The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 20, 1925, Page 6

H ' { ' i t j ‘Page Six a NTE ene eel Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. ; 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, DL (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: $3.50....6 months $2.00...8 months By mall (in Chicago only): $4.50....6: months $2.50...8 months 9080-per year $8.00-per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1918 W. Washington Bivd. 4d. LOUIS ENGDAHL t WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOE! Chicago, Hlineis woe EG ItOre isiness Manager €ntered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1928, at the Post- Office at :Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 8, 1879. > Advertising rates op application The Uncrowned Prince While Samuel Gompers lived to mislead the American working class, one of his favorite lux- uries was opposing the movement for recognition of Soviet Russia.. His main line of business was betraying the American workers. Sam’s understudy was a weasel-brained satellite by the name of Matthew Woll, one of the vice- presidents of the American Federation of Labor. It was expected that after Gompers was taken to the bosom of his fathers, Woll, his faithful lackey, would inherit the crown, But it was not to be. William Green now sits in the royal chair. Naturally little Mattie did not like it, but what could he do? He has no more chance of being presi- dent of the A. F. of L. than Grand Duke Boris, formerly of Russia, has of being crowed king of Ireland. But being accustomed to having his name appear in the papers on the strength of his position as messenger boy for Gompers, Woll took his exile from the columns of the capitalist press badly. ‘When his dead- master’s ally in the war on Rus- sia, Charles Evans Hughes, was given his walking papers from the state department and talk of So- viet recognition revived, Mattie thought he saw an opportunity to blast his way back into the capital- ist papers if even for a day. His failure was humilating. Our clipping department has not located any capitalist paper stupid enough to quote Woll as an authority on what the American labor movement thinks of the new developments in the movement for the recognition of the workers’ re- public. The Federated Press correspondent in Washing- ton visited A. F. of L- headquarters and located the loquacious Woll, who insisted on speaking for the American Federation of Labor forgetting that Sammy was dead and that there was a new presi- dent on the job whose name was not Woll. He de- clared that the A. F. of L. was against Soviet recog- nition, and that Senator Borah’s views were in Opposition to labor’s stand on the question. There is no doubt but the grand dukes of the A. F. of L. are against recognition, but President Green, like a cautions faker, has reserved his de- cision until the diplomatic fog clears off. When the American bourgeoisie decide to recognize Russia for business reasons, the labor fakers will also hear their masters’ voice. Zinoviev and Trotsky troops have not annihilated each other in thé columns of the capitalist press for the last few days. Whatinell is the matter with the newswriters? Educational Eating There is an old saying that the way to a man’s heart lies thru his stomach. Evidently the Hudson Coal company of Carbondale, Pa., came to the conclusion that food in the proper setting would have a salutary effect on the relations between their slaves and their masters, as they decided to initiate the practice of giving their coal diggers a banquet once in 9 month. The coal miners and the coal company had many clashes, sometimes resulting in strikes. Now, strikes are not good for the company. It loses money when its employes refuse to allow them- selves to be exploited until their grievances are redressed. Neither does the company like the idea of always complying with the men’s demands. It never grants concessions except under compulsion. “Perhaps if we would get our employes to eat with us once in a month,” thought the officers of the Hudson Coal company, “they would be more ‘inclined to listen to reason! Perhaps they would forget that they are workers and that we are capi- talists!” . A very good idea—for the Hudson Coal com- pany. No sooner thought of than done. The month- ly banquet system was inaugurated and the coal diggers sat down to table with the bosses and the bosses made nice speeches about the hard times ‘thru which the coal industry was passing, and that what was good for the coal companies was also good for the diggers and that it would be ever so much better for both if they could come together and co-operate instead of listening to those agitators who preach class hatred. In other words it was Johnston’s B. and 0. plan of class collabora- tion thru the stomach route. But Local 877 of the United Mine Workers of America put an effective stop to this