The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 12, 1925, Page 4

Page Four RED-BAITING CROOK GIVEN THE RASPBERRY Rather Tough on Fink Agency Patron Found guilty of conspiracy to extort under threat and this by Chicago's favorite big business judge is the in- gratitude experienced by the city’s most successful hunter of red radicals. Maclay Hoyne, the state’s attorney who sent 19 Communists to prison, the man who personally congratulated Chicago and the entire country on his own, efforts to check assaults on pri- vate property, the lawyer oozing with respect for the law and the constitu- tion, this model of the vociferously respectable patriot, is a liar, a bully, an extorter of helpless woman, a con- spirator against property and the con- stitution—if one is to believe Denis Sullivan, Chicago's most vicious anti- labor injunction judge. Sullivan now orders Hoyne and his fellow conspirator, Fred A. Burton, a coal operator for whom Hoyne is at- torney to restore coal mines and se- curities worth almost half a million dollars to an aged farmer and to a housewife from whom the property was extorted by threats of arrest, ex- posure and other pressure. The judge specifically states that the defendant did not seem to feel bound to respect the constitutional rights of either the old man or the struggling woman who had to defend her gravely ill husband against the sharpers. Hoyne will ap- peal. Crook on Property Rights Hoyne starred as a defender of the constitution when he ordered the IIli- nois red raids early in 1920, in which Lloyd and 34 others were indicted. After the conviction of the radicals of conspiracy to overthrow the govern- ment Hoyne issued a statement which reads a bit queer in view of his own subsequent career and conviction: “These defendants and those as- sociated with them,” Hoyne declared four and a half years ago, “had two sinful objects, one the seizure of priv- ite property without due process of law or compensation, the other the overthrow of the consiitution.” He predicted that the conviction would “ring throughout Chicago and the country.” It {s ringing, but with the phony sound of a lead half-dollar. Hoyne’s THE DAILY WORKER Leninism or Trotskyism (Continued from last issue) The War Period. Then came the war, rightly desig- nated by Lenin as an event of world historical importance in the life of humanity, and as the greatest test of international socialism, rendering ap- parent the impassable chasm between opportunism and revolutionary Com- munism. The moment came when everyone had to show his colors. The moment came when all vacillation had to cease once and for all, and when a definite end had to be put to whatj Lenin termed inferior diplomacy, the diplomacy of having one’ foot in each camp. But did this really come about? Did the war induce Comrade Trotsky to break once and for all with oppor- tunism and support of thé right, and to renounce the role of defender and disguise for the mensheviki, in which role he had been exposed for ten years by Comrade Lenin? Since the time when Comrade Trot- sky entered our party, serving it well, and thereby adding many glorious pages to the history of his own life and to the history of the party, we have not considered it possible to en- ter into this question, But when he takes it upon himself to falsify the history and the ideas of Bolshevism, when he attempts to appropriate to himself the ideology of the party, when he endeavors to supplant Lenin- ism by Trotskyism in the ideology of the Russian and international prole- tariat, then he himself forces us to put this question. Did the war actually separate Trot- sky from the opportunists? Did the “inferior diplomacy” cease in the face of these great events? Not at all. Just as Comrade Trotsky contrived to combine an arch-revolutionary “left” phrase with co-operation with the mensheviki in 1905, in the same manner he managed to combine his internationalism during the war with the support of opportunism. 1915 As early as the summer of 1915, Lenin wrote as follows: “In a reactionary war, the revolu- tionary class is bound to desire the defeat of its government. This is an axiom, contested only by the con- scious adherents or unskilled assist- ants of social democracy. Trot- sky belongs to these last. “Trotsky, who as usual does not agree in principle with the social dem- ocrats on any single question, coin- cides with them in every question in actual practice. . % “Martov and Trotsky are anxious to combine the platonic defense in in- ternationalism with the unconditional demand for unity with the Nasha Sar- red raids proved too expensive for the|4* (Our Dawn), with the organization bankers and business men, it was ru-| C°OMmittee (central committee of the mored, when reports that $40,000 had been raised privately for the prosecu- tions, some of it finding its way into mensheviki), or with the Tscheidze fraction.” At the