The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 12, 1924, Page 4

Page Four THE DALEY WORKER Discussion on Our Party’s Immediate Tasks LIQUIDATION—OF WHAT, AND BY WHOM? |\NEW YORK DISTRICT ENDORSES THE (Continued from page 8) bor party. The minority was at no time blind to the fact that this cam- paign might result in the formation of such a party, and that this new party would then be a competitor with the Workers’ Party for leadership over the working masses. Yet the cam- paign was carried on in spite of that danger. First: Because our activity and leadership in this campaign might re- sult in our ideological and even ac- tual leadership of such a party and thus turn the new party from a com- petitor to an instrument of our lead- ership. Second: Because if the process of the formation of such a labor party would be completed quicker that we sueceeded in widening our influence and strengthening our leadership for the task of leading the labor party so that actually a tremendous mass party of workers and exploited farmers would spring up beyond our control, the Communists would still be the gainers. The actual political split of the forces of the exploited urban and rural masses from the leadership of imperialist capital would facilitate our political work to a degree that would far outweigh all disadvantages accru ing to us from the existence of thc competing leadership of the new par- ty. political party of the exploited would present for us a much more favorable basis pf operation than the political alliance of the working masses with the old capitalist parties. It is im- mensely more difficult to make the first break in the political alliance of workers and capitalists than it is to widen an existing breach. Third: Tho the campaign for a la- bor party may or may not result in the formation of such a party, yet, the process of the campaign itself, the maneuvers of the campaign would bring us in contact with the masses, would strengthen our party numerical- ly, would teach our party maneuvers and activities, and was bound to ex- tend the influence of the party to greater numbers of workers and ex- ploited farmers. The minority therefore, in all the phases of the campaign, always kept the interests of our party in the fore- ground. And we “farmer-labor Com- munists” were ready at any time to sacrifice the labor party to the inter- ests of our own, the Workers (Com- munist) Party. And when this very point became an issue, in August, 1923, Comrade Ruthenberg introduced the following declaration of prin- ciple. “The formation of a labor party in the United States is not in itself— irrespective of the relation of the Workers Party to such a labor party -—an aim of the Workers Party. The labor party campaign of our party , is an application of the united front » Policy of the Communist Interna- tional and must be governed by the same underlying principles as other united front maneuvers. We will carry on the struggle for the Jabor party so long as we can in- €rease the influence and strengthen the Workers Party organizationally thru this campaign. When situations ‘ arise in which the interests of the Workers Party conflict with the goal of ‘the formation of the labor party we must unhesitatingly sacrifice the labor party.” The stalwart defenders of the Workers (Communist) Party, against the ogre of a labor party, Comrades Foster, Cannon and Bittelman voted against this statement-of policy. The C. E. C. had established the pol- icy that in all our labor party activi- ties, the Workers (Communist) Party, ‘was to be kept to the foreground. But when real tests came the majority went back on this policy of the C. E. C. When in May, 1924, the fight of the LaFolletteists in California against our party grew hot, and when these LaFolletteists made efforts to get rid of the Workers Party’ sd they could paralyze without interference from the Workers Party, the growing move- ment for political independence of the workers and poor farmers with the poison of LaFolletteism, the political committe of our party voted down a motion of Lovestone to make a fight for the admission of Workers Party | delegates to the California conference. The first two paragraphs of the mo- tion read: “1.—To make a fight forthe seating of W. P. delegates. 2.—If de- feated all party members represent- ing labor organizations remain in the In other words the newly formed | A to) anak te to seek to win as many places of authority as possible.” Such staunch opponents of “liquidation” as Bittel- man, Browder and Cannon voted against while the naughty ‘liquidators Engdahl, Lovestone and Bedacht vot- ed for. Liquidation, indeed; but by whom? But such activities of the “anti-li- quidators” are by no means inconsist- ant with their general policy and con- ception. These sole defenders of the Workers (Communist)e Party never considered the advantages accruing for the party out of the campaign for a labor party. They entered the cam- paign for a labor party for the sole and exclusive purpose to create a la- bor party. No, not a, but the labor | party, the petty bourgeois labor par- ty, patterned after the English labor party, the all-inelusive labor party, if need be exclusive of the Workers (Communist) Party, but at least with the Workers (Communist) Party in its rightful place of a hopeless minority. That last part of the sentence is not my interpretation, but the exact