experiment im seducing the workers. ividently this local knows there is such a thing as a class struggle and that it cannot be eliminated by having the robber and the robbed dine together. So the local un- animously passed a resolution forbidding any union member to attend any of those “educational” feasts on pain of discipline. And furthermore pickets will watch the banqueting hall to see that the bosses will dine alone. te nd THE WORKER. Page Hell an’ Maria! The tempest has developed in Washington over the question whether or not the United State is finally enmeshed in European committments. The administration claims that it is not. The ad- ministration foes—and they appear not to be few— claim that it is. It looks as if Silent Cal might yet have to be- come vocal. His sidekick Dawes has not been heard of for some time. Curse words and oaths were never needed more than now to drown the sound of George Harvey’s thunder. The Dawes plan is at the bottom of the tempest. How could the American bankers loan their money to Germany so that the latter could pay repara- tions to the “allied and associated powers” for the trouble they underwent in defeating her unless these cautious bankers were assured that the armed forces of the United States would be ready to shoulder arms whenever Germany. took the notion of defaulting on payments? As the loot was to be divided among all the robbers, the U. 8. included, was it not the most natural thing in the world for the plunderers to sign articles of agreement? Of course, but besides the conflicting interests of American capitalists there are pblitical currents inside the G. O. P. which are quick to- take ad- vantage of the present involvement of the United States in European alliances. George Harvey is astounded! George is editor of the Washington Post, Edward McLean’s paper. It is reported that} he expected to step into Charles Evans Hughes’ shoes when that gentleman stepped out of the state department. But George is still at his editorial desk and is making more noise than a pond full of frogs. He feels that this country came home in a barrel from the Paris conference on reparations, and he is of the opinion that Ambassador Kellogg should be indicted for indecent exposure. The “irreconcilables” in the senate will thunder against participation in European affairs. But the big fellows who rule America are for such partici- pation and they usually put it all over the “in- dependent” capitalists whose interests do not lie in that direction. But these “independents” can make a lot of trouble for Wall Street. By kicking hard enough they may secure some concessions and their politicians will surely get some graft, out of it. But United States capitalism is in Europe to stay, until the European workers decide to as- sume the role of rulers. : Lenin Memorial Meetings This week is Lenin Memorial Week, not only in the United States but all over the world. One year ago the greatest revolutionary leader in all history passed away. The enemies of the proletariat re- joiced, but their rejoicing was shortlived. ; “Lenin is dead, but Leninism remains,” declared the Communist International, and this sn was answered in every land by the exploited workers and oppressed peoples. Lenin lives in his tea¢hing and in the organization he formed to mobilize the workers for the overthrow of capitalism. During this week Lenin memorial meetings will be held all over the United States. They will be held under the auspices of the Workers Party, but thousands of non-party workers will attend them. The influence of Leninism extends far beyond the party boundaries. The members of the Work- ers Party will leave nothing undone to make these meetings successful in an organizational sense. The energy used up in bringing masses of workers together must not be dissipated in a burst of enthusiasm. The occasion must be used for the pur- pose of bringing new members into the Workers (Communist) Party, into Lenin’s party, to help fulfill the task which the great revolutionist de- voted his genius to. “Lenin. He was as mighty as the ocean. To our enemies he was assevere as the stinging frost,” writes Zinoviev, the leader of the Communist In- ternational. No greater homage can be rendered to world capitalism’s most formidable foe on the anniversary of his death, than to help build the movement which he founded. Let each member of our party there- fore determine to bring a member into our raiik® during Lenin Memorial Week. Stone Is 0. K. The senate judiciary committee unanimously ap- proved the appointment of Attorney General Har- lan P, Stone to the United States supreme court. His appointment had been held up pending invest- igation into his relations with the House of Mor gan. Senators Borah of Idaho and T. P. Walsh of Montana were curious to know whether Stone’s dealings with Morgan were professional or other- wise. It turned out that they were professional, which means in