end of 1915, Lenin wrote: “In reality, Trotsky is supporting the Thiel detective agency’s pockets, | the liberal politicians of Russia, who, were ventilated in gossip. He failed | by their disavowal of the role played of re-election and since then has gone| by the peasantry, really mean that the way of many a public patriot for | they do not wish to raise the peasant- private profit. AS WE SEE IT By T. J. O'FLAHERTY. (Continued from page 1) called a conference to see what could be done about it. se N America the president would ap- point a dozen politicians who would have a good time, spend a lot of mon- ey, make a report and go their way satisfied that they had inscribed their names on a government document. Under the czar, wherever the peas- ants were allowed to participate in -any public function, only the heads of the families went. The Soviet author- ities want every member of the fa- mfly who is able to participate in such proceedings to take part. eee INFORTUNATELY the Soviet gov- ermment is obliged to rely on many functionaries who- held posi- tions under the czar's government and who have not yet changed their mental outlook. These officials have been guilty of arbitrary acts, and ab- stentions from the elections have been caused by the high handed actions of some of those officials. In the future, the provincial and county electoral commission will henceforth consist of five instead of three persons, two of whom must be representatives from the organization of poor peasants, cal- led the Nezamozkniki, The town elec- toral commission must also consist of five persons, one of whom must re- present the Red Army, one the local trade unions and one is to be elected by a delegate meeting of women work- ers. Will our American organizations fighting, or talking about equality for women please take notice? oe ‘HE UNION SOVIET REVIEW commenting on the congress writes: “The problem before the authorities, is how to stamp out in the shortest possible time the old ezarist evils of bureaucracy, itfcom- petence, bribery, etc.” This is a ser- jous problem but it will be solved. The alliance between the peasantry and the workers on which the dic- tatorehip of the proletariat is based is ry to-revolution.” Again: . “Trotsky, and the company of for- eign fiunkeys of opportunism, are do- ing their utmost to patch up the dif- ferences, and to save the opportunism of Nascha Sarja group by the defense and praise of the Tscheidze fraction.” 1916. At the beginning of 1916: “The powerless diplomatists, and such preachers of compromise as Kautsky in Germany, Longuet in France, and Martov in Russia, are most harmful to the labor movement, for they defend the fiction of unity and thus prevent the real and matur- ed alliance of the opposition of all countries, the founding of the Third International.” In March, 1916: “And Trotsky? He is entirely in favor of the right of self determina- tion, but for him this is merely an empty phrase, since he does not de- mand separation of the nation op- pressed by the ‘fatherland’ of the so- cialists in any given case. He pre- serves silence on the hypocrisy of Kautsky and his followers.” In October 1916, just twelve months before our October: “However good the intentions of Martov and Trotsky may be subject- ively, they are none the less aiding Russian social imperialism by their complaisance.” In December, 1916: “As early as the year 1902, Hobson recognized not only the significance of the ‘United States of Europe’ (Kaut- sky's disciple, Trotsky, may take cog- nisance of this), but also the signifi- cance of a fact which the sanctimoni- ous followers of Kautsky in every country are anxious to conceal: ‘that the opportunists (social chauvinists) - co-operating with the imperial urgeoisie for the creation of an imperialist Europe sup; on the shoulders of Asia and Pi We One of the conclusions which we have drawn from this is the neces- sity of separation from gocial chau- vinism.” , | " 1917. On Feb. 17, 1917. (February, 1917!) “The name of Trotsky signifies: Left phraseology and bloc with the right against the aim of the left!” Six weeks after the February revo- lution, on March 7, 1917, Lenin wrote: “In my opinion, the matter of the greatest importance at the present juncture is not foolish attempts at a ‘coming to an understanding,’ on the lines projected by Trotsky & Co., with the social patriots or with the even working satisfactorily tho not without| more dangerous elements of the or- occasional hitches. There is no ab-| ganization committee type (menshe- solute peace this side of the grave.