The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 26, 1924, Page 4

THE DAILY WORKER Open Discussion on Immediate (Continued from Page’) which had participated in the June 17 convention, also deserted to La- Follette. The farmemlabor party movement thus lost its mass char- acter, and the organization formed at St. Paul soon found itself reduced to little more than the Workers Party and a comparatively small circle of sympathizing organizations. It was a recognition of the fact that the farm- er-labor movement had been absorbed by the LaFollette movement, and that the former no longer had the propor- tions of a mass movement, that dic tated the action of the Workers Party oa July 8 in withdrawing its support from the farmerlabor presidential candidates and nominating candidates of its own. ‘The events of the campaign have! abundantly proved the correctness of our analysis of the situation and the policy we adopted for the campaign. It has strengthened the revolutionary morale of our membership, it has won for our party the sympathies and sup- port of every class-conscious worker in America, and it has established the Workers Party as the only working class political party in the United States. The fundamental conditions deter- mining the attitude of our party to- ward the farmer-labor movement are the same now as at the beginning of our experience in this field on the bas-! is of the united front tactics of the | Communist International. At the time | when the farmer-labor movement was developing a mass character, moving in the direction of an independent | party, it was correct for our party| itself to raise the slogan of “a farmer-) labor party” and participate actively | in the movement for it. When, as| became apparent in July, 1924, and as it is apparent now, the idea of a farm- | er-labor party lacks mass support and | RESOLUTIONS OF CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE ON PARTY DISCUSSION 1 The theses of the Central Executive Committee In its entirety shall be printed at once in single issues in all party papers. The theses of the minority in Its entirety shall be printed in the following issue of each paper. 2. Discussion of the theses in the party press shall commence Immediately after their publication. Articles contributed to the dis- cussion shall be printed in the DAILY WORKER in a special depart- ment under the heading “Party Discussion.” 3... All_party papers are obligated, as a matter of party discipline, to print. ail, articles relating tothe party discussion sent to them thru the party press service. - 4. Preliminary diseussion of the theses shall begin at once In the party branches. ‘ 5.. After the preliminary-disougsion in the party press and in the party branches has continued for the period of four weeks, general membership meetings shail ‘be called to discuss the theses. The Cen- tral Executive Committee will send representatives of both the Central Executive Committee ahd of the minority. to open and sum up the discussion at the membership meetings in the following cities: New York, Chicago, Boston, Detroit, Cleveland, Philadelphia, New Haven, Buffalo, Pittsburgh, Minneapolis-St. Paul. 6. The Central Executive Committee will set the dates for the membership meetings in all the cities as listed above, to which it will send representatives. 7. All general ‘membership meetings now scheduled shall be postponed to comply with the provisions of this resolution. 8. The convention date will be set by the Central Executive Committee as soon as approval has been secured from the Communist International. At least sixty days from the date of the publication of the Central Executive Committee political theses shall be allowed for discussion before the convention. 9. This resolution is to be published immediately in the party press. 10. All articles in all party papers must carry the signatures of their authors and no party paper shall carry unsigned editorial articles pertaining to the discussion. idium of the Comintern and by, every ist International: This means that it is the duty of our party first of all appeal among industrial workers and | leading comrade on it was “Is there poor farmers, the basic reasons for/a mass movement for a farmer-labor our support of this movement are not | party?" “Is the organized labor move- in existence. The Workers Party, | ment tending in the direction of a therefore, cannot advantageously -pro- | farmer- labor party?” and “Wculd a mulgate the slogan of a “‘farmer-labor | farmer-labor patty policy enable the party” at the present time. The fur- | Workers Party to link itself up with ther development of the class strug-|this mass movement for the further gle may eventually again create a |development of the class struggle, mass sentiment for the formation of a | and for the extension of the Communist farmer-labor party. In such:case the influence over the working masses?” Workers Party may find it advantage-|And when the Comintern finally ag- ous to again raise the.slogan for such reed to the Workers Party adopting a a party and actively participate in the |iabor party policy, it was mainly on movement for it. Our attitude to-|the strength of the information sup- ward it will depend on the advantages | plied to the Comintern by our del- it offers to the Workers Party from |egates, thaf there was in existence a the standpoint of promoting indepen-|strong mass movement ; towards a dent political action on a mass scale |farmer-labor party.” “ and of building the Workers Party in-| Now the situation is totally