plain English that as an attorney, Stone accepted money from Morgan which, ac- cording to bourgeois ethics, is permissable and even desirable, whereas had Stone divested himself of his legal character even for a moment and accepted a five-cent cigar from the Wall Street money baron, his elegibility for a seat on the supreme court bench would be questionable. Now that Stone is thoroly cleansed of any sug- gestion of illegitimate relations with one of the principal stockholders in the United States gov- ernment, the senate will undoubtedly take the position that he is thoroly qualified to serve Mor- gan and company on the supreme court bench. Harold F. MeCormick is suing his former wife, Edith Rockefeller, for possession of over $7,000,000 worth of Standard Oil stock. The suit is for the benefit of MeCormick’s nine-month-old grand- Janghter, whose father is Max Oser, a Swiss riding master, Wise jockey! 4, \\ Note—The following is a letter the organization committee of the Communist International deal- ing with ‘the’ beginnings of discus- sion of shop nuclei in the Workers (Communist) Party. Since then practical steps toward reorganiza- tion have been taken in some places in this party. The letter follows: we EAR COMRADES: It is a'matter for congratulation that the. ques- tion of factory nuclei is now being ac- tually discussed in your press. We have followed this discussion with in- terest. In our present letter we mere- ly want to maké a few suggestions to you. Guard Against Confusion. \ seems to us from the discussion in your press that the function of factory nuclei-has been confused with that of local branches. The scheme of our organization for cities (whict may be varied for smaller places by the omission of-one or two instances) s as follows; 1. Factory nuclei (and street nuclei); 2, ward organizations; 3, district organizations; and 4, town organizations, with their respective leading committees.. The city lead- ership should guide in every way the party work in their respective locali- ties. The leadership guides and con- trols the activity of the party in its respective locality, it organizes fac- tions in all the non-party mass-organ- izations, in a word, it takes. part in and guides the whole of the party ac- tivity, as well as the work of the fac- tory nuclei inthe respective town or community, village, etc. On the oth- er hand, the factory nuclei conduct the party activity only in their re- spective factories, the street nuclei in their respective residential neighbor- hoods, and carry out the decisions of the district leadership and the in- structions of the superior organs of the party. Hence it follows that the nuclei take up an attitude on, discuss and resolve all party questions, ex- press their opinions and adopt also decisions regarding these questions, but the superior party instances ex- ercise authority over the nuclei as such, as well as over the individual members of the party, and have the right ‘to call on them for some other work for the party. The next question: How is the lead- ing committee of the city organiza- tion elected and composed? To our way of thinking, this should be done E DAILY WORKER uggestions at a conference of representatives of the factory nuclei (of course after the formation of such and after they have begun to function) upon a ward or district scale. The ward conference elects the ward leadership, but at the same time also the delegates to the district conference; the district con- ference elects, besides.the district leadership, also delegates to the city conference. (Of course, ward and district sub-divisions are necessary only in large cities). The city con- ference elects then the leadership of the city organization, which has to carry out the duties already mention- ed. Proceed With Reorganization. Concurrently with your press dis- cussion, you should have also com- menced practical work for the form- ation of factory nuclei. We there- fore, request the party, already dur- ing the time of the discussion, thru the city organizations acting under the direct supervision of the party ex- ecutive, to proceed with the organiza- tion of factory nuclei in large fac- tories. If it, be impossible to form them in all large factories, it should at least be done in those where not less than three party members are employed. In our opinion it would be necessary to decentralize the work of reorganization of the party on thr basis of factory nuclei. The matter should be put in the hands of the leading committees of the cities, anc even these should he commenced on ly according to wards and districts. After the achievement of the organiz- ation of factory nuclei and after the organization of all the W. P. mem- bers in the factories, the city leader- ships should proceed to convene con- ferences of wards and districts (see above.) For these reasons it seems to us that the industrial registration of members according to