|viki), but to continue the work of our The Russian peasants are as neces-| party in a logical international spirit.” sary to the industrial proletariat, at this stage of economic development | ™uSt not be omitted here: as the city workers are to the peas- antry. Together they will solve their problems and present a united front There is one important point which During the whole of this period Comrade Trotsky was a decided adversary of the “Zimmerwald Left,” whose leader was Lenin, and which formed the the robber bourgeoisie the enemies | germ of the Third Jnternational. The Third wo of both, t was not born only 64-PAGE PAMPHLET ON LENINISM OR TROTSKYISM NOW IN PREPARATION This installment is part of a pam- phlet“Leninism or Trotzkyism” now in preparation. It includes articles by three outstanding figures in the Russian Communist Party: G. Zinoviev, |. Stalin and C. Kamen- ev, to form a most timely and im- portant contribution to a discussion of world interest. The pamphlet will be of 64 pages, selling at 20 cents and will be ready at the con- clusion of this serial publication. of the struggle against Scheidemann, Vandervelde, and their like, it origin- atetd and grew in strength at the same time in the struggle against the Zimmerwald “center,” against Kaut- sky and Trotsky. The practical policy of this center was as follows: No final rupture with the Second Interna- tional, no founding of the Third Inter- national, the aims striven for by Len- in as head of the Zimmerwald left. Lenin never altered his character- ization and opinion of the line taken by Comrade Trotsky, either at the time when the tide of revolution was at its highest, or at the time of its lowest ebb. No Leninist taking the name seri- ously can admit even the thought that Comrade Lenin, in thus systematically revealing Comrade Trotsky’s stand- point for so many years in sugcession was influenced by any individual mo- tives, In his systematic and impas- sioned fight against Trotskyism, Com- rade Lenin was solely influenced by the fact that he saw in Trotskyism a certain cugrent hostile to the ideol- ogy and the organization of the Bol- shevist Party; a current which in act- ual practice served the ends of men: shevism. As Comrade Lenin. would say, it is comparatively easy to combat menshe- vism, for its open and consisent anti- proletarian character, obviously liber- al in essentials, is at once comprehend ed by only slightly experienced work- ers and is thus rejected by the work- ers. It is more needful to combat the concealed forms of menshevism, ttiose forms which clothe opportunist policy in left revolutionary phraseology, the form which adapts menshevism to the revolutionary feeling of the masses. Those who fight against us with open visor are not our sole enemies, we have another foe in that group which disguises the efforts of open enemies by means of revolutionary phrases, and furthers the cause of the enemies of the party by exploiting the confid- ence felt in these phrases. Lenin merely formulated the rela- tions to Trotskyism, characteristic for the whole Bolshevist Party, altho Comrade Trotsky succeeded at times, in especially difficult moments in the life of the party, in drawing some few Bolsheviki over to him, if only for a brief period, by means of his phrases and inferior diplomacy. 1. Comrade Trotsky Enters the Party. The above described relations be- tween Bolshevism .and Trofskyism were characterized by Comrade Trot- sky himself in the words: “I came to Lenin fighting.” This phrase not only evidences a desire to win approbation, but it is very well expressed. Com- rade Trotsky is a master of, elegant phraseology. But the matter in ques- tion is unfortunately much too serious in character to be settled by a well turned sentence. ‘ In the first place this phrase is not strictly accurate, and in the second Place\it is calculated to carry away the reader by its beauty and to con- ceal Comrade Trotsky’s real thoughts. This elegant phrase is a piece of hyp- ocricy. Is it then really true that the whole history of Trotsky’s attitude as we have followed it here from 1903 till 1917, can be characterized by these words of his: “I came to Lenin fight- ing”? Trotsky is apparently’ extrem + ly satisfied with the history of his re-| lations to Bolshevism; at least he wrote in his book: “The New Course,” which appeared a few months ago: “I do not consider that the road by which I reached Lenin is any less suitable or certain than other roads.” For Trotsky this is very reassuring. But is it possible for the party, with- out deceiving itself, to regard the road upon which Trotsky reached our party as suitable or certain? If this. road really was a “road to Lenin,” then every one time menshevik and social revolutionist, of whom there are not a few in our party, can make use of Trotsky’s words and declare: “In re- ality I was not a menshevik or social revolutionist, I was merely making my way, fighting, to Bolshevism.” One thing at least is evident: the party cannot recommend anybody to take Trotsky’s road to Bolshevism, The comrades who have come over to us from other parties have gener- ally declared that they have been mis- taken, that they have had a different conception of the interests