The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 26, 1924, Page 3

| Wednesday, November 26, 1924 THE DAILY WORKER Page Thre A Thesis on the Political Situation and in the elections, the reactionary offi- Kos Wontar wary." '"* VT SUMMARY OF THE C. E. C. THESIS ON |\<2ecciea'te wr to convince too vore|| ISSUE LETTER ON ORGANIZATION AND THE ECONOMIC AND THE POLITICAL |\s5s ‘ts crranseation into an tndeyex-|| CONDUCT OF THE PARTY DISCUSSION ae a nee oe SITUATION A N D sf H E T A S K S OF thoy tusk return to the old non par Federation Secretaries and City|this meeting, which was held on THE ECONOMIC SITUATIONS THE WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA Central Committees on the organ-|the eve of the full C. E. C. meet- they must return to the old non-par- tisan tactics; which means to go to the back door of the old party councils, ization and conduct of the party|ing where theses were to be con- | The Dawes plan and the victory there to beg for crumbs in the time- discussion. To be read at the next | sidered and the discussion officially "of reaction in the elections, with regular meetings of these commit-| opened, an attempt was made to the election of Coolidge and Dawes, tees thruout the party. force the meeting to an immediate have raised the morale of the capitalist honored Gompersian manner. 4. The CG. P. P. A. and the Socialist yi decision on our central political class in the United States but have not eae oe eee ie ne |problem. This attempt was bitter- reversed any of the fundamental fac- intention of the Certral Exsou- Party. In endorsing the candidacy of La- hi ly resented by another section of tors characterising the present period tive Committee that In this Pre-|the meeting whioh insisted upon a . ne convention period the party mem- id of decline of world capitalism. The P parsy Follette the C. P. P. A. has merely So cnadt a ee study of the theses and a more c lon with the so-called “pro-i} bership be given the widest pos- the Ualt ir we ‘Sm ee she gressive group” in congress. The C. P. sible opportunity to study and dis- penis othe hk irghenid dd France; oFet: the: bueheaden tack nie a ny See seme as the Inbor |] cuss all phases of the central prob- | bietely demoralize the meeting, to pont ddr tye aig bbier = « bile cen akog vedas fem at present confronting the | givert attention from the main Dawes plan, demonstrate the inability remaing the dominant labor wing of|] Workers Party, in order that the of capitalism to restore the world questions of policy to questions of ne whole party membership may be parliamentary procedure and tech- market, The process of disintegra- able to arrive at a mature and well tion continues and is bound te produce the LaFollette movement, which is also subject to pressure by the Gom- fi , h considered Judgment before pass- Sa le diseoas mannan bonis further crises with further sharpening Ing final decision, +s iy of the class struggle. pers machine. The C, P. P, A. was Shaan te cactoations rot To this end, for the most thoro ited thems hy me Gee 2, A year ago the United States it will continue the alliance with La- and widespread discussion In the abe Reesutiee Barc eiten ee rei had entered upon a period of economic Follette and will remain one of the history of the party, the Central! calig upon all part: coniuitttecd ts depression, which our party foresaw forces pushing the movement in the Executive Committee is making #0 6 rere pee ie t the discu (Sept, 1923—resolution on economic direction of a third, petty-bourgeois, || ample provisions to give the mem-| sion se to prevent the occurrence situation for the Trade Union Hduca- party. bership full opportunity to familiar- anywhere ia ene arty of in Bi tional League conference) and which ize themselves with the points of | o¢ this kind. party c! s we correctly judged to mark a crisis view of the minority as well as that aera? in American economic life (third con- The socialist party, which up to July, 1924, was trying to retain a iq of the Central Executive Commit-| We are enclosing herewith a vention, Workers Party and March tee. copy of a C. E. C. resolution on the 1924 thesis of C. E. ©.) The develop- } certain measure of independence as a | party discussion. This resolution, | ment of this crisis followed the ex- e Party Tasks a en Discussion on Immediat workers’ and poorest sections of the farmers, is definitely out of the range of practical politics for the immediate future. 