words of Comrade Foster. Liquidation, indeed; but by whom? The position of the majority as prov- en not only by words, but by all its actions, is that the formation of a la- bor party, an all-inclusive labor party, must be the goal of any labor party movement. If such a movement exists mong the workers, it is the duty of he Communists to assist it, but al- vays with a view of helping to ac- omplish the task of the formation of he labor party. If there is no move- nent for the formation of such a par- sy, the Communists have no business to bother about it. The minority, on the other hand, maintains, that the American working ass, still completely under the dom- ination of bourgeois ideology and lead- ership, must develop the idea of sep- arate political interests of their class. Until the workers have developed this idea there can be no question of Com- munist leadership over these work- ers. The slogan: “For a fatmer-labor party” best expresses this need of political independence of the workers from the capitalists. It is not the desire of the minority to estabtish a labor party irrespective of situations and possibilities. It is, however, the endeavor of the minority to gain lead- ership over the working masses dur- ing the very process of their breaking away from capitalist ideology and leadership by guiding and hastening this process. Liquidation, indeed; but by whom? Opportunist tendencies, indeed; but by whom? Lack of Communist understanding, indeed; but by whom? C. E. C. DECISION ON CONVENTION NEW YORK CITY, Dec. 11.—At its last meeting held Dec. 8, the District Executive Committee of District No. 2, “The changed political situation arising out of the recent election neces- sitates the Workers Party adjusting accordance with these changes. “This demands a full and complete discussion by our entire membership to culminate in a national convention where the membership will decide upon any and all changes to be made, therefore, i “We, the District Executive Committee of District No. 2, Workers Party of America, concur in the request of the Central Executive Committee to the] Comintern for permission to hold a national convention. cord with the party constitution.” Motion—That we concur in the above resolution and send a copy to the DAILY WORKER for cape aty adopted the following resolution: its policy and program of action in Same to be in ac-| dicted at the convention in refusing {to take a factional stand, where no difference in principle prevailed. If, then, this tactic, which the adminis |. nendous legal difficulties im the way, tration seeks to junk, is to be laid at | its own door, what fundamental rea |sons do they cite for abandoning our two-year old tactic of a “united front from below” for independent clas: politics? An examination of majority and minority theses reveals perfect agree- ment as to the sharpening of the eco- | well ac- | spokesman sceks to prove our allegea nomic crisis. Varga’s analysis, cepted by the Communist Interna: | The eco-| Party because we do not go in pane- tional, also bears this out. nomic foundation existed in 1923 for | jhe claims Communist political | attacks Comrade Minor ter reading a labor party, and it exists just as strongly today. tactic proceeds from a correct eval- uation of objective economic condi- tions. in some meaningless reservations about great public building programs unsupported by any evidence, but it dare not take exception to the minor- ity analysis, like that of the Commun- ist International, of a continuation and intensification of the economic crisis. Why Are Labor Parties Formed? A study of the history otf previous American labor parties reveals that working class political expression in this country has always sprung out of so-called “hard times.” The rea- sons for this are rudimentary, In times of depression the evils of capi- talism stand out in sharp relief, the suffering of the workers is more acute and more widespread, the forces of the state are used more openly in crushing the workers’ unrest. The demand for political expression is especially strong in the trade unions because the purely economic organi- zations cannot keep up wages, cannot keep up the price of labor power in the face of decreased employment. Change of method or of leadership or both is the demand of the militant unionists. Canny officials, sensing in this demand a danger to them- selves, consent to political activity, Resolutions and programs settle all the problems of the “Communist” and anti-liquidationist” majority of the Cc. E.C. Judging by past performanc- es they will even settle the revolution itself by a resolution or a program of action—without action. The other day, the majority decid- ed in the D. E, C. of Chicago, that the party shall not enter the coming municipal campaign because it is a non-partisan election, When the ma- jority found what a “Communist” de- cision this was, it called a special meeting of the D. E. C. and changed the decision, but it did not change its “Communism.” Just think of it. The recent struggles of striking workers of Chicago, against the activities of the police department; the activities, or lack of activities of the board of al- dermen in the struggle of the work- ers against the police department and in the struggle of the schools and teachers against the autocratic tool of big business in the chair of super- intendent of schools of Chicago; offer