The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 12, 1925, Page 6

og ' Page Six : CRE EE THE DAILY WORKER. 5 Sila lant sea te ne Saas Publishod by the DAILY WORKHR PUBLISHING 00. 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, ML. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: $3.50... % months Ve .00...8 months By mail (in Chicago only ‘ $4.50....6 months $2.50...8 months $6.00 per year 68.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. ~ J, LOUIS ENGDAHL } WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB. Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879, <p 20 Chicago, Hlinele woe tore mine Business Manager Advertising rates op application Morgan “Organizes” Miners The organization of a company union by the Morgan merger interests in the West Virginia coal fields, a scab organization headed by an ex- district official of the United Mine Workers, throws light on what course this new and gigantic indus- trial combination will follow in its relations with the workers it employs. It shows further that the so-called Rockefeller plan launched by the Standard Oil controlled Colo-; rado Fuel and Iron company after its massacre of coal miners at Ludlow in the 1913 strike is to be tried out on a larger scale. Industrial feudalism accompanied by wholesale murder of miners and their families have given to the steel trust and its West Virginia coal com- pany subsidiaries much unwelcome publicity. The gullible “public” will now be told that the kindhearted company has allowed the miners to Pittsburgh Machinists and C.P.P.A,. The Westinghouse local union of machinists, working in one of the gigantic plants of this power- ful industrial corporation, located in Pittsburgh, the stronghold of the steel trust, has endorsed a resolution denouncing the class collaboration pol- icy of the conference for progressive political ac- tion, headed by William Johnston, president of the International Association of Machinists. The reso- lution urged the adoption of the Workers Party program, The resolution failed of endorsement at the Pitsburgh district council of machinists by only one vote—the chairman casting the deciding ballot. In this influential section of the machinists’ union, right on Johnston’s doorstep, is class-con- scious opposition to his scheme of betrayal. The action of the Pittsburgh machinists comes on the eve of the Chicago C. P. P. A. conference, showing that the efforts of the Workers Communist) Party in exposing this organization as another weapon of capitalism against the workers have been suc- cessful. Scab Creameries and Counter- Revolution In Los Angeles the socialist Daily Forward car- ries an advertisement of a scab creamery which is on the unfair list of the Labor Council of that city. In New York it slanders Communists and boosts Abramovich, the enemy of Soviet Russia, of the Communist International and the social revolution thruout the world. Is there a connection between these two incidents three thousand miles apart? We'll say there is. The Forward is the foe of the have a union and that everything is lovely except | working class. It represents the middle-class busi- that labor union and “red” agitators are attempt-| nessmen, the lawyers and other professional groups ing to corrupt “our well-paid, loyal and contented employes.” We can expect now another flood of “Poison Ivy” Lee publicity such as followed the initiation of the Rockefeller plan in Colorado. Our reports from West Virginia show that it is going to be much harder to fool the miners than it is the “public.” Most of them are going to keep the old rifles in working order, even tho they are forced into the company union for a time. The Boiling War-Pot News from London is that the coming conference of the admiralty board, at which the report of Ad- miral Fisher on his inspection tour of British-pos- sessions will be heard, will adopt a plan for a huge Pacific fleet as a further strengthening of British “{nfluence” in the Far Hast that was begun with the project of a huge naval base at Singapore. The British press is very frank—an unusual thing in the public discussion of the imperialist adventures of the British ruling class which is gen- erally “saving” some backward people from domi- nation by other than the Anglo-Saxons who bring only sweetness and light into the lives of the darker-skinned masses—see India and the Sudan. It is pointed out by the British pressmen, as journalists are termed in dear old London, that the destruction of the German fleet makes it possible for Britain to utilize her own navy to greater ad- vantage in the Far East. It is not hard to read between the lines the in- tention of British imperialism to make its greatest bid for power in China, where it is already in eon- flict with American, Japanese and French im- perialist interests. We recommend a careful read- ing from now on of the British imperialist press to the social-pacifist elements who were so enthu- siastic over the Washington disarmament confer- ence. In connection with the new naval plans of the British government the recent announcements of the semi-official French press are of great im- portance. We commented on them a few days ago and quoted its statement to the effect that the French government must choose now what power or powers it will support in the Far East. All opinions like those cited are bubbles break- ing over the rim of the imperialist war-pot. It boils more noisily each day. . ao, . Zinovieu’s Warning Zinoviev, in a recent conference of the Russian Communist Party, warned of the danger of a new offensive against Soviet