 490 on this subject). NOTHER essential step in the re- organization of the party ‘should be the creation of united party com- mittees in all towns and urban dis- tricts,"which would unite under their ion of the . _ LETTER TO THE C. E, C. FROM THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL afi! nationalities and bringing them into} . | district delegates elected at the dis- ganizing the party will be best ac-} taking | leadership all the members of the party residing in the given town or town-district, independent of nation- ality. The town and town district committees which according to your delegation, exist in New York and its districts, cannot meet the demands of a centralized party, since they, in fact, do not guide the party work; the work is not carried out in the various na- tional groups according to the instruc- tions of the New York, town or district committees. But the, situation is still worse in other towns where there are not town district committees, and where there is no sign of united party work, since if the national groups re- ceive its instructions at all regarding party work, it is‘only from the bureau of their own national’ section. While devoting every possible atten- tion to the creation of nuclei, the party must also make it its aim to set up district and town party commit- tees. In the town distriet—into which the large towh must be divided, if | that has not already been done—| meetings must “be summoned of all the members of the nuclei already tormed and from all the national sroups still existing in the given town- district. If the riumber of members in such a district is too large to make it feasible to summon a general meet- ing,’ a town district conference may be summoned instead consisting of delegates from all the nuclei and the still existing national and other sroups of the given district. At the! district meeting, or conference, a sin- | gle town district committee for ail the national groups or nuclei should | be elected to.carry out.all the work of the district. Town committees should be elected in a similar way in small towns, where it is not advisable to} mark off town district. In very large ‘towns, sucli as New York, Boston, Chi- cago, etc., the town committee should be elected at the conference of towr trict meetings or conference. Some remark should be made con- cerning the election of town district committees and the town committees ; in small towns. ‘E must make one, very important observation regarding the compo- sition of town district and town com- mittees. They must not be federal bodies, or, so to peak, coordinating bodies, or, so to speak, co-ordi gards -himself as the representative of “his” national group and believes his tasks to be to defend the interests of “his own” national organization. Therefore during the preparations for summoning and conducting the elec- toral meeting (or conference) it must be clearly emphasized that at the meeting the participants must regard themselves as members of a united party and not as representatives of national sections, and that questions, { even those which concern their sec- tions, can only, and will only, be con- sidered from the point of view of the’ Workers Part ? ) national sections, so that the future committee should be guaranteed con- tact with them, This remark applies also to the elections to the Central Committee. It is equally important for the rule should be adopted that where factory nuclei already exist their representa- tives should unconditionally be elect- ed to the party committees, and in numbers guaranteeing the influence of the factory nuclei in the affairs and work of the given party organization, If the factgry nuclei are already suffi- cient numeYous, their representatives must ‘be given the majority of the party committees. P i ¢ IHMIRDLY, it is equally important to: bear in mind the necessity-of arranging the general meetings of the nuclei, ‘the: party meetings, the con- ferences and the meetings of the party organs, (committees, etc.) in such a way.that, ‘the comrade belonging to the various national groups should be j able to.take part in the meetings, themselves speaking and understand- ing everything that is said—in a word thaf they should feel no inconventence from ‘the fact that they know no lan- guage but their own. To that end it is essential that at all meetings where comrades from different na- tional groups attend there should be translators, they should be so organ- ized as to hamper the proceedings of the meeting as little as possible. One more remark regarding the size of the town districts. In certain towns the town districts are inordinately large both as regards territory and the number of inhabitants. For in- stance, in New York, Brooklyn, which has a population of two million, is re- garded as a single town district. Of course, it is impossible to cover and be of service to Brooklyn without dividing it up. In determining the size of districts the possibiltes of help- ing them must be borne in mind. It should also be borne in mind that the town districts must coincide with the muncipality, or unite within their ter- ritory several municipalities wards, without breaking them up, When the Workers Party in. the towns adopts the system of town dis- trict and town party committees com- mon to all nationalities it well already be possible to some extent to carry into effect the decisions of the lead- ing party centers thruout the whole organization, from top to‘ bottom and to carry them into the factories, work- shops and other undertakings. The question of district committees and organizations will