8. The United Front and Our Lae bor Party Tactics. We accept the conception of the | united front tactics as outlined and interpreted by the Fifth Congress of the Communist International. We jlook upon the tactics of the united |front as a means of exposing the | treachery of the trade union reaction- | artes, the class collaborationists, and social patriots, and as a means of win- ning over the masses for the struggle against capitalism under the leader- |ship of the Communist Party, in short, as the central means of build- ing the Workers Party into the mass Communist Party of America, Three years ago our party adopted the position that a labor party policy was the only way of applying the tac | ties of the united front to the political conditions of America. To this de- ; cision our party was moved by the | following considerations: The exist- |ance of the strong mass movement in |the direction of a farmerlabor party jas evidenced by a large number of |local and state farmer-labor parties, | and also by the formation of the C. P. | P. A., which we interpreted as the re- sult of this same mass pressure to- wards independent political action, We also realized that, unlike the Commun- f Submitted by Foster, Cannon, Bittel- 1 Sharpening of the Class Stryg-| on its own platform, under its own * gle. This is the period of the| "ame, in the elections. To pene- trate the C. P. P. A. (labor wing of dectine sii i The cha08| the LaFollette movement) meané pitalis em in Europe] participation in the “third party,” Mallya nage pier abe which is absolutely unallowable, capitalism is still strong, and is| 5 Bolshevization of the Workers struggling desperately against the| Party. In the difficult period of forces of dissolution. All predict-|°!ass struggle just ahead, the first able factors point, however, to an necessity Is a real Bolshevik party. immediate downward plunge of The Workers Party must be made American industry, overcoming the into suoh @ party. It must be the present slight upward tendency. It leading fig oe in every struggle of Is not possible to predict how much|*h® workers; it must educate its capitalism can overcome the crisis bers In Marxiem and. Lenin- with its present artificial program 5 it must. completely reorganize of great bullding operations, be- itself on the basis of shop nuclei; cause, not being based upon normal it must be a monolithic party, hewn Investment for profit, It Is net of one piece, prohibiting fractions, hea fe. All known and. pre-| 9°OUPs, and tendencies; it must dictable factors Indicate renewed Sueiisdlaon (halt ite teense Ontail we sing ada ere the Workers Party, against the 2) : International tendency, represented 2.|Farmer-Labor Party Movement/in the group around the Volkezei- Merges in LaFollette “third party.”| tung, as well ae against the more The outstanding change in the] insidious and menacing danger of pacibgeny eerarit Is Lene hag oct farmerlaboriem in our ranks. ance of the LaFollette petty boum! ¢, No Substitutes for the Work: geols alliance and the merging with ere Party. Nothing can replace the As a guarantee that the disous- sion will be carried on in a con- structive manner, the Central Exe- cutive Committee considers it nec- political party, has since then almost ic nae merged Runde Laud eh together with this letter, must be pected course up until Sept, 1924, socialist rose: , glia saab the guide of all responsible party except for a short period of slight re- committees during the party di covery in the first quarter of 1924, In cussion, The discussion must be as the month of August more than 2,000,- | ist Parties of Europe, our task was not to win away the masses from | reformist mass political parties speak- ald government, in France by the “left bloo” and the Herriot govern- ment, in Germany by the subordina- tion of the social-democrats to the “center parties.” The movement towards a farmer- labor party, that is, a political mass} party based upon the economic mass | organizations of the workers and the Poorest sections of the farmers, and pursuing a policy independent of bourgeois parties, and more particul- arly the movement for a farmer-labor ticket in the presidential elections of 1924, these movements have been de- ted by the going-over of the C. P. P. A. and the Gompers’ machine into the LaFollette camp carrying with them the great mass of organized workers. In fact one of the reasons why the C. P. P. A. and the Gompers’ machine so readily accepted the can- didacy of LaFollette and entered into the alliance with the petty bourge- oye tig re bs to nad as pty independent politica’ be f of the farmerlabor party move- party. It Support the