great’ possibilities for united front actions during the campaign, the possibility for a labor party cam- paign on a large, tho local scale and under the direct initiative and guid- ance of the Workers (Communist) Party. But the majority said: The only advantage we can get out of a campaign is the printing of the name of our party on the ballot. Since that is impossible, because of the non-par- tisan character of the campaign, what is the use? The change was made by a special meeting of the D. EB. C. not because of a change of heart, and not because the majority wanted a campaign of the party, but because it became aware of the dangers of its position for its campaign within the perty. Lack of Communist understanding, indeed; but by whom? ‘/ conference to fight for W. policies Liquidation, indeed; but by whom? WHY MAKE IT UNANIMOUS? By WM. F. KRUSE. 'HE present party discussion is a novel one in at least one respect. An administration proposes to throw overboard, immediately and forth- with, a major political policy sanc- tioned. by the Communist Interna- tional, which that administration itself formulated and for which, as the party leadership, it must carry full responsibility. On the other hand the minority, which on this policy seems to have stood with the admin- istration, right or wrong, fights to continue this political united front taetic of the labor party. While it is far more common for minorities to demand changes and majorities to de- fend their policies, our present situa- tion can only be explained on one of two bases: either some fundamental change in conditions makes a change of tactic necessary, or the adminis- tration never really favored the tactic in the first place and embraced it on grounds of expediency, This last ground should hardly be maintained. It is true that the pres- ent administration inherited the labor party united front tactic from the present minority when it won control of the last party convention, But it| did so by making this program its own, and in its application to current conditions it has not contributed any changes, precisely as the writer pre take leadership, and betray the move- ment at the earliest opportunity. This has been the case in the labor party agitation of 1923-24 just as in previous periods. Whereas in times gone by the promising tendency to- ward class politics was led into Tam- many Hall or again into the republi- can party, this time the “liberal” Follette party served the same pur- pose, If there were no Communist Party in America we might very well expect that the treachery. of these labor bureaucrats would once more go unexposed, and that the urge for class conquest of political power would dissipate itself in. the internal wrangles and careerism of the old parties, But there is such a party in the Workers Party, It has. already done a tremendous service in clari- fying a large portion of this rebel movement to an understanding that what they really want is a class labor party. Its ideological hold upon these militants is not strong enough to draw them ifito its own ranks, nor was it strong enough to hold them against the ingrained American psychology of “getting something now.” The masses still wanted the labor party but they thought that the road toward it lay thru the LaFollette camp. Our Presidential Campaign. Practically our whole central ex- ecutive committee was ready to fol- low on that road and would have done so had it not been checked, fortu- nately, by the International. We found ourselves in a very difficult situation but maintained the slogan of the labor party versus the LaFollette liberal party while we practiced class politics under our own banner and with our own candidate. There is no sense in making of necessity a virtue ~there was practically no choice be- fore the central executive committee when the retreat from the liberal coal- ition became mandatory. We exposed the anti-working class character of the LaFollette movement and its pro- gram, we pointed out especially that the treachery of the labor bureau- crats had prevented the crystalliza- tion of the deep-seated economic pro- test of worker and farmer from find- ing expression in a class party. We pounded y at the ue of “Labor Party versus Liberal Party.” On that basis we held to us the most militant non-Communist elements that had been partly won over by our various united front campaigns, we won the support of the die-hard left socialists (mostly unorganized), and we kept the respect of those laborites who followed the LaFollette rainbow in the hope that the labor party gold lay at its end. We do not minimize the success of | our party in waging this, ita first campaign. That after two bewilder- ing changes of policy we could never- The majority thesis tries to fit | La-| and showed that labor did not want a heless rally at the eleventh hour to out our candidates on the ballot in {2 states out of 48, despite the. tre- something to be proud of. That. ifter months of flirting with the more iberal labor bureaucrats our party | uid swing unanimously into action © expose and fight them for the lead- | jership of the masses is a tribute to jour discipline and a record of which |many an older Communist Party could | be proud. An administration desire to “liquidate”. the Workers gyrics over the alleged 160,000 votes will be counted for us. He |from the DAILY WORKER that our | party will even cast