then be solved with less difficulty. a The, election of town district and town committees—which can be pro- ceded with even before nuclei have been formed in the majority of the factoyies—is, after the formation of nuclei, the second radical step towards the re-formation of the federal-nation- al organization of the Workers Party. whole party. ‘Similarly, the lists of candidates for the district and town committees must not be drawn up on the principle of proportional national representation. In the election to the committee, one must consider the ca- pacity of the comrades elected to guide the party organization, and the condidates must therefore be put for- ward only on INDIVIDUAL considera- tions, Nevertheless, the candidates should be selected from all the large The Communist International, in its recent decision on the controversy within our party, has been clear and definite in its determined stand against Lore and Loreism. It has called upon both leading groups in the party to unite to combat this tendency and its leaders. The Parity Commission has reiterated the state- When Paul Smith, the paid disrupter of the American neaiate| TH 8 and demands of the Comintern. | tion of Labor, went to work in Minneapolis to oust the Communists out of the Trades and Labor Assembly, he promised the rapk and | file that ‘once the hated reds were elimitated, the employers would take to the unions like a brown bear to her cubs. But Smith’s prom- ise has not been fulfiled. The employers had the best of the bargain. The employers ‘knew what they were about and so did Paul Smith.. They knew that once’ the Communists were eliminated the militancy would evapo- rate from the assembly like water out of a kettle on a fire. Not content with getting rid of the Communists, the employers are now howling for the scalps of the renegades who dropped their ‘progressive camouflage at the first signal of danger to their meal tickets. , The employers are now branding the renegades as reds. This is positively unfair, ery the renegades. It is giving the labor move- ment of Minneayolis a bad name, they whine. Communists believe in the class struggle whiie the, renegades believe in co-operation with the employers, } The renegades are willing to do anything that is feqnired of them. But the employers are sugpicious. They prefer the old reliable frauds who never stayed from feed bag. There is nothing hurts a@ traitor’s feeling so much as arn that the price of his treachery is not forthcoming. y _ _ Striking wor..« are eriminals in the columns of the capitalist press. Yet the workers support the capitalist press! Why not sup- port the DAILY WORKER that helps you i nyour fight? The “socialsits,” of course, join the Johnston machine in the In- ternational Association of Machinists, in its attack-on the militants. That was to be expecter } to aaa Nie ee The struggle against Lore and Lore- ism becomes therefore the task of all leading elements in the party, and must be undertaken by the member- ship in every section of the party. In our young movement, first hewing out its leadership and cementing its ranks on the basis of Leninism, this is a vitally necessary task. The Bol- shevization and unification of our par- ty depends upon it. on this issue can be tolerated. The problem of the struggle against Lore and Loreism, while it exists for the entire party, is particularly im- portant in New York. This is the seat of Loreism in the party, mani- festing itself in the Volkszeitung and the German Bureau, in the Jewish Federation, in the needle trades group, and in some important English branches. It is here, where the lead- ing figures of the Lore group carry on their activity, that the fight is concentrated. It js here that the sin- cerity, firmness, and determination/ot the majority and minority ups in the struggle against i ican best be tested. ovnaddy, t The minority in New York have been loud in their'verbal protestations af opposition to Lorets: With great oratory, they have declared their in- tention, in speeches, of rooting out all rempants of the 2% Internaional tendency in our party, An examina- tion of. their resent agtivity, however, sey No compromise | j establishes the fact that the minority is not'sincere in its struggle, and is in actualit} tending to sabotage the attempts of the party to eradicate | Loreism from our ranks. We had several instances of this before the decision of the Parity Com- | mission was made. Comrade Gitlow’s | needle trades resolution, by which the | opportunist group in the needle trades was given indirect support and en- {couraged in their fight against the Cc. E. C., is a case in point. Equally so is the defense of Comrade Poyntz by the minority, their attempts to | shield her from the,attacks of the C. E. C. as @ militant leader of Lore- ism, shown by their: introduction esoluiions turning the attack again: oyntz into an attack agains| Cc. E. C. But the most conclusive proof has been given in the elections | for delegates to the New York Dis- trict Convention, got Here was the acid test of the good faith of both majority and minority groups in their struggle against, Loreism. And while the majority group has in sey- eral instances repudiated such action, the minority of New, York has made deals with the Lore group for election purposes in important branches, has actively furthered such alliances wher- ever possible in order to obtain sup- port’ for their candidates. The aim of the minority is to cap- ture the party convention at all costs. As one young comrade of the minority stated—and he was y expressing the views of ti lows—“We have o1 3 defeat