formation essary to lay down some general | tno nd col * ment. This is the American ex- Utne talons caine pve of the petty-bourgeois party under principles regarding the conduct of easly Sneabire Mise tives a ling tn’ the. mame ot Jabot) SeORINe Me bart pe aaa ae ae: seeped iz ani Pescara the peasien ‘euler In tha #0 . the pirassiesy, of a “labor party.” Pane at i veg ay and | opportunity to hear and discuss all ye were none at that time in the result of is crisis. perlod, lusion on the pa 5. * guidance of all pa’ committees, prer 3. The expected low point in the|| of the rebelling workers that their|@#Y Struggle. The eae weasels Wing of the La || viich will be responsible to the | prints of view and to freely express || United. States, but to compel the re- “farmer-labor party” ollette Combination. their own opinion. There must be |) actionary trade union leaders to break Cone rab tee anewoun dene Renee Hrerittn andes ine ecder.|and only possible leader of the por, the Dourseots wing of the La- Salting thane Inte effect Tr ait eee, (M2, limitation or restriction of these || with their old non-partisan policies and ractical struggles of the workers, ‘ollette combination, the alliance with rights in any section of the party. || that occured in September, and the ship of the middie class. It is the eee that it ts er duty of the Work. the labor bureaucrats and with cer- tions of the party under their su-lit ig only by strictly aanbeing ue - Poricginc rrr t h slight but continuous recovery since ers Party to create such a farmer. ||tain sections of the labor aristocracy || P*rv'sion these principles that we shall be | is. to" t th es the that time (up to November 15) was labor party, is a petty bourgeois is a perfectly profitable proposition, A fundamental condition for such | able to mobilize the collective ex- ee # ee pangs ps args Fy the result in the first place of season- deviation, it is opportunism, it is a ||since this alliance in no way conflicts |] ® thro and constructive dlecus-|perience and intelligence of tne pair ced aia ¢ ve mai Pies area al variations based upon the market- ion of the fundamental theo- || with the capitalist basis of the move- sion is that no attempt be made | party for a correct solution of our ee ae ip i e eagles sige F ing of the grain crops, and, in the ¢ of Leninism, and it feads die ||ment, while {t secures for itself the || (" any section of the party to force |immediate problems, and to pro- pita trade as ig perhgpener second place, of manipulations de rectly to the liquidation of the support of large masses of workers the membership to snap judgment |ceed from this to the strengthen- \o er bie Si a cgi ar y or sae. signed to artificially stimulate in- Workers Party. and poor farmers. The professional-|} °" premature decision on the vital ing of our party and its develop- any Meet be nnd pF ae dustry for the purpose of influencing 3. Struggle Against LaFollettiom.| 7 11. workers Party is the Onl liberal group of this bourgeois wing, || Probleme confronting the party. |ment towards a mase Communist || °% Bacon Worerne Smee the election ($100,000,000 rail and|| The principal task of the Workers]. 0° po ae pb Warheta: hai as represented by the Nation and the || Such attempts are bound to pro-|Party capable of leading the toil- || Our conception of a labor party was equipment orders of the railroad cor-|| Party te to break away the workers| (TT one’ caity that fights always ||New Republic, demands the formation || “ue, “destructive results and to |ing masses of America toa victory |/that of a political party based upon porations, etc.), carried over after|| ad poor farmers from LaFollett-| 4 svecywhere for the interests of ||of a pourgeols third party which thee militate against the party arriving | over the bourgeoisie. | the trade unions of America, with the the election in the hectic boom caus- presen TWhav a eeone i raed the working. cides, that hde we it, [hotien all « fansetiabor party, ‘The S . esgag and well-considered de- Fraternally, ome Paoy eoeangg va it “ i . as most conscious ani militant efit! i. nop er ide pendent movement for a farmer-|*erests apart from those of the |/ practical politicians of the movement, An example of what may result |The Central Executive Committee |! section, striving to win the mags . The normal operation of the cap- || (oo party existed, an effective | Working class, and that party isthe || who represent the well-to-do farmers, from any such attempts occurred| of the Workers Party of America. |) | italist Aa a Feiner bpp