of the working class and had thaught to serve these interests in a different manner, but that they are now con- vinced that they have been on the wrong’ road. The party did not de- mand any such avowal from Comrade Trotsky, and was quite right in not doing so. Comrade Trotsky stood the test, and stood it excellently. But this does not by any means signify that the party can permit Comrade conviction, not that “Was going to learn anything from ‘Bolshevism, but that he was going to"redch the party from Trotskyism, and’ substitute Len- fnism by Trotskyism; jIn Trotsky’s book, “War and Revolution,” we read: “There were three points in which the newspaper, Nasche Slovo (Trot- sky’s organ) L. K.) had not yet ar- rived at an agreement with the Social Democrat (organ of the C. C. of the Bolsheviki, conducted by Lenin and Zinoviev. L. K.) even after the form- er had finally passed into the hands of the left wing of the éditorial staff. These points referred’toodefeatism, to the struggle for peace, and to the character of the appreaching Russian revolutions, Nasche Soyo rejected de- featism (which Lenin, had held from the beginning of the, war to be the fundamental principle, of really revo- lutionary internationalism. L. K.) The Social Democrat fejected the slo- gan of the struggle for peace. . . and opposed it by the'slogan of civil war (rejectetd by Trotsky. L. K.) Nasche Slovo finally, supported the view that it must be made the task of our party to conquer power in the name of the socialist reyolution. The Social Democrat maintained the stand- point of the democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry.” A few lines before Trotsky informs us that the “differences” existing be- tween the Social Democrat and the Nasche Slovo, considerable at first, had diminished... Not only Trotsky, but Martoy, was at one time a mem- ber of the editorial staff of the Nasche Slovo; Martov, however, resigned his post later on account of the remorse- less criticism exercised by Comrade Lenin, and of the increase of revolu- tionary Communist elements among the editors. After the paper had left wing of the editorial staff, that is, into Trotsky’s hands, these three points of dispute remained: the ques- tion of defeatism, the question of civil war or peace, and the question 6f the character of the impending Russian revolution. Lenin stood for the defeat of the na- tional bourgeoisie, he impressed upon the workers the necessity of the de- feat of their “own” bourgeoisie— Trotsky was opposed to this! Lenin stood for civil war—Trotsky | opposed it! Lenin stood for the democratic dic- tatorship of the proletariat and peas- antry—Trotsky opposed. it! Here, as Lenin pointed out, he caused great confusion with his left phrase on “permanent revolution.” In this last point Trotsky gave the impression of being more left than Lenin. He was not content with the mere dictator- ship of the proletariat and peasantry, but demanded perm@hent revolution. Here we have merely a further ex- ample of what Lenin impressed upon us for so many years with regard to Trotsky: a right: policy with regard to daily questions of ‘ual practice, but skilfully disguised in the phrase- ology of the left. ' A fourth difference must however be added to these three, one not men- tioned by Comrade Trotsky: the dif- ference in the question of the Second and Third Internationals. Lenin, at the head of the Zimmerwald left, stood for immediate rupture with the Sec- ond International and with Kautsky, and for the foundin§ of the Third In- ternational. Trotsky, and the pro- Kautsky center were against this. But only a few months after the ex- istence of these differences had been definitely ascertained, Trotsky joined the Bolshevist Party. “The March revolution,” he writes, “has wiped out all these differences.” Truly? All of them? And how? Trotsky does not say. Yet the party has a right to put this question, since Comrade Trotsky has obliged us to occupy ourselves with his history. Are we to understand the declaration that the revolution has erased all differences in such manner that we may assume Comrade Trotsky to have become convinced of his having been mistaken on all these important points? That he has adopted the viewpoint of the Bolsheviki? —Com- rade Martinov, one of the best of the menshevist theoreticians, declared candidly: “I have served the working class for thiry years in the way which T held to be the best. Today I see that I have been in the wrong. His- tory confirms the correctness of Len- in’s standpoint with regard to the Russian revolution, and I join Lenin.” But Comrade Trotsky has given the party no such answer, (To be continued.) ——_ Red Revel M. all, 37 South Ashland Avenue Corner of Monroe and Ashland Bivd., é February '28. Trotsky to designate his fifteen years of fighting against Bolshevism and Lenin as a suitable and sure path to Leninism. I maintain that Trotsky