more votes than che S. L. P. Since when is this the |acid test of “success” in Communist sampaigns? Since when does a de- sire for realism, as shown in the |minority estimate of 20,000 counted | Communist votes, prové a desire to |Uquidate our party? An argument of |chat kind is an insult to the intelli: | gence of our membership. Those who | collected the s.gnatures, who took the straw votes, who held the street meet- ings, who took the shop collections, who distributed the literature know better on what basis to. measure the jachievements of the party in the last campaign. Why. Make It Unanimous? If the economic basis of the move- ment for class politics has not been changed, has its superficial ¢lection campaign expression undergone ‘such profound alterations as to justify a change in tactic on our) part? If there were any such changes they would have to be very important in- deed to justify any deviation from a tactic otherwise formulated: on» ‘the basis of the objective economic situa- tion. What changes are there in the political alignments; how do they affect those workers that want the labor party; how do they affect the Communists? The administration phatic on this point. bers writes: “As far as building a new party is concerned, the masses are now at rest.” At the El Paso conven- tion, “Grand Duke” Woll, according to our reporter, declared, “The last election was a national referendum is very em- labor party.” Brothers Johnston and Gompers and Senator LaFollette agree. The Chicago Tribune had an editorial to the same effect. We can understand LaFoliette’s position when we consider his class affiliation. We can comprehend Gompers and Woll being glad to get out of this excursion into irregularity. We can evaluaic Johnston’s motives for entering this campaign—and leaving it flat at the first opportunity. But why Bittelman and Cannon and Foster? Why our party?’ Why make it unanimous? If It's Dead, Bury It. At this very point, when the enemy ass and the labor traitors seek to bury the labor parity movement in the liberal party funeral, our tactic should be to take full advantage of the de- pression created by their relative fail- ure in the election to regain our ideo- logical leadership over the movement. toward class politics. 1snis is a very different proposal from the “Commun- ism versus Laborism” with which shallow adherents of the administra- tion try to explain the factional differ- ences. Even if it were true that the grave of LaFollette’s effort to organ- ize a definite Mberal party also con- tained, for the time being, the remains of a movement for a labor party, these last two months before the funeral would be a very poor time to slaughter our own slogan, “For a class labor !could be forged against the growth of One of its mem- | course of action, but we must always assign solid reasons acceptable to the working class, acceptable at least to those militants that more or less con- sistently follow our banner, We must not only give these reasons, we must terminate a campaign in such a man- ner that our position is clear, and unmistakable before the workers, To do otherwise puts us in the light of political tricksters in the eyes of those workers who are left high and dry as the result of response to our agitation; no more harmful result our movement, - Assorted United Fronts. The administration has not fought for its new position on the ground of its economic basis nor of its politi- cal consequences. It has virtually said “We are tired of this campaign, let’s try something else, here is a whole assortment of united fronts, take your pick, don’t play with the same united front all the time.” The premature abandonment of policies into which we have drawn our unor- ganized supporters is a very poor foundation upon which to start new united front agitations. In meeting the position of the minority, the administration has not taken any basic position, it has cre- ated straw men and proceeded to de- melish them. A favorite argument, is that the minority conceive of the labor party movement as the only kind of united front in existence. They mention a few others: for amal- gamation, protection of foreign born, unemployment—the last one espe- cially the most consistent opposition demand even during the time of the functioning .of the labor party united iront. The administration still looks upon it as merely “in the agitational stage.” The united front for amalga- tion was a fine basis. from which the united front for a labor party was made more sure of success, The united front for protection of the for- eign born was made easier of realiza- tion because of the united front for | a labor party which preceded it. The united front for a child labor cam- paign will be greatly helped provided we acquit ourselves creditably in the present. critical stage of the labor party action. It, and all other cam- paigns, will be seriously hurt if we allow our position to be confused with the hasty desertion of the liberals or the labor bureaucrats. They could drop this campaign for working class olitics like a hot potato just as soon en ERNE NENTS as they succeeded in their game of sterilizing it for this election, The election campaign is over, they are thru, Next time they will try it again. But is that also our position? On election night’ our chairman an- nounces, ‘We are thru with the farm- er-labor party slogan.” The inference to be