yt he ‘eago r nsf this end was found in| Party of Communiem, the Workers || small bankers, and merchants, such as ata pride membership meeting Wm. Z. Foster, Chairman, sane wake ‘erthe wana: yd ae ethene e development |! the slogan “For a Farmer-Labor Party, The Workers Party must |/LaFollette, Wheeler, Brookhart, etc., in Chicago held on Nov. 19. At ©. E. Ruthenberg, Secretary. || workers Party. We held to th ‘ of crisis, so that 1925 holds the pro- Party.” Now that this movement claim and fight for its position of whose fortunes are more closely orkers iy. e he! e cor: ie Sbect of repeating the experiences of ||’ jas ost its leadership. No fake labor parties |/bound up with the old capitalist nas tee Ente ye eee ee 1920-21 when 6,000,000 workers were on i Ave nd beng i et Pane parties, will with the {m.| Workers ase poor farmers for LaFol-| “The speed democratic-pacifist por ataaaned penn ponent 2: y , Mmeinployed. The: ¢ shortage hanna |e orKers. fou che lette in the election. i governments, like: governments of an | ¢- th tte Aad been ‘over fe Reema hag become |working class that only by follow: “Il hut wilt surely tae tee sarin Ted sense’ thie developing LaFol analogical type which may still be| Organizations of labor are compelled come. Bxports have been increasing, united front Is the principal tactic, ing a revolutionary policy, only by combination. lette party will mark the completion] formed, not only aré incapable of to join hands for independent polit- but not in the volume sufflcient to af- but today It must be the united accepting the leadership of the 6. The Future Development of the of a process which is taking place in| carrying on a really democratic and ical action. Because of the existence t fect the general course of events.|| front to fight for specific demands, | COMMunist International and its LaPotlette Movement. almost every higbly-developed capital-| peaceful policy, but on the contrary,|Of such a, movement, an@ because of ‘There are, however, confiicting ten-|] on burning lesues, from below in| section, the Workers Party, either Because of the pressure of capitalist |8t country, It is the development] will themselves become Fascist very the glaring_bankruptcy and total in- dencies, the exact force of which can-|| the shape of “councils of action,” by — the bed kers Party or development and exploitation, and in |‘W@™4s an organizational merger be-| quickly. The class struggle will by|@ffectiveness of the non-partisan tac- not yet be measured. unemployment councils, shop com-| q'tering Into a united niga’ with J\spite of the comparative weakness {tween the political expression of the/no means be stified, but will burn all| tics of Gompers and the C. P. P. A. ‘A factor that now shows possibility || mittees. ete, and not the united +4 anise. banal bier Fa Pa of the LaFollette movement, as de-| Petty bourgeoisie and the political ex-|the more brightly in the bounds of |Our labor party slogan soon became of alleviating the crisis is the tenden-|] front from the top in the shape of ide. The: Weekors Wark monstrated in the elections, this (Pression of the trade union bureau-/these ‘democratic’ and ‘pacifist’ | Teal fighting issue in the labor move- cy to start great building projects of |] farmer-labor parties. a aan name, 1 een paid movement, comprising an alliance be-| cTacy and certain sections of the labor|states. The change of regimes (de-|™ent, appealing to wide circles of public and semi-public nature, not 4. The Comintern and the F-L. P.| ner, its own program of practical ||tween petty-bourgeoisie and the labor | *!stocracy. mocracy—tascism—democracy) will; Workers and poor farmers, and thus based upon immediately profitable in-|| The Communist International ap-|struggle, must enter into every ||aristocracy, is bound to grow in| In Bngland this development is/@ll the more certainly undermine the send us in cur task of exposing (me vostment. It is impossible to gauge |] proved of our past farmeriabor| battle of the workers against their ||volume and in power. Even though| manifesting itself in the studfed pol-/foundations of tottering capitalism. | !