Russia. He pointed out that British imperialism fates two great dangers: 1. The volcanic situation in. the Far Kast— threatened loss of British control in China, revolt in India, ete. 2.. The growing revolutionary sentiment and or- ganization among the British working class as a result of economic demoralization and the activity of the British Communist Party. Zinoviev reached the conclusion that Great Britain would not wait for an explosion at home or in the Far East, but would start war on Soviet Russia thru Poland or Roumania and perhaps would use both vassal nations. Since the delivery of this speech dispatches tell of renewed military activity in Poland—the speed- ing up of munition factories, concentration of forces on the Russian frontier, ete. In a war of this kind Great Britain, in spite of the deadly rivalry existing between her and the United States, would have the full support of our ruling class. Every eftert would be made to enlist the sympathies of the working class in America for the crushing of Communism at home and tbroad. The Workers (Communist) Party must be ready, a —the crumb+ -gatherers from the table of capitalism. Support of a scab creamery and counter-revolu- tion are not so far apart as Los Angeles and New York. Not Quite Correct. A Washington correspondent who should know better attributes much of the difficulty of the postal workers to the alleged fact that President Green of the American Fedevation of Labor is not yet well acquainted with the capitalist party leaders in the house and senate. Py Our opinion is that the better the acquaintance of labor leaders’ with capitalist politicians the worse off are the workers by whom the labor lead- ers are paid. The friendly and fraternal atmosphere which prevails around the American Federation head- quarters and ‘the congressional and senatorial chambers whenever labor leaders and capitalist politicians meet, is‘one good reason why the labor movement is principally an organization which, like the Naples beggar, always goes with knee crooked and hat in hand. Green is not useless to the postal workers be- cause he does not: know Washington, bat because he knows it too well. Forgery As an Imperialist Method. The skulking duplicity revealed by the alteration in the text of the Paris pact, made before it was submitted to the senate, eliminating the word “treaty” as far as possible, reveals a condition of affairs in the Morgan-Hughes state department as rotten as anything in the czar’s pre-war diplomacy and comparable with the forgery of the famous—or infamous—telegram by Bismarck just preceding the Franco-Prussian war. The Paris pact is so dangerous to the American masses, its obligation to collect by force the Ger- man reparations in the event of revolution or other reasons for default so certain, that none of those engaged in putting it across dare to admit its full meaning or even to face the little group of middle-class politicians in the senate with a truth- ful statement of its far-reaching provisions. American imperialism and its agents have been caught with the goods. They have been found flirting with forgery as an alternate course to fight- ing for their murderous and greedy schemes in the open. The whole incident is just about the best evi- dence yet disclosed of the way in which the lives of millions of workers are staked in the game of international finance, diplomacy and war. Some day the American Soviet government will publish doeuments, now hidden in the archives of the ‘state department, that will be even more en- lightening. With 50,000 unemployed in Cleveland, there ought to be a powerful unemployed council in the Ohio metropolis. The organization drive starts Tuesday night. It should make rapid headway. The so-called “baroness,” Olga Wrangel, has de- parted for other scenes of activity. No announce- ment of funds raised in Chicago for the counter- revolutionary activities of her husband has, been made, Evidently she didn’t get very much, The “socialist,” Abramovich, is reported as the next antiSovietist scheduled to visit this city, The Locomotive Engineers’ Journal has a lengthy eulogy of William Green in its latest number. To understand the meaning of this°new conciliatory attitude towards the American Federation of Labor it should be remembered that the Engineers’ Brotherhood is in very bad with the United Mine Workers because of its ownership of scab mines in West Virgitia. Reactionary ‘abot fofficialdom has its own diplomatic methods" _ THE DAILY WORKER Sixty Thousand Rebels to Fight Lewis The sixty-six eadabend votes “al. lowed” the left wing slate according to the official tabulation by the Lewis bureaucracy in the recent United Mine Workérs’ election for Interna- tional officials is a tremendous victory for the Trade Union Educational League and the Workers (Commun- ist) Party and the militants in the United Mine Workers, The full significance of this event can be grasped only in the light of the following: (1) The Lewis gang, “counted” the ballots which means that many thous- ands of votes cast for, the left wing found their way to the Lewis column. (2) The Lewis gang has full posses- sion of the union. apparatus which means unlimited funds to spend on se- curing votes for the afficialdom, and dozens of “organizer$” to flood doubt- ful districts to “fix things” during the election, (3) In districts 18 (Alberta) and 14 (Kansas) the left wing district slates were ruled off the ballot. In Kansas Alex Howat was nominated by 90 per cent of the locals, and every ballot on which Howat’s name had been “written in” was thrown out. In Al- berta the yellow scamp, Sherman, de- clared his clique elected by acclama- tion after debarring the left wing can- didates. (4) Together with these advant- ages of the Lewis officialdom there goes the blacklisting of militants, stealing and faking of ballots (as in Illinois), the support of all the local republican and democratic “bosses” and the bootleggers with their “mule.” (5) The expulsion from the union of such outstanding militants as Howat, Duncan McDonald, Jim McLachlan and Tom Myerscough which made it impossible for the left wing slate to contain the names of these well- known militants. (6) None of the left wing candi- dates were known outside of their dis- tricts and were unable to tour the other districts. 