the majority. All pre justified to that end.” In of this aim, | ‘The minority have | New York their mise with Loreisi 0 n \gnore Loreism where it suits their [-ends, to cons: 0 wink at alli- How Not To Fight Loreism - ances with outstanding Loreites where such guarantees the election of their delegates to the convention. A number of cases can be cited. In the Jéwish Harlem branch the mi- nority and Lore groups had a common slate, and the votes of minority lead- ers of that branch elected Salzman, the leader of the Lore group in the Jewish Federation. Comrade Lifshitz local minority leader, was present at the meeting, supervising the alliance. In the English Harlem branch, Com- | rade Amter, minority leader, entered | into an alliance with Comrade Poyntz, designated by the Parity Commission as a Loreite to be combatted, result- in the election, by the common votes of both groups, of two minority comrades and one Loreite, the latter of whom has ‘severely criticized the C. E, C. for its fight against Poyntz and Lore, ¥ In the Jewish Bronx branch No. 1, the minority and Lore groups brought in a common slate, including three representatives of each faction. One of the Loreites on the slate has heen consistently fighting the C. E. C, policy in the needle trades and suports the opportunism of our comrades there. But she received the vote of every mi- nority comrade in the branch. These instances of election deals— and others can be given—definitely demonstrate that the minority in New- York is not carrying out the decision of the Comintern and the Parity Com- mission to wage an organizational and ideological struggle against Loreism. The minority, who have been put on the defensive by these acts, seek to justify themselves by giving the Lore- ites with whom they have united clean bills of health, them to be “good commun! atise they stat- ed they were no longer Loreites and | were ready to su the minority. Here we must point out a special | problem faced by Communist parties in | their struggle against the right wing. | When the Communist International attacks the social democratic groups in the Communist movement, when it | begins a campaign against the right wing forces within our ranks, that is a signal for a sudden wholesale deser- tion of this group by some of its lead- ing followers: Those who have for years, perhaps, been consistent sup- Porters of the’ right wing tendencies are overnight changed into “Comin- tern Bolsheviks.” Communists, how- ever, must beware of “pape nd “speech” desertions from the ranks of the right wing, must guard against such lightning changes brought about under the stress of special circum- stances. We must carefully search beneath superficial declarations, Such changes, a more disciplined and con- scious acceptance of the Communist line, must always be welcomed; but they are to be #één,‘not in eleventh hour election stdtements, but in ‘ac. tions, in policies. When, on the eye of election’ of delegates to the party, convention, statements rennpiatig their former connection are made, by such com- rades as Saltzman and Poyntz, who have been among the staunchest sup- porters of Loreism, these cannot be accepted as made in good faith. And when the minority in New York ac- cepts such statements as justification for their alliances, we must declare this to be an ‘evasion of the decision of the Comintern, Nor can the boasted fight of the minority against Lote himself be their defense, For the struggle inst the Two-and-One-Half International ide- ‘ology in our Avi t a struggle against Lore only. It 18 a ‘struggle against Lore and Loreism—against nas a or 2 etait With the growth of the nuclei the na- tional organizations will cease to be tne fundamental part of struc- ae and will begin to play a different Tole, ‘To be continued. (To be continued.) oO ' If you want to thoroughly un. derstand Communism—study it. Send for a catalogue of all Com- munist literature, "By Rebecca Grech. not only the leading representative of this group, but against the ten- dencies represented by this comrade wherever they manifest themselves in the party. Were Lore alone the dan- ger in the party, the whole matter could be easily settled. But the grave danger to our movement lies in the penetration of Loreism into the various sections of the party, in our political and’ industrial work, and in the ac- tivity of leading followers of Lore thruout our ranks. Not only Lore himself must be combatted,’ but Lore- ism and the followers of Lore. Any attempt to whitewash the leading Loreites means to give Loreism a new lease of life in the party, We cannot conveniently shove the entire question of Loreism into the office. of the Volkszeitung and the German bureau, and then proceed to make. deals with prominent tes in other sections of the party. struggle against Lore must. proceed on all fronts, The election alliance made by ‘the minority group in New York with the Lore group carries with it W dangerous significance. In effect, it means a denial of the existence of the Lore tendency and the Loré group in the party, Ih spells the liq of the struggle against Loreism in our ranks, ; This must be unequivocally demned as against the decision of the Communist Intrnational. The New York membership must repudiate such deals, must emphatically declare tnem to be acts of disloyalty to the Comintern, They must declare to the minority that oratory at membership meetings and articles in the press -are not in themselves indications of determination to wage the struggle against Loreism, but that conorete ac- tions will be considered, and upon them final judgement will reaf 5 a