factories would be both superfluous and too irksome. What the executive and the local lead- erships should be concerned about is to see to it that the proper instructions be worked out for the nuclei to “enable them to work well. It would be desir- able that one comrade on tHe execu- tive, as well as on the local leader- ships, be instructed to take in hand the work of the nuclei, to watch and to test carefully the work of the party nuclei, The experience thus gained (good as well as bad) should then be made known to the nuclei by means of circular letters, so that they may be guided in their work accordingly. It is absolutely necessary for all the members of the W. P. working in a particular factory, regardless. of the language group to which they belong, to organize themselves in one and the same nuclei, . Need Not Work: Openly. Of course, the difficulties of our or- ganizational work in. America are tre- mendous. But. when an attempt is made to use the. difficulties of open activity as an argument against the factory nuclei—as was done by a con- tributor in the “DAILY. WORKER Supplement”—then it must be point-| ed. out that the very opposite is the case. It has been demonstrated with sufficient clearness by the experience of Russia before the revolution and of Germany today, that it is just the factory nuclei organizations which facilitate tremendolsly even sucn work which cannot be carried on pub- licly.. Even in ‘countries where the parties work quite openly, drastic measures are. frequently taken’ by capitalism. It is therefore desirable that the ‘factory nuclei should not work openly in full. view of the capi- talists,. but should rather seek to strike root in the masses, whose in- terests they must protect always and everywhere. If it be. impossible to hold nuclei meetings in factories, they should be held elsewhere in the vici- nity, in suitable places. Neither is ii impossible to outwit the vigilance o American overseers if the necessary measures of precaution are adopted Just. in the factory nuclei it is far easier to prevent the entfance of all kinds’ of ‘spies, to unmask them or to paralyze them, than in the other or- ganizations, where,the members do not know each other so intimately as they do in the factory. _ Language Federations Considered. The resolution on factory nuclei adopted at the second conference of your party contains a clause about the language federations (Sec. V, 5). The language federations represent an old, ineffective form of organiza- tion. But the multitude of languages in America renders the problem’ more complex than in other countries. The organizational ‘department of E. C. C, L. recognizes the difficulties of this problem and will endeavor to investi gate and study it closely. But we con- sider it advisable to retain the lan- gauge federations for the time being. At the same time, as soon as the fac- tory nuclei are organized and their activity hegins, they should be united in wards,. districts and cities, while the language federations should be transformed into’ auxiliary organiza- Lenin As Iv. All Russia Greets Lenin. SNOW storm twirls, whirls like a devilish dance; whirls and roars fiercely, ruthlessly. A north wind rages on the banks of the Neva; at this time of the year the north is full of wrath—it bellows on Petrograd with wind and cold, with the severity of a blade, People swarm bent in three, trembl- ing and gasping. The misty day de- clines and withers, and with it, the number of people in the streets de- crease. Every now and then asleigh slides by, a tramcar covered with snow and icicles hanging down. The houses are covered with snow, the roaring lamp-posts teem with dreari- ness. One December night, we, a group to be exiled to Siberia, were driven over Nevsky Prospect. The houses, res- taurants and amusement places glim- mer with dazzling lghts, but not a soul on the main street. The wind only Toared and ruthlessly chased us on, tearing our prison clothes off our back, drove also our convoy who angrily cursed us, the raging north afid their own mothers. . . The stormy wind hissed and roared and we held together so as not tc fall, It felt that we crawled over a snow desert which will never end; fiery wolf eyes stared and winked a‘ My head turned dizzy, and I war exhausted. I felt as if I am exhaling the last breath. . . It this the great capital with its joy and glory, with its refined civil. ization and its “Asiatic” brutality? Now, after so many years have passed, whirls the same December snow storm; but there are no dazzling lights on Nevsky Prospect. Lone- somely. glitter and twinkle the faint 's of the lanterns on the main street. But people swarm in throng: on the streets and their rustle and bustle waken the severity and rage o{ the snow storm; they entangle you and drag you into a devil's dance, and @ secret is hidden and deeply buried in the worn out soldiers’ uniforms torn boots, shabby fur coats. We, a