2 (7) The left wing campaign was limited to the distribution of leaflets. The only paper that supported the Factory Nuclei Re-organization - Ata didcunsastian which took place recently in a commission, appoint- ed by the Communist International regarding the question of the re-or- ganization of the Communist Par- ties, the English ¢dmrades pointed out the special difficulties with which the reorganization of the party would meet in Great Britain. To the objections faised by our British comrades, Comrade Piat- nitzky, chairman of the organiza- tion bureau of the Comintern, re- plied as follows (the report of this speech of Comrade Piatnitzky is given by Comrade Pollit, who took part in the meeting): #o THOROLY understand the difficul- ties which the British comrades have raised; but I ask, comrades: is the fundamental principle of factory nuclei right? Is it possible to pic- ture a really energetic Communist Party, the foundations of which are not in the factories and works? We all know that this is impossible. For this reason we must not let the difi- culties of this reorganization be an excuse for doing nothing at all. We must not worry because this work cannot be carried out in one night; what we must be clear about, is that we must begin at once with the reor- ganization of the factory nuclei. In spite of all diffuclties we must have the, will power to start the work. Even if only three members are em- ployed in one factory they must form themselves into a factory nucleus. N Russia the party had greater diffi- culties than anywhere else, and yet we have accomplished our task. In one respect perhaps it was easier for us than for you...The separation between political and,trade union ac- tivity which exists in,other countries, and which is respon: for your hay- ing to fight against both parliament- ary and trade union bureaucracy, has campaign being the ‘pary ‘WORKER. In spite of this even the Lewis’ tellers are forced to admit that the left wing polled over 66,000 votes. And these votes were’ cast against the Lewis policy and for the Progressive Miners’ Committee policy—for class struggle as against class collabora- tion. This event marks the birth of a con- scious revolutionary movement in the United Mine Workers, not based upon adherence to the magnetic personality of some popular leader, but upon the acceptance of the Progressive Miners’ Committee program of militant strug- gle against the operators, Voted for Left Program, The mobilization of this vote was the work of the revolutionaries scat- tered thruout the United Mine Work- ers. They fought against a machine built by John Mitchell at the begin- ning of the century and perfected by White, Lewis and Green. Poverty stricken and tied to the mines these rebels nevertheless achieved this mass repudiation of the Lewis policy be- cause their program supplies the ans- wer to the problems confronting the miners at every turn. To cure unemployment, prevent wage cutting because of competition from non-union fields, and prevent the operators sabotaging the wages and conditions in union districts the Lewis officialdom advances the pol- icy: Throw 200,000 miners out of the industry as a step toward “deflation” —no breaking of “sacred” contracts even tho the operators smash them to pieces. To the miners the Progressive Min- ers’ Committee says: Nationalization of the mines, take the mines out of the hands of the exploiters; an alli- ance with the railroad workers in preparation for an offensive on the bosses; international unity of all miners to prevent international scab- bing during strikes. Thus the issue is clearly joined. The Lewis policy means continued un- employment, breaking of rates and working conditions by the operators; smashing of strikes called to make the operators live up to agreements never existed in Russia. Our work was always political and never di- vided into different sections. You will however admit, that under the czarist regime we had greater difficulties to overcome than those which you bring forward. ‘ACTORY-NUCLEI /are also neces- sary to prevent the party consist- dng only of leaders who have lost all actual contact with the masses. The leaders who arise from the factory- nuclei prevent the party taking any action which does not correspond to the instinctive demands of the masses. easily form the foundation of factory councils. ‘HEN there are less than three Communist members in one fac- tory they must try to find sympathiz- ers in order to found a factory- nucles. The duty of these factory-nuclei is to interest themselves in all that con- cerns the workers, not only in the works themselves but in the trade un- ions, the proletariat parties and the co-operative societies, F the members are not in any fac- tory, street-nuclei must be organ- ized. In long streets they may, if nec- essary, be organized according to blocks of houses. The