sees the road by which he approached Lenin from an entirely opposite stand- point to ours; that, he does not be- lieve Bolshevism to have proved right and Trotskyism wrong. Trotsky came to,the party with “I Isaac Golds ing, Moved to > Campaign Social i “4 Communist Aldermanic Candidate on Feb. 22 The 24th ward campaign commit- tee announces that it will wind up its campaign in the Chicago aldermanic election on Feb. 22 with a social at 3837 W. Roosevelt Road. Thus it will cover its campaign deficit, make some excellent last hour propaganda, get watchers for the polls, and have a good time in the bargain. On the program are the well-known Freiheit Mandolin Orchestra, which will give solo and quartette numbers as well as its ensemble, piano recital by A. S. Hambro, and a playlet by the Marshfield Juniors entitled: “After Epstein is Alderman.” Great mystery enshrouds this play and less news is allowed to leak out than out of a caucus. It will really be a city wide affair because all funds over and above the small ward campaign expenses will be donated to the city campaign fund. Kenosha, Wis., Attention. The famous movies “Polikushka”, “In Memoriam-Lenin” ands “Soldier finally passed into the hands of the] ir in Second-hand Cloth- rs by Emma Goldman's Recitals of Bolshevik Barbarities Ivan’s Miracle” will be shown in Ke- nosha Saturday, Feb. 28, from 4 to 11 P. M., at the German American Home, 665 Grand Ave. All labor or- ganizations are requested not to ar- range any other affairs on that date. How New York Branches Are Supporting Their Official Organ. Section 1. Quota Paid English Downtown .. $325 = $184 English West Side . 300 195 - 105 24 . 345 35 . 100 10 Armenian Finnish Jamaica Finnish Staten Island . German Jamaica Hungarian D. T. Italian D. T. . Italian W. S. ... Jewish Dy T. No. 1 Jewish D. T. No. Jewish D. T. No, 3. Oriental ~ Polish D. T. . 9 Russian D, T. 28 Ukrainian D. T. Ukraininan Staten Island... Ukrainian Staten Island... 15 Section Il. English Yorkville 51 English Harlem 345 Czecho-Slovak . 35 Esthonian . 41 Finnish Harlem re German Yorkville 45 German Night Workers 35 German West Harlem ... 54 oss Greek 85 Hungarian Yorkville 88 italian Harlem " Jewish Harlem 38 ORGANIZER OF SOCIALIST PARTY IN BOSTON JOINS COMMUNISTS (Special to The Daily Worker) BOSTON, Feb., 10.—The demoralization of the socialist party in New England is now complete. the Young People’s Socialist League joined the Workers Party. Only a short time ago the national secretary of The latest active member of the socialist party to leave the S. P. is James Sagermoste, former organizer of the Boston Central Branch of the socialist party. In the following letter Sagermoste tells why he took this action and decided to apply for membership in the Workers Party: Hoston, Mass, Yeb. $1925: To the Central Branch of Boston, Socialist Party of America. Comrades: As organizer of the Central Bratich, I feel it necessary, at this time, to render a report of the present state of our branch and to consider other matters relative to it. In reviewing the recent history of our branch, as well as of the whole social- ist party, I find that since the militant left wing split away from the party in 1920 there has been a steady de- crease in the active membership and in the socialist activities of the party. Our own branch, which was once one of the strongest branches in the party, has reached such a pitiful state that scarcely one-half dozen members attend the important branch meet- ings. As organizer, therefore, my im- mediate task would be to take such means as are necessary to revive our branch. However, I have reached the conclusion that it would be impossible and inadvisable for me to accept this task, because of the moral bankruptcy of the socialist party. Lost in “Progressive” Fold. The split, which occurred a few years ago, has left the socialist party entirely under the guidance of that element who, perhaps because of their own economic and social status, have little in common with those who are striving for the abolition of the capitalist slave system and the estab- lishment of workers’ rule in America. Hence we see the socialist party stead- ily becoming absorbed into the petiit- bourgeois “progressive” movement, whose aims are detrimental to the in- terests of the workers, and further- more we see thé socialist party sup- porting the designs of the labor bu- reaucracies in their efforts, in unison with the other lickspittles of capital- ism to misguide the workers. Due to the ever increasing clash of interests among the great capitalist powers another war seems an im- mediate inevitability. Such 9 war will spell the death of the capitalist and imperialist system, followed by a civil war which will bring about the establishment of the workers’ rule thruout the world. Instead of prepar- ing and organizing the workers on a clear basis for the impending strug- le, the socialist party has preferred “White library. . 