#bor reactionaries and strenthening exactly the possible effects of this|| party policy because It meant| oppressors, calling for and forming ||the LaFollette movement may con-|icy of the MacDonald group to trans- From each such change the masses of | the influence of the Workers Party. building program and other artificial|| struggle within a mass movement|where possible all sorts of united || tinue in its present loose form, sooner | form the labor party from a political] the people and, especially, the prole- The first serious departure from stimulants. The known and predict-|| for its penetration with Commun-|fronts upon specific issues, and us- ||or later it will be forced to overcome, | Darty of the trade unions into a com-| ‘arian masses, will emerge all the this policy was made when the former able forces at work all point to a|| ism. But the facts have changed,|ing every such struggle, whether || partially at least, the contradictions| bination between the bourgeois mid-|Ticher in political experience, and majority of the Central Executive renewed development of the crisis. the farmer-labor movement Is no|alone or in a united front, as in- |/of group and sectional interests with-|dle classes and the upper sections of | Seasoned with a greater readiness for Committee abandoned the idea of a 5. The immediate pressure of the longer an independent mass move-| struments for directly recruiting |/in its ranks, sufficiently to crystallize | labor, that is, by converting the labor the struggle, while the bourgeoisie |!abor party based upon broad masses agrarian crisis upon the agrarian ment, a change which the Comin-|the workers into the Workers into a new political party. As a par-| Party more completely into a bourge- and its servants, the social demo-|°f organized workers, and adopted in- masses has been tremendously light- tern foresaw when it warned of the| Party and building it into the mass it will be based "pon ge bot ait | ois third party. cratic leaders, will emerge with weak- | Stead the policy of a labor party com- + ened by the large grain crops of the || Possible necessity of the Workers | Communist Party that will lead the ls d middle sections of the bourgeoisi In France the same development is|°2¢¢ forces, demoralized, and with |Prising only the Workers Party and United States in the face of a world|| Party running its own candidates, proletarian revolution in America. the rich farmers, the Eeitsedoeal taking place in the form of a parlia-|2° Confidence left in themsleves or its close circle of sympathizing or- shortage, resulting in a sharp increase Set] groups, certain séctions of the labor| mentary alliance between the socialist| i thelr policies. And thus the forces | 6etiealine, Tis Polley waa later of prices. While it is estimated that|ate the economic factors of society,) These five groups are moving to-|atistocracy, and the labor bureau-|party and the liberal parties of the of the proletarian revolution will grow fone ve in the Federated Farmer- a very high percentage of the in-|to compel the masses still to follow|gether politically, at present if rather | cracy. 5 bourgeoisie, the so-called “left bloc” until its decisive victory.” rennet io toe en hedgers ae a creased prices of grain will go direct-|its lead. The economic basis for the|/a loose fashion, for the purpose of} This party will represent a political| which form the basis of the Herriot] 7, The LaFollette Movement and |ted at a C. E. Frgeceptiny ey op ly into the hands of bankers and mer-| victory of reaction was, to a consider-|securing for themselves a measure of | alliance between the left wing of the| government. Socially and politically the Labor Part; \1923. This th t ugust, chants, who hold first claim to the/able extent, the slight revival in ag-| political power which they will use| bourgeoisie on the one hand, and the| this left bloc is of the same nature as is | consiati: " 1 apendtes a =o crop returns because of credit ex-|riculture and industry, enlarged and | against the political aspirations of the |Teactionary social-patriotic, class col-|the LaFollette movement. iso goon rer Ao te oe ae tended to the bankrupt and near-| magnified by capitalist manipulation| proletarian masses and the poorest |laborationists wing of the labor move-| In Germany the social-democracy, hn in pre ne teats bepedbth bankrupt poor farmers, yet it is @)and publicity. The election demon-|sections of the farmers. In other|ment on the other hand. It will func-| which is chisotivel the of th oe pai a organizations contained the fact that the purchasing power of} strated also the cowardice and the|words, the LaFollette combination is|tion as the extreme left party of the| trade union oper fs 1 lag the watt ng Praia of liquidating the the agricultural population has been| political weakness of the middle|socially and politically a bourgeois| American bourgeoisie and will con-|jabor Siaaasinn sate teed te then : sept Party and sub- raised to a degree