factory-nuclei must of course work secretly. Never- theless they must develop their ac- tivities in'such a way that, altho the heads of the factories know nothing about them, the workmen in the fac- tory in question know that there is a sroup of their colleagues which repre- sent their interests. ‘HIS group must distribute the party literature and, if possible, issue a factory. paper, even if they only write or type it. I would again point out that by means of the fac- tory-nuclei, the leading organizations are kept in constant contact with the masses, and that thus digressions from the right way are avoided. Two These factory-nuclei may |S PO SARAHB NS ARMOR PA LA Ra ene ranecnmnernaornte omtaeuaroumun Nuit ies signed by Lewls himself; and the con- tinual encroachments of the non-un- ion flelds upon the union districts. The left wing program lays out a strategical line which will lead to great achievements for the miners and the entire working class, It breaks with the Lewis policy of con- tinuous betrayal and kowtowing to the bosses; it opens up a path by means of which the miners can fight the-bosses. This program is practical and leads to action, both defensive and offensive. , On the basis of this sixty-six thous- and miners lined'‘up against Lewis and declared themselves for a policy of class edged PRE What is the nex! gle against the capitalist agents in the United Mine Wotkers? Plainly: The crystallization of this militant force of sixty-six thousand miners into a defi- nite organization to wrest the United Mine Workers. from the hands of Lewis, and to give leadership every day to the miners at every turn in their struggles. How can this be accomplished? / Thru the policy of the Trade Union Educational League and the Workers (Communist) Party. Thru the patient building of left wing groups of all militant miners. Thru rendering the vague and confused revolt against the Lewis policy of betrayal into crystal- clear class conscious understanding of the Communist policy of class strug- gle in the mining industry. Thru the propagation and organization of mine committee control of the union as fore- shadowed in the General Grievance Committees of the anthracite miners in their recent. struggle. And, most important-of all, the strengthening of the Workers (Communist) Party in the mine fields, without which the struggle of the miners against their betrayers will lack leadership and di- rection. These tasks fall upon the shoulders of the militants and Communists in the United Mine Workers. Only if the Communists abdicate their roles of leaders of the rank and file can examples will prove this to you: In 1917 the Moscow district committee ofour party leartied that Petrograd workers were fighting in the streets of} ‘Petrograd. The intellectuals among. the district leaders wished to call’ out ‘the Moscow workers to street fighting at once. But those members of the district committee | who-Came direct from the factory- nuclei, said: yot ready for it otherwise we should these sixty-six thousand miners be lulled to sleep instead of becoming an organized force which will deal with the operators and their office boys in the International Executive Board of the United Mine Workers. + B. | Indlanapolls Next Battle, The next practical objective toward which the militant forces of the min- ers must be directed in their struggle against Lewis and Co. is the coming International convention in January, 1926, This convention is the battle- ground for another great struggle be- tween the revolutionary forces and the reactionary Lewis machine. The practical organization work must go on to prepare the left wing forces for this coming battle. It is not enough that left wingers be elect. ed to the convention—they must also be organized so that they can act in a disciplined manner against Lewis and Co. In the past the left wing has been defeated at International conventions thru lack of organization. In 1922 and again in 1924 the outstanding fail- ure of the left wing forces in the con- vention was their lack of. co-ordina- tion in policy and discipline in action against the officialdom. This cannot be allowed to happen in 1926. The coming convention should reg- ister such an overwhelming opposi- tion to Lewis and his gang that the entire labor movement will realize that Lewis maintains his position in the union by thug rule, by every kind of trickery and flouting of the de- sires of the membership. The forces for administering this trouncing to the Lewis gang consist of the thousands of miners who sup- ported the left wing program against Lewis. They will really fight Lewis only if the militants and Communists boldly take up the task og organizing these militants into a battering ram for the destruction of Lewisism in the United Mine Workers. The next great encounter with Lewis will take place at Indianapolis —there the Communist-led left wing must put Lewis and his bureaucracy on the run. By G. PIATNITZKY with the masses and possessed their confidence. Our party is a revolution- ary party. We must break away from thé old social democratic ideas and methods. You know in what they consist: In the division between parli- amentary and trade union action. Look at the example of the German social democratic party! In 1903 the trade union leaders were in favor of No, the workers are not |a general strike in order to carry thru their demands, whereas the parlia- have recognized it already from their |mentary leaders were opposed to it. speeches! Let us organize an ordin- ary demonstration, so that we may » how many workers take part in it,/and then we shall have