drawn, by our friends in the labor movement is a painful one. More “Straw-men.” We do not say that the labor party is the only form that the united front can take. That is a straw-man. We do say that with our own intense trade union campaign for this policy still fresh in the minds of our sup- porters, with the fizzle of liberalism itself destroying the illusion of quick and certain immediate success over that road, with the self-exposure of the treachery of the labor bureaucrats still smarting the eyes of the rank and file trade. unionists who thought they were getting a class party—we say that now is, the time for our party to profit from this particular situation in the continuation of this slogan of deep mass appeal, a slogan that is solidly in line with both eco- nomic conditions and political devel- opments, - Against this the administration, toadying to an institutional pride that might abound in the republican party or in some kindergarten: but is luckily absent in a Communist Party, puts forth the slogan: “The labor. party idea is no good, for class polities: join the Workers Party.” Such a slogan would be entirely appropriate in a situation where a reformist-ruled labor party is actually actively defending and administering the interests of the capitalist class—it is utterly out of place two weeks after we ourselves were still supporting it, six months after we ourselves were in danger, of straying as far over the line as have the masses whom we could help start but could not stop. It is unheard of at a time when the labor bureaucrats sufficiently strong to try to steer their membership back into the parties of big capital, instead of neutralizing them in a reformist bloc under: their control. In the present backward state of political consciousness on the part of the American working class, “For a labor party” is a _reyolutionary mass slogan that promises the Workers Party the greatest possible increase of contact and militant influence. The ‘ery of “The Workers Party Against the Field” is sectarianism pure and T 18 a EPO RSS. MENT Party Activities Of Local Chicago Friday, Dec. 12 Scandinavian S. Side, 641 E. 61st St. Lettish: Branch, 4359 Thomas St. Saturday, Dec. 13. Y. W. L. dance, Northwest Hall, North and Western ‘Aves. cor, YOUNG WORKERS LEAGUE ACTIVITIES. LOCAL CHICAGO, Friday, Dec. 12. Area Branch No. 1, 6p.m., 180 West Washington St. Discussion on N. EB. C. statement. John Williamson, Area. Branch No. 2, 8p. 1 Island Ave. Discussion of N. ment. John A a Halsted St. ay ity tuseting. Area Branch No. 4, 8 p. m., activity meeting, 3322 be onbe h Blvd. Area Branch 8 p. m., activity Area Branch Pp. m., 2613 Hirsch meeting, 820 N, ark Bivd. Discussion of N. C. statement. Max Shachtman, speaker, Saturday, Dec. 13. Y. W. L. Dane Northwest Hall, cor. North and Western Aves. | JUNIORS HIKE SUNDAY Meet the bunch at Milwaukee and Western at 10 o’clock sharp on Sun- day, Dec. 14. Bring lunch and car- fare. Lots of fun ahead! League and party members invited. Amter and Carlson At Philadelphia Banquet and Dance PHILADELPHIA, Pa., Dec, 11—On WORKER, and Labor. were $3,200—expenses $1,200. PRESS RALLY ON SUNDAY, DEG. 14 DETROIT, Mich. Dec. 11.—Party and league united for the Communist press!. That is the slogan of the De- troit reds now. The entire membership of the Work- ers Party and of the Young Workers League has united solidly all of its forces in a final drive to put across @ monster press rally for the benefit 0: the DAILY WORKER and the drive of the Young Workers League to make their official organ, The Younk Work- er, a weekly. The rally is planned for Sunday, December 14,,and from the pre-meet- ing purchasing of tickets for the en- tertainment it is expected that hun- dreds of workers, with the proper amount of “flaming youths” included, will fill up the famous Holuse of the Masses, at 2646 St. Aubin St., on the Saturday evenin, Dec. 13, all Phila- coming Sunday, at 8 o'clock. | Tickets for this affair are priced at delphia party activities are called off ine ridiculously low sum of four bits to enable every comrade and sym- otherwise known as fifty’ cents each. pathizers of the party to attend the Not only will you be doing yourself banquet and dance which will be held a favor by coming and bringing your at the Shuberts Drawing Rooms,’ friends, but you will be bélping the party.” Even from the point of naked expediency, from which the majority judges this question, it is utterly stupid political tactic to surrender our advantage as the only political force in America which has kept unsullied the banner of working class politics. Even if we wanted to confine our- selves hereafter to the purely trade union program of the party it would still be criminal to abandon those militants whose original response to our own slogans started them on the pilgrimage that ended in the Mberal party swamp. The labor party | is not dead, but even if it were, the most elementary political sense would demand that we give it decent burial, after a determined offensive upon the LaFoliette gathering in January and a campaign of clarification in the unions to dispel the confusion that now exists among the militants them- selves as to our true position. — We cannot jump from one sloge another, abandoning our compete like a tired infant it things. It is ayer change tactios, even to ! slogan |the liveliest and the most enjoyable Franklin St, and