changed. to a mass Communist Party. There are no longer present the basic We are not opposed to the labor conditions which moved our own party in principle. Neither are We | party and the Comintern to adopt a bound to the theory of the historic in-|rarmer labor party policy. The com- evitability of the labor party in Amer-|ing of this charge was foreseen by ica. Still less do we hold. the opinion |+he Communist international when the that the labor party is the only med-| american question was last discussed ium through which independent class|jn the Comintern, that is when the political action of the working masses |jyqgement was passed on the pro- can find expression. We approach| posed “third party alliance.” In the this problem from the point of view |theses then adopted by the Comintern of whether the labor. party slogan can jointly with the C. EB. C. of our own now be used as a means of mobilizing | party, in that section of it which deals masses of workers for immediate | with the June 17 convention, we find class political action, and we say that/the following very significant words: neither for the present nor for the} «jn case of a split (at the June 17 the immediate future can the labor | convention) the question of whether party slogan be employed successfully |or not the Workers Party shall act for this purpose. altogether independently in its own The formation of a labor party be-/name, in the election campaign, or comes inevitable and possible only in- asmuch as the economic mass organ- izations of labor are compelled to join hands for independent political action. But when the leaders of these organ- whether it shall launch a campaign under the name of the farmer-labor party, will depend largely upon ‘whe- ther or not it (the Workers Party) to establish contact with the rank and file of the working class for im- mediate struggles against the capital- ists and their government. In all these united front campaigns it will be the duty of the Workers. Party to bring forward its Communist position on all | problems confronting the working class,, frankly and severely attacking | all the betrayals of the workers and utilizing these campaigns for the strengthening and upbuilding of the Workers are) At present ‘ain objective of our united front policy is to start a movement from below to compel the so-called: labor. wing in the LaFollette movement to break its alliance with the petty-bourgeoisie and to win the masses to te class struggle and to the leadership of the Workers Party. While powerful labor bureaucrats, such as Lewis, Hutcheson, and Berry are openly allied with the parties of the big bourgeoisie, we must realize that the main obstacle to the further development of the class struggle in America is the social pacifist illusion spread and cultivated by the LaFol- lette movement among the working masses. At present the main strength of LaFolletteism and consequently the main danger to the class struggle, comes from the ideological hegemony of LaFolletteismover the minds of large sections of workers and poor farmers. We must therefore concentrate our energy to expose and defeat the petty- bourgeois influence of La¥olletteism in the labor movement. The only way in which this can be done effectively is by putting up against the LaFol- lette movement the program of con- is successful in the split and will izations enter into a permanent al- Hance with the petty-bourgeoisie, and when such an alliance with the LaFol- lette movement receives the recogni- tion and support of almost the entire organized labor movement, then the question of forming a labor party loses its basic foundation and ceases to be a fighting issue for immediate tical use. The Communist International and the Farmer-Labor Party- It is claimed by the comrades who insist upon the farmer-labor party slogan continuing as the major slogan of our party, that the Communist In- ternational is in favor of their posi- depend on how far it maintains con- tact with the working masses at the June 17 conference.” With its usual far-sightedness, the Comintern distinctly foresaw the pos- | sibility of the farmer-labor movement being swallowed up by the petty- bourgeois LaFollette movement, and in such case provided that our party enter into the election campaign and take the political: field under its own name, on its own program, and ‘with its own candidates. This ie conclus- ive proof of the fact that the Comin- tern’s main guidé in the question of a farmer-labor party is the existence of a mass movement taking the form sistent class political action, that is, to propagate the revolutionary class struggle as against social pacifism and social reformism, which means put- ting up against the LaFollette party the Workers Party. This presents to us the problem of developing a series of campaigns de- signed to expose the bourgeois nature of LaFolletteism which can be accom- plishéd in no other way than by rais- ing concrete issues and by assisting and encouraging the rank and file in the formation of direct organs of mass struggle. The working masses will need organization and leadership in the shops, consequently we must urge and lead in the formation of shop com- tion. This is not correct. The Com- munist International has not yet pas- sed judgment on the present disagree- of such a party, and that in the ab! mittees. The growing army of unem- sence of such a movement the Work- ers Party cannot continue the use of the farmer-labor slogan and must look for other slogan: d tactical means to mobilize the masses for the class