an idea of the strength of the will to fight of the workers. “was the right policy: The demonstration was not successful and showed-that a much more intens- ive propaganda was necessary, Had the proposal of the intellectuals been carried, the insurrection would have been crushed immediately. OU know what happened in Ger- many in the autumn of 1923. The fact that the party was found wanting was a blow to the whole International. The central committee was in no way in touch with the masses. The Chem- nitz conference, from which decisive resolutions were expected, was no conference of workers from the fac- tories, but a conference of party func- tionaries. You know the result: de- feat and retreat, The true feeling of the masses found expression in Ham- burg, where the workers actually fought in the streets. WOULD point out that it was only thru our factory-nuclei that we in Russia arived at the achievement of our work, before and after the Octo- ber revolution, How do you imagine that it has been possible for us so successfully to defend the revolution in all its varying phases? Only be- cause we were in the closest contact In 1906, the parliamentary leaders de- manded a.general strike, whilst the trade union leaders refused it. NEED not call your attention to the dissension and the jealousy which exist between the general council of the English Trade Union Congress and the leaders of the labor party. Is it not easy to ses how the workers are thus split and their fighting spirit weakened? NE word more. Every comrade should take every work of the party into consideration: It is bad when MacManus is regarded only as @ politician and Pollitt only as a trade unionist. Every member of the party ;| should attempt to carry thru any work of the party. Work as one party, think as one party, always be ready to carry thru the party policy to the uttermost when it has once been de- cided upon. Our party is a political party, it is fighting for the conquest of political power. No member is in too high a position to carry thru the party resolutions or to sulanit to the party discipline. Try to distribute the work over as large an area us pos- sible, set to work with loyalty and en- thusiasm, and in a short time you will see that the party has become a real political factor in England, and) you will soon discover that the de | mand for a daily paper in England 1 not a mere sentiment. Tho masses will put’ pressure upon you to compel | you to create one. “Don Quixote” !in Music. By ALFRED V, FRANKENSTEIN. Hard on the heels ‘of Pavlowa’s per- formance of the ballet “Don Quixote” by Minkus, came the performance last Friday and Saturday of the symphonic poem “Don Quixote,” by Richard Strauss. It was played by the Chi- cago Symphony Orchestra at rang tra Hall, Strauss’ work is called “Don. Quix- ote—Fantastic Variations on a Theme of Knightly Character/’ The program of it concerns the Don who becomes insane thru the reading of books of chivalry. A theme tm the solo ‘cello represents the Don thruout, a simple tune sometimes in a-olo viola, some- times in the bass ¢larinet or tenor tuba, represents Sangp Panza. The eleven variations 07 theme tell how the Don fights windmills, the sheep, the monks the pilgrims, how he quarrels with Sancho Panza 4 \ and stands guard all alone one night chine as an orchestral instrument, while Sancho sleeps, how the two im- agine they are riding thru the air on wooden horses, how they ride in “en- chanted” boats, how Quixote fights the knight of the white shield, recoy- ers his sanity, and finally dies in his bed. The Strauss music overwhelms one with its richness of orchestral color, the novelty of some of the effects, and, withal the braininess of it, There is an imitation in the second variation of the bleating of sheep that is a stroke of genius. Another re- markable effect is the;way in which a slow down-scale passage depicts the lazy motion of the windmills, Strauss has discovered new color in old in- struments in this “too, for ex- ample the peculiar! lercing and Powerful’ upper tonési of. the ‘tenor tuba. Perhaps the mpst unusual of all fs bis wee of a theatrical wind-ma- ‘What oné carries away is an im- pression of the cleverness, the ingenu- ity, the résouréétulness of the man. While the musi¢'of’Franck, Chausson, Musorgski, is the music of great souls, the orchestral works of Richard Strauss are concepts of a great brain, Strauss was surrounded by Handel and Wagner. The program opened with a Hondel concerto for string or- chestra and closed with Wagner's “Siedfried Idyll” and the finale of the opera “Slegfried.”" The “Idyll” was composed to celebtate “the birth of Wagner's son. It. isa beautiful, pas- toral sort of thing, very, ghtly, bullt up on the tives of pence, sleop, and —— song, all from “Siegfried,” and sp _German nurs- ery air, The finale of “ankdsher 1s on the stago, an unendurably tedious scene. Bernard Shaw calls it a lapse = i ae music drama into opera, which is a confused way of saying is is a lapse from grand opera into opera not so grand. But in this orchestral version it is quite bearable, due, perhaps to the fact that Mr. Stock may have wielded the judicious blue pencil. Siegfried comes thru the fire, sees Brunhilde, awakens her, and there, follows the world’s longest love duet, during which the motives ot ec fate have an important part. But i is on a significant combination of motives of Siegfried the hero and th ride of the Valkyries that the scene, closes. Between the Age of | 31% and 85 For further particulars look 9d p ppsiryeiggesc yf Meet vel press agent ” ‘ ORKER, DAILY W' ‘By Tom Bell.