4 bn THERE’S A DIFFERENCE!— \ In the comparison of the persecution of Revolutionists by the White Terror—and the treatment of counter-revolutionists in Soviet Russia. You will find it in Ask For Mercy” —by MAX BEDACHT Just off the press, this indictment of the “socialist” traitors of the revolu' ment will prove a valuable addition to a worker's ~ _5 CENTS A COPY 844 cents in bundle orders. to link its destinies. with those of the bourgeoisie; for this reason there is no justification for me or any other class conscious individual to attempt to revive a defunct branch of the so- cialist party, under the pretense that the party .represents the ' working class. In consideration of these facts, I would advise the New Eng- land district organizer to withdraw the charter of the Boston Central branch, as he has recently done with several other defunct New England branches. Party Allied with Bosses. I can no longer retain my position as organizer or even a member of a branch of that party which has so far degenerated that it has openly al- lied itself with the enemies of the workers, supports the labor bureau- cracies, spills venom on the truly revo- lutionary element of the workers, and even has the arrogance to import that white guardist scoundrel, Abram- ovich, to lie, and create hostility toward the only workers’ and farmers’. government in the world. Therefore I hereby tender my resig- nation as organizer and member of the central branch of Boston, socialist party of America in order to apply for the privilege of joining the ranks of the only revolutionary party, the Workers (Communist) Party, which clearly sets as its aim the mobiliza- tion of the power of the working class with the object of destroying the capitalist system and establishing a workers’ and farmers rule in Amer- ica! Long live the Workers (Commun- ist) Party of America! Yours for Communism, JAMES SAGERMOSTE. Don’t Miss Junior Dance. The Junior section of the Y. W. L. invites you to attend their Valentine dance on February 14, at 1902 West Division St. There will be mass games every half hour, lots of fun and sou- venirs for all. The dance was supposed to be held at the Workers Lyceum, but will be held at the Soviet Schoot instead. The dance starts at 8 p. m. sharp. Come early. Admission Juniors 5 cents, adults 25 cents. Terrorists move- Jugo Slav . 84 62 Ru n Harlem 48 an Scandinavian Uptown 23 Spanish .. 7 Section II. =e English No. 1 Bronx 149 English No. 2 Bronx 45 English No. 3 Bronx 17 German Bronx ... 12 .| Hungarian No. 45. ses Jewish No. 1 Bronx 55 Jewish No. 2 Bronx 14 Lettish 70 Lithuanian No. 32 ae Russian Bronx 27 Ukrainian ..... Section IV. English Willlamsburg 100 German Bushwick .. German Ridgewood .... ori Jewish Williamsburg 9 Lithuanian No. 1 ......... 43 Lithuanian No. 2 Great Neck 42 Lithuanian No. 3 Maspeth 45 oe Russian No. 1 Williamsburg 60 25 Section V.° English Brownsville 40 Finnish Innwood 28 .| Jewish Brownsville 8 Section VI. English Boro Park .... 6 English Coney Island ..... sh Finnish South Brooklyn 176 German South Brooklyn 10 Italian S. B none Jewish Bath Beach 12 Jewish Boro Park Jewish Coney Island anes Lithuanian Boro Park 16 Russian South Brooklyn son Scandinavian S. B. .. 67 Section VII. English Astoria .. 40 German Astoria Hungarian Astoria Italian Astoria Italian Corona 100 Hungarian Federation ... Miscellaenous Individuals 65 YY. W. Le 1 English Bronx 45 14 2 English Brownsville 75 28 4 Hungarian ... 80 32 5 English D. T. 45 6 English Harlem 35 8 7 English Yonkers .. 8 Jewish Boro Park | 9 Finnish Harlem 10 Jewish Harlem 11 Jewish D. T. 12 Jewish Bronx .... . is 14 Jewish Brkin. Wmsbg 40 10 15 Jewish Brownsville ..... 45 pon 16 English Williamsburg... 30 aon 17 English Coney Island... 15 18 Jewish Williamsburg 45 21 Hungarian D. T. 30 5 22 Jewish Lower Bronx 10 3 23 Jewish Coney Island 30 24 Jewish Bath Beach ..... 35 25 English Upper East Side 25 sin 27 Greek West Side .. wo 1B 10 28 Russian D. T. .. 90 2 29 Russian Bronx . . 30 12 Figure out for yourself whether YOUR branch is doing its share. The quota is $5 per member in English speaking branches and $3 per member in all other branches of the party. In the Young Workers’ League about one- third as much. If your branch is among those that have not yet paid anything, then please take it as a per- sonal insult and remedy the stituation at once. The next list will be made up Feb. 14. Let’s make it UNANI- MOUS by that date Are You Going to the Open Forum Sunday Night? PITTSBURGH, PA. To those who work hard for their money, | will save 50 per cent on all their dental work. DR. RASNICK DENTIST 645 Smithfield Street. ——— Dr. A. Moskalik DENTIST S. W. Corner 7th and Mifflin Sts, PHILADELPHIA, PA, The Daily Worker 1113 v. Washington Bivd., Chieago, III, For the enclosed send...... «copies of “White Terrorists,” etc., to: Name . soennnsenenenn