struggle under its. leadership. The policy outlined in this thesis is based precisely upon the principle of the Comintern. question, our method of handling it, and our solution of it, which is that the present conditions no longer justi- fy the use of the farmer-labor party slogan, is in complete accord with the position taken by the Communist International. The Communist Inter- national, proceeding upon its estab- lished principles for the labor party poiley, will support the position of the C. @ C. as expressed in this thes- ments in our party. The Central Ex- ecutive Committee is seeking the ad- vice of the Comintern on the labor party policy, which will become known in due time. However, on all those occasions dur- ing the past three years when the Comintern expressed itself in favor of a farmer-labor party policy for our party, it always based its position on the following two grounds: (1) that sere was in the United States a mass movement of workers and poor farm- ers taking the form of a movoment _toward a farmer-labor party; that | this ‘was a step in the right direction. _® That by participating in this) it and instilling it with the and practises of the class strug: the Workers Party could” best ote the development of the tev- movement in” the ,United and the upbuilding of itself in- Communist Party, summer of 1922, delegates of i Party to the Comintern, i ited Front and Our Prevent Objective, The united front polity remains the central tactical means for the mobil- ization of the masses for the class struggle and for the building of the 7 Workers Party into a mass Commun- | the first proposal of our|ist Party. We accept the united front nitiate a labor party policy:| tactics elucidated and explained asked by the pres.’ iby the Fi¢th Congress of the Commun. Our approach to the’ ployed will need leadership and organ- ization, consequently, it will be the duty of the Workers Party by means of the united front tactics to initiate and lead in the organization of coun- cils of unemployed. As the working masses gain militancy and aggréssive- ness the situation will become ripe and the necessity urgent for a general mobilization of all the forces of labor for a concerted struggle against the triumphant capitalist reac- tion. The working masses in Amer- fea will then feel the need of a un- itying center for leadership and direc- tion and a general labor congress elec- ted by the rank and file of labor in the trade unions and in the shops and amongst the unemployed will become the best means for the unification of the struggles of labor, It 14 the duty of the Workers Party to immediately begin to popularize the idea of such a labor congress, thus preparing the minds of the workers for the coming tasks. The guiding tactico! principle in all these activities must be the following: ‘That it {8 chiefly on the basis of the immediate needs of the workers and their immediate strug- gles that all these organs of the rank | (ae file will be brought ifito existence. As the class struggle develops and our campaign against LaFolletteism progresses there will be found. in a number of localities organized labor bodies ready to break their alliance with the petty bourgeoisie and to enter election campaigns as labor or- ganizations. In such cases, it will be the duty of the Workers Party to secure the political support of thet labor bodies for the Workers Part, Wherever this is impossible becau: of the immaturity of the masses, the Workers Party will ‘propose united labor fronts for election purposes. In proposing whether such united fronts will be carried on under the auspices of labor congresses, councils of action, labor parties, éte., the Workers Party will be guided by one principle: only, namely, whether they will promote the class struggle and enable the Workers Party to build itself into a mass Com- munist Party. IMMEDIATE TASKS OF THE PARTY 1. Exposure of the Bourgeols Na- ture of LaFolletteism. This becomes the) central problem of our agitation and propaganda, It must be carried on along the follow- ing lines: (a) Formulate concrete political demands based on immediate burning needs of the masses; (b) popularize these demands among the masses; (c) call upon the rank and file in the shops, unions, among the unemployed, to address resolutions, petitions, and to hold mass meetings demanding that the “labor” wing in the LaFollette combination and the LaFollette group in congress propose legislation along the lines of the de- mands of the masses, at the same time creating the necessary united front fank and file organization for the struggle; (a) by these campaigns unmask the bourgeois nature of LaFol- letteism and of the labor lieutenants of the LaFollette ‘movement, expose the futility of demoeratic-pacifist par- liamentarism and demonstrate the necessity of following the leadership of the only class political party, the Workers Party; (e) the economic and political slogans that will be em- ployed in these campaigns should be grouped around the following central slogans: (a) break the alliance with the big, middle, and petty bourgeoisie; (b) form the united front from below of the workers and poor farmers with the Workers Party; (c) as against the LaFollette party, the Workers Party; .(d) as against the futility of LaFollette’s parliamentary reformism, the use of the mass power of, the. workers. ical ends un; der the leadersljip of the revolutionary working class political party, the Workers Party. 