Columbia Ave. vorking class press which ic fighting Isreal Amter who just returned from | in your interests. All forward-looking Moscow after two years of activity in working stiffs are expected to come Russia and Germany, will be the chief and bring their girls, since without speaker at the banquet with Comrade|them a red dance is. a pretty sorry Oliver Carlson, whd also recently ar-| affair, The dance will be the event rived from Russia and who is now in| of the social elite in working class charge of the educational work in|circles of Detroit and there will be district three, acting as toastmaster./darn few-to miss it, * Comrades in the Fretheit Singing] Remember the dat Society will sing some of their new 3 songs, which will add to the many attractions that promise to make this affair ever held in Philadelphia. Ad- mission 60c, Banquet will last till 2 a.m, Wyat is worth believin what you believe in, right eats find you on tip-toe), ready to go St. Paul Readers, Attention, A hard time dance will be given by the City Central Committee, of St. Paul at Commonwealth Club, 435 Rice edge Aah ay Friday, December Us 1924 lcicatie in ‘this alas of development. Members can be recruited far faster thru individual solicitation and or- ganization among those who are drawn into ‘co-operative action with us in these urited fronts than by an abstract general invitation. The. issue is not, the straw-man, “Communist Pafty versus Farmer Labor Party.” The issue is: “What shall be the Communist attitude to- ward the labor party movement in view of its betrayal by all elements except ourselves?” We Have Faith In Party. The issue is not that the minority have no “faith” in the Workers Party. They have more faith in it and in the revolutionary integrity of its mem- bers than have the majority, and they prove it by their willingness to throw the party into open struggle with the liberals and the labor bureaucrats for the ideological leadership of that part of the working class that has shown the urge to class conquest of political power. Whatever fears of “contami- nation” or “infection” there may have been to hold anyone back two years ago, the conduct. of our party mem- bership during the long and difficult ‘ 1924 campaign has been such | that we can feel sure of ourselves now. The rank and file has shown fully as much firm understanding as has its leadership, and it has shown self- discipline enough to follow loyally even when believing the leadership was mistaken. More cannot be de- manded from any party. Greater “faith” cannot be expressed in any organization. We do not oppose change because it is change. The administration wants to alter a major tactic, it wants to drop the united front campaign for a labor party. We do not say that this is the only united front. We do not say that we must campaign for a labro party forever and ever, Amen. We do say that this slogan is not dead as long as economic conditions remain as they are and militant sup- porters of working class political action remain enmeshed in the toils of liberalism or the labor bureaucracy. We challenge the administration to ‘justify the change either on the basis of economic change of political devel- opment. These two form the bases that determine changes in Communist tactics and“until a case is made out on these grounds the old tactic sup- ported in national convention and by the Communist International must )stand unchanged: CHICAGO BAZAAR NETS $2,000 FOR DAILY WORKER AND LABOR DEFENSE The Chicago bazaar committee reports over $2,000 netted for the DAILY Defense Spunel.. Approximately, the gross réceipts The committe desires to thank the following branches—Czecho-Slovac, Karl Marx Scandinavian, Ukrainian No. 1, Hungarian, Greek, Lettish and Polish, and Comrades Kalousek, Bekiesh, Holm especially. The. Chicago .conference.will..meet- Saturday afternoon, Dec. 13, at 3:15 o'clock. All delegates are requested to attend. DETROIT MONSTER IMPORTANT CHANGE IN RUSSIAN. MOVIE DATES IN DETROIT Owing to mistakes of the theater managers there is \an important change*in the dates for the Detroit showings of “Polikushka,” “Soldier ivan's Miracle,” and “Russian Asbes- tos Industry,” These pictures will be shown simultaneously at two theaters on Wednesday, Dec. 17. The correct list) of next week's dates: “ Medbury . Theater, Tuesday and Wednesday, Dec, 16 and 17. Caniff Theater, Wednesday and Thursday, Dec. 17 and 18. Royale Theater, Friday, Dec. 19. Philly Knit Goods Workers. PHILADELPHIA, Pa.— Federated Textile Unions of America haye been assisting the knitted-outerwear work- ers of Philadelphia to organize but will not ‘hinder. the International Ladies’ Garmen* Workers union from granting the knitwear workers a ¢char- ter in the Quaker City as they pave granted one in New York. asserts Tawreace F. LaBrie, secretary-ireas- urer of Federated Textile Unions. The federated is an independent organiza- lion, declares LaBrie, “ready to assist its affillated organizations in time of ganize,” peta MEMES Getting Over It. PARIS, Dee, 11.—Premier was slightly better today, to physicians treating wai for la srippe. Theyvordered that he remain in bed several days more, however. WORTH F. esr FOR is worth. battling. for. You fight for. GIVING for it. This minute ‘should Le hal A ‘RUSH IN and do your Mae SHARE of the aad confronts us, f strike or lockout” and “ready to help / « any and all classes of workers to ad