group of delegates to the eighth con- ference of the Bund constituted part of the human sea, Our teeth danced from cold, we could hardly stand on our feet but we were carried with the stream. ’ What happened? A young girl dressed in man’s clothes looked at us ironically: intel- ligentsia, bourgeoisie, Her face was covered with rags but her girlish eyes threw an angry look, She steved thru her teeth whistlingly: “Ilyitch has to pass by, that is why people have gathered here.” A brief remark, but it revealed the deeply hidden secret. Oe Re ee a Se OP Lh EERO See oF I Saw Him - “Nlyitch”—resounded from many mouths, carried thru the snow storm and it was full of ectatic expressions. The heart was beating. Just an hour ago at one of the ses sions of the Bund. conference did the Bundist Liber bitterly. attack Lenin declaring that he ruined the revolution. The delegates applaudec him. And if anyone dared to express his opinion against Liber nobody paid any attention to him, reproached him that he is a Bolshevik. This was suffi cient to make one descend the plat form feeling guilty: And now we stand here, bent in three gaping at the human wave tha* is reverently waiting for him who “ruined” the revolution. . . I remember distinctly the words Comrade Stiopa, now dead, (who spent several years in America and war Rolshevistically inclined), has used: Well, who has influence over the masses, Lenin, the “démagogue,” or the “consistent” Marxist Liber? The words “demagogue” and “con- sistent” Stiopa uttered in such a tone of biting scarcasm, like everybody else around him, that we were dis- armed, we had nothing to say. In fact there, in the warm club- room of the Petrograd Jewish bour- geisie, where the conference of the Bund was held they were busy with sophistry, casuistry, with proving thru Marxism that Lenin's revolution is not the true revolution; and here, in the dreary cold thousands of poor, | ragged, starving people are waiting, hoping to give an extra look at their leader. , Who is right, then, we, who found grace in the eyes of Petrograd bour- geoisio or Lenin, who is a terror for all the former rulers? Have my comrades or I myself thot so then, I doubt, but that a worm of doubt has gnawed our hearts, this I Temember well. \ We knew that that night the Petro. grad Soviets had a session, where Lenin had to report about the peace negotiations with Germany. An inter- esting discussion was expected. After that Lenin had to address a mass meeting at the Nevsky section. Peo- ple found it out and began to swarm thither from all sides. Instead of human faces, rows of white moving figures twirling like the snow in the storm, melting in the darkness of the night with the white buildings, were seen. Men and natural elements were, it seemed, striggling for supremacy First one, and then another fell. Laughter pierced thru the air resound: ing like a whimper, and the humar wave grow larger and denser; nc foree could halt their onrush. Some of them even tried to sing the “Internationale;” the By Schachno Epstein breaks and carries off with the raging storm like pieces of broken links far, far into the lamp post, over the build- ings, over the monuments.: These broken links are ‘caught up by oth: ers, from a different corner so that the raging wrath of the snow storm can’t race any more with ‘the voices of the throng that hiss as sharply as the wind. Suddenly an automobile came rush- ing. The human stream instantly stop- ped its rush as if an invisible power would put a dam ‘to it. The storm roars at its flercest, in the midst of) that roar one hears first a woman's voice then rée-echoed. by the entire at- mosphere. llyiteh!» Our group pushed toward the place where the automobile stopped, but we were flung back by the mob. I fell, feeling that another second and I am crushed under their feet. Another cram like that of an iceberg and I found myself downstairs in front of a store, pressed between covered faces with fiery eyes. Luckily, when I came to my senses I was facing the automobile. Who was inside I could not see, but I did distinctly: see the selfsame figure that I have once seen so’ many years ago in Geneva; the same smile on hi: lips, the same sharp expresison in hic eyes, the same sharply pointed jaws the only difference being that he wore an old fashioned long worn out fur cay and a shabby looking coat with e small lambskin collar fur too light for the Petrograd frost. This was Lenin just a little older. The people de manded: let Tyitch speak. . And again angrily rages: the snow storm whirling over the human -wave llyiteh's voice overwhelms however the bellowing of the storm; his words ring like the echo of steel. What Ilyitch said I could hear no more because, again, like the cram of an iceberg jolted ‘me away to a dif- ferent angle; but I did hear amidst the roar of the wind the clapping of hands resounding lke bullets dis- charged from a gun, lasting, lasting “hurrah” whirls on... Returning home all frozen to the delegates’ hotel, formerly a Swedish hospital, the clock was striking two The porter of the hotel, a Russi- fled Swede, a tall old, grey-bearded man with a yellow parchment face with dreamy eyes complained: Some weather, it whirls like hell. Ilyiteh couldn’t even finish his speech. He too had ‘just come from Nevsy se weal Yur Ting ht Tuesday, January 20, 1925 —_ of Shop Nuclei tions of the party, carrying on purely propagandist, agitational and cultural tasks. Their members should belong to the factory nuclei, or to the ward, district or thru them to. the city /or- ganizations. But the language federa- tions:as such should possess no rights as local party organizations. ‘With Communist greetings, Organizational department of BH, ©. RRUPSKAIA By ISRAEL AMTER. HE stands on the stage—strong, to to all appearance emotionless. It is a special session of the All-Russian Soviet Congress. The congress was in session when the news came that Lenin died. Stand- ing before them, Comrade Kalenin read the message—a shock went thru the congress held in the Grand The- ater of Moscow. Then strong men and women—workers and peasants who had seen the most gruesome of wars, who had fought against the most brutal enemies, had starved and hun- gered—these strong men broke down and cried. Cried like little children who have lost their dearest one. They wept—and thru the Grand Theater could be heard their sobs. Lenin— the grand old man—was gone, The disease that had stricken him a year before had conquered. Lenin was no more. The Soviet Congress held a special session in commemoration of his death. It was a solemn occasion. The leaders of the Russian Communist Party— Zinoviev, Stalin, Bucharin, Kamenev— spoke, telling of Lenin’s work for ‘the revolution, before the revolution in the hard days of the czar, in lead- ing the revolution, in the hard days after the revolution, in building up the Soviet state and protecting it from the attacks of the international bourgeoisie. They told of his leader- ship in the social-democratic party of Russia—the forerunner of the Rus- sian Communist Party. They told of his mighty achievement in building the Communist International. And now, leaderless, we must work on and fight on alone. These were the companions and comrades of Lenin. They were his disciples, who had learned well at his side—in the struggle itself—learn- ing from him, pitting their intelligence and Communist understanding against him when necessary—and always led to Lenin’s point of view—to the point of-view of the leader. Then a pause. The funeral hymn— the wierd,. piercing, enthralling fun- eral hymn—as his nearest, dearest companion and comrade stepped forth on the stage. The woman who had aided him and fought at his side—his constant comrade abroad in the emi- gration, in the dark days, and in the brighter days when Russia became Soviet Russia. Krupskaja! Lenin's body lay in the Temple ot Labor, and Krupskaja stood beside it, day by day, night after night. And now she stands before this body of workers and peasants—the mighty or- gan of..the Soviet government—to speak to them of the man who lies in the Temple of Labor. It was not Lenin’s wife who stands before us. It is Krupskaja, his com- panion and comrade, who makes no claim on him as her husband, but as his comrade. She stands before us, not to tell of his traits as a husband— she tells of Lenin the man, Lenin the comrade, Lenin the revolutionist. No sound could be heard in the vast theater. Every breath was stayed. Here stood a heroine—a real heroine of the Russian revolution, whose heart was bleeding, as the heart of all Soviet Russia was bleeding, whose tears were | falling and yet her eyes were dry. And yet no eye was dry in the Grand | Theater was dry as Krupskaja spoke | about Lenin. ; Can you imagine what it means, when your heart is breaking, when | the dearest that you have is gone, to stand before an audience and speak about the comrade whom you loved best? But no, Krupskaja is of the saine stuff as Lenin. He was not her dearesi—no, the great Russian work- ers and peasants—they were the dear- est to the heart of Lenin—they are the dearest to the heart of Krups- kaja, — x . Not raising her voice, with no tremor, she speaks, telling the essence, unfolding the life and soul of Lenin. This was heroism—as all the Rus- sian workers and peasants of Soviet Russia have learned it. As the Com- munists, harrigd from post to posi before the revolution learned it. 'Thi was the epitome of the courage an indomitable will of the Russian rev lutionist, And Krupskaja was th surest and best representative, She speaks—and then the “Deat of Siegfried.” _ A lite was bared in these tew utes—a life's experience was closed, The wisdom of a lifetime unveiled, . She. Lenin, as the whole sian Joved him, But she loved the Riissian ers and peavants—and Soviet Ri and the revolution even more, ; kaja, K