2. Work Amongst the Agricultural Laborers and Poor Farmers. With regard to the. agricultural proletariat our party has practically the same duties to perform as with regard to the city proletariat. We must encourage and assist the organi- zation and strengthening of unions of agricultural workers, giving full support to the I. W. W. where it is functioning as a mass union in this field. These agricultural unions to be linked up to the unions of the indus- trial workers for’ ¢ommon action against the capitalists and rich farm- ers. Hand in hand with this must go the building up of the Workers Party branches. The class conscious ele- ments among the agricultural workers must be organized as Communists and become part of the Workers Party. While keeping in mind that the basis of our party is the industrial proletariat, we must also pay close attention to the semi-proletarian ele- ments on the farms, the poorer sec- tions of the farmers, These can be brought over politically very close to our party and eventually a consider- able proportion of them may be assim- ilated into our party organization. In order to bring this about, our task will be to separate’ the semi-prole- tarian elements from the well-to-do farmers and the w petty bour- geoisie on the basis of the specific economic and political needs of the tenant farmers and other groups of exploited farmers against the land- holding corporations, grain specula- tors, the banks, and the rich farmers. It will be the duty of the Workers Party, after it has established a Com- munist organizational base among the agricultural workers, to assist the semi-proletarian elements of the farms to form their own economic organiza- tions and to link up their struggle with the general class struggle of the American working class. It is of su- preme importance that the Central Bxecutive Committ of the party establish an agrarian with a responsible national head. ‘The special nature of our agrarian work demands special means of agitation and organization, also a special agra- rian press, which can best be taken White Terror? “White Terror in Can America Behind?" ; By ROSE KARSNER, Be sure to read it ber issue of the MONTHLY—and | other splendid you SUBSCRIBE! = care of by an agrarian department of the party. ‘The party must realize the supreme importance for the success of the proletarian. revolution that it is abso- lutely necessary to secure for ou party and for the proletarian clas} struggle the sympathy and support. o! the agricultural workers and poor 8. 3. Work Amongst the Negroes. The Negro masses of America, mostly workers and poor farmers, are} the most oppressed and persecuted section of the toiling masses of America. The cause of the oppressed Negro masses is the cause of the Workers Party. .We must extend our activities among the Negro workers and poor. farmers, leading their struggles against all forms of race discrimination, for complete equality in industry, in the trade unions, and all other phases of social intercourse, and against capitalist exploitation. We must emphasize in our agitation among the Negro masses that their only salvation as a persecuted race and also as a part of the working class, lies in the revolutionary class struggle under the leadership the Workers (Communist) Party, 4. Industrial Wor! In the future, as e past, the task of securing the leadership of the workers in the industries and mobiliz- ing them for the struggle remains the basic task of our party. To accom- plish this task our party must hasten the reorganization on the shop nuclei basis, which will give us direct con- tact with the workers and an organi- zational basis in the shops. Thru the shop nuclei we shall be able to ac- tively participate and win the leader- ship in the daily struggles of the workers, and thereby extend organized Communist influence in the trade unions. The organization of the mili- tant left wing in the trade unions, as one of the main means of revolution- izing the trade unions, must be carried forward with renewed vigor and inten- sity. The organization of the unor- ganized masses must occupy an ever larger share of the attention of the Workers Party. We must realize once for all that only the organized efforts of the Communists, leading a militant left wing, will-succeed in brivging the unorganized into the labor movement and in transforming labor's economic organizations into organs of revolu- tionary struggle, industrial in form, and based upon shop committees. 5. dhtperialism and thie Dawes Plan. Driven by the development of the capitalist economy of the United States, the American ruling class is Party employment program which. Outlines the slogans and forms of orgéniza- tion for the struggle against unem- ployment. HE BOLSHEVIZATION OF THE PARTY. ‘We subscribe fully to-the decision of the Fifth Congress of the Commun. t: International .that, ‘The most im- portant task in the present period of activity of the Comintern is ‘to Bol: sheyize the sections of the Commun. ist International.” In ‘accordance with’ the principles’ laid down ‘by the Ffth ‘Congress, ‘the Workers’ Party must become a real’mass ‘party. It must have the ability to manetiver, it mnust be able to resort to every stra- tegic maneuver ‘against the enemy. Its’ tactics must’ be neither dogmatic nor sectarian. ‘The Workers’ Party must be essentially a revoliitionary and Marxist party, a centralized party, prohibiting factions, tendencies, and groups. It must be a mofolithic party hewn of one piece. It must also carry on regular concrete propaganda in the capitalist army. It is only by Bolshevizing the Workers’ Party, by instilling into it the true spirit of the teachings of Leninism, that. we. can succeed in our historic mission to lead the masses to the overthrow .of capt talism in the United States. 1. Communist Educati One of the most effective means of Bolshevizing our party is the educa- tion of. our membership in. the princi ples. and tactics of Leninism. The previous experiences of, our. party demonstrate the great need for such systematic education. . A . beginning has already been made by the educa tional department of the. party. in establishing party study classes thru- out, the country, by the organization of party schools in New York, Chi cago, and Boston, by commencing the publication of. a number of important theoretical books and pamphlets, and by ‘the organization in a number of districts of circuit study classes. This mus: be followed up with a more ex- terisive net of study classes: and by the further development of @ compre- hensive library of Marxism and” Len- inism. The central executive commit tee realizes the great importance of this work and has instructed the edu- cational department to prepare a spe- | cial thesis on Cemenies educational we Shop Nuclei. ‘Our party memibership is: “gpaaaily coming ‘convinced that “the. shop nuclei form of organization the most effective means of transferring fast assuming the position of the fore- ithe Workers’ Party into-a iass-Com- most imperialist power in the world. American imperialism has already subdued and brought under its domina- tion in various forms almost the en- tire continent of America, North and South. Now, thru the Dawes plan, American imperialism has made a bid for world domination. In consequence of this, militarism and navalism are rapidly coming to the forefront in the United States, which spells more op- pression for the working class and the danger of new imperialist wars. It will be the duty of the Workers’ Party to open the eyes of the Ameri- can masses to the menace of Ameri- can imperialism, to the treacherous role of Gompers and the labor bureau- eracy generally in their support of the imperialist policies of American capitalism. The immediate task 0! the party is to mobilize the Ameri can working masses against Dawes plan and against the imperial- ist and militaristic adventures of American capitalism in Central and South America. It will be the duty the munist party. Only a small “begin: ning has been made as yet in the ac- tual work of reorganization. - How- ever, since the main difficulty, of con- vineing our party membership of the necessity of such reorganization is be- ing overcome, the process of reorgan- ization wilt from now on proceed more rapidly. It will take the concerted effort of the entire general: party or- ganization, the support of’ the -federa tion bureaus, and the guidance of the Communist International to complete tle process of putting our party upon the basis of shop nuclei organization The central executive committéé will submit to the convention a’ special thesis on shop nuclei. ee "3. War Against 0; ‘unism inthe Party. The greatest danger which may be- fall a Communist Party is, to become infected with opportunism oppor: tunistic tendencies. The first step toward the real Bolshevization of our party must be the stamping out com: of our party to initiate a movement | pletely of every vestige and sign of of the entire working class on the | such opportunistic tendencies. American continent for a defense of | A. The Second and a Half Interna: the rights and independence of the |tional Tendencies. As pointed out by ‘small nations and for a unified strug: gle against domination of American capital. ‘on 6. Struggle Against Unemployment. As unemployment develops upon a mass scale, which is a definite and in- evitable result of the growing contra- dictions of American capitalism, the party must take the lead immediately in stimulating, initiating, and organ. izing councils of the unemployed in co-operation with shop councils, trade unions and other workers’ organiza- tions, upon a local, regional, and na tional basis. The following general principles shall guide our participation in this campaign which must be closely linked up with the general program of the party in all its phases; (a) un employment is an inescapable phe- nomenon of capitalism and can be abolished only by the abolition of the system that produces it; (b) the struggle against unemployment must acquaint the workers with this fact without dampening their ardor for the immediate struggles but rather inten- sifying it; (c) to this end practical sets of demands must be formulated, slogans raised, and a program of ac tion established designed to weld all protest and actions against unemploy- ment into a-national movement, This program must in turn be adjusted to each local and industrial situation in @ practical manner; (d) the slogans and practical actions of the struggle will follow two general lixes—political and economic, They will be directed against the government as the repre: ‘sentative of the capitalist system and against ag the Communist International there are present within our party certain tend- encies manifesting some remnants of the ideology of the Second and a Half International. These menacing tend encies were particularly notiéeable ir a number of articles which’ appeared in the New York Volkzeitung,” edited by Comrade Lore. The spirit of thes« articles and their general tretid arc totally foreign to the spirit 6f Lenin ism and cannot be tolerated hbo Paniet Party. - We need only refer to the ‘exanbe thetic attitude assumed by the Volk zéiting toward Paul Levi and toward Communist International.’ Also the super-critical . attitude’ the Communist International and its lead- ing comrades, that manifested: itseli in the Volkzeitung on various’ occas- fons, These are merely surface indi- cations of menacing leanings which, it members, will drive a wedge between our party and the Communist. Inter. national to the reg detriment of our party. | * Other tendencies lesuing toward op- portunism are the hesitation and weakness exhibited by some of our comrades in the trades ‘Unions in various industries and localities in struggle against the right wing “party must realize that one our principal fighting fronts is in oe ihe trade unions. Here our comrades have to meet daily the ferocious the the lieutenants of capitalism labor movement. Here, cad anywhere else, must our cor hibit militancy, aggressiv Serrati when the latter opposed the | allowed to spread among the party’ __ Wednesday, Nover November 26, 194 Task The least deviation on this feld off battle from the revolutionary lines of Leninism weakens and endangers, our whole party. The way to against these weaknesses is strict ad- herence to the letter and spirit of the tactics of the Communist Interna tional and the Red International of Labor Unions, of which the represom tative in. the United States is Tgade Union Educational League, B. The Right Deviation of Fi aborism In our Party. The Com: unist International has repeatedly pointed out that the united front tao tics, altho the most effective means tn mobilizing the masses for the class struggle and for the upbuilding of a mass Communist Party, also carries with it serious dangers whk‘ch -Com- munist Pa: must constans’y guard against. The ation of the united front tactics in America, thra our fight to establish a farmer-labor party, has on the whole strengthened our party and extended its influence among the masses. But, at the same time, it gave rise within our party to a men- acing tendency to make the farmer- labor party an end in itself and to relegate the Workers’ Party to the background. The position taken by the pee s of this tendency is that the only way to crystallize independent political ac- tion of workers and poor farmers is thru a farmer-labor party, forgetting the existence of the Workers’ Party as the political class party of the workers and poor farmers. Thesé comrades also take the position that the only way to build a mass Com- munist Party in America is thru @ farmer-labor party, thus enunclating a new principle that the Workers* Party can never become a mass Com- munist Party except thru organizing and working within a farmer-labor party. Notwithstanding the declaration of these comrades that they conceive the farmer-labor party merely as an instrument for the building up of the Workers’ Party, the effect of this \theory is to tend to liquidate the Workers (Communist) Party in: fa- yor of a non-Communist farmer-labor party. These comrades work under the delusion that the Workers’ Party as such and under its own name can- not successfully appeal to and absorb into its ranks large masses of work: ers. Their theory is that the Work ers’ Party can at present appeal only to a small section of theoretically convinced Communists and that in order to approach with Communist propaganda larger masses of workers, our party must form new special po- litical organizations, such as women's councils and a farmer-labor party. This non-Communist conception of the role of our party manifests itself particularly in the tendency to resort to all kinds of new political organiza- tions, substitutes for the Workers’ Party, whenever an opportunity pre- j sents itself to appeal to large masser i of workers on concrete issues of everyday life. The protagonists of this theory at- tempt to justify their false concep- tions on the basis of the united front tactics of the Communist Interna- tional. This is totally wrong. The fundamental idea of the united front tactics is to bring the Workers’ Party {tself into direct contact with the rank and file of the working class in their everyday struggles against the canitalists, and to popularize it as the leader of the fight for their daily needs. The attempt to set up a farmer-labor party in the absence of a powerful mass movement in the direction of such a party, means noth- ing else than the setting up a semi- Communist substitute for the Work. ers’ Party. A fundamental principle of the united front tactics is that a Com- munist Party must absorb into its own ranks every section and group of the working class that accepts in the struggle the policies and slogans of the Communist Party. Therefore, every attempt by the Workers’ Party to set up middle-of-the-way poll bodies to take the place of the Work- ers’ Party in the eyes of the massés is in direct violation of Communist principles, and if carried to any lenj will spell the liquidation of the W ere’ (Communist) Party. This er-laborism opportunistic with in the Workers’ Party means death and destruction to the Commun- ist movement of America. It mani- fests lack of faith in the aj ; power of a Communist orga and in its ability to become the prac tical leader of the struggles of the workers. It is a right wing by Mee which, in quest of imaginary ate results, sacrifices the future. by the Workers’ Party, This tendenc! ra prermiioes relentlessly combanet a out, The Workers’ Party is still a a smi party, but it is on the right road reat influence in the labor pal ment. By applying the tactics of the united front from below oo ithe be ‘