above what seemed | classes, which, although dissatisfied | movement hostile and antagonistic to| tinue to base its appeal mainly on two| hand with the liberal bourgeoisie and Ps 7 wd Rag tithe sombre bead possible a few months ago. The fun-| with the hegemony of big capital, and | the proletarian class struggle and to|@tounds: To the bourgeois middle| jointly they present the main support - gee lr rangi with it damental situation in agriculture re-lin spite of their grievances produced the political independence of the op-|Classes this LaFollette movement willl of the present German government. ton the ans dace engl tes , mains, however, unchanged and pre-|by the agrarian and industrial crises | pressed and toiling masses. present the capitalist half of its who«l ite ail these Sounttien the pacha eat ie mass egcbhgeres: for a farm- sents the likelihood of another acute| tor which the republican party offered| 3, Gompers and the Old Guard of |SOsnomy, that is, {t will maintain that|manses which are not following. this ran raloutiecaty nonsbatien eae agrarian crisis in 1925, which will,!no remedy, refused to follow even A. F. of L. Bureaucracy. it alone is able to save American cap-| petty-bourgeois combination, are either ecto aaee oe ee borgir ; there ee The endorsement of the LaFollette spp Siow ge destruction as a result) so politically immature ‘that they Central Scaeecre Chace Ps bt ¢. The ‘Gherwhslmtny > walt sé campaign by the bureaucracy of the |°% * Violent revolution by the masses; | stiil follow the parties of big capital Workers Party, ree, 4 A. F. of L. was dictated primarily | Wile to the masses the LaFollette|and the land-holding aristocracy, or As the farmerlabor movement de- sommppapthpen cactn pd imal santo by a desire to preserve their leader-; ZOvement will.present the so-called|they are ideologically advanced en- veloped the LaFollette third-party Relat to 6 een eae ship in the American labor move: labor half of its phystognomy, claim- ough to follow the Communist parties. movement developed simultaneously ‘ panesle, -resnene coy yeeevee Tare ment, which was endangered by the |'™& that it stands for the “just” de-{ Like the late MacDonald govern- and threatened 2 , of the employing class to cut wages, tollow ania i th ivtand;: leh eastiod eatened to absorb it. This nd : e of how to save the ideological and or- Wilons. 4 a bar hi set ne this ed union policies which resulted in weak- in India, Egypt, China, ete., like the | ste was to block and to frustrate the/ -. nizational independence of the farm« .ive leadership of orga: rr, ening the unions to such anextent Herriot government in F; hich further development of such a f r- \ It {n unorganied. mass mover an as : go" ‘rance, wl erlabor movement. To solve this will resu' labor party by giving the m: a . “outlaw” strike: ik and file to reduce their fighting ability almost dutifully executes the policies of the s problem the C. EB. ©. adopted the ments, “outlaw” st 8, Tank ant . elass-collaborationist substiiute which o ts, and intensification of to nothing; (b) the feeling throughout Comite des Forges and continues policy of the “third party alliance,” om a 8, 8: the rank and file that the v French imperialist policies in Moroc- the latter accept as their own move- which, bi strugele, within the labor unions be+|tion of Lapin , ment. » MOwSver, wae Bot DOS Ai attacks by the capitalists could not be co, Madagascar, French Indo-China, resisted by the unions with their old ete, like the German social-demo- tactics, policies, and forms of organi- eracy continues the policies of Ger-|of LaFollette’s labor lieutenants to zation; (¢) demand from the rank eee man capitalism, the LaFollette move-|represent the LaFollette movement and file for some measure of political ment being of the same social compo-|as the political movement of the influence for the unions in the hope sition, will inevitably continue the pol-] American workers. It will be claimed that this may forestall or weaken the icles of American imperialism, despite | by the socialists, the C. P. P. A., and BEAT LABOR CARTOONS by si noted artists in the ranks of Labor ag — fect, by advice of the Communist In- ternational. The decision of the Com- — munist International was correct, Bx- — perience has shown that the farmer- labor movement could not have Spe saved from absorbtion by the LaFol lette movement even by the danger expedient of a “third party alliance.” Follette, that the LaFollette move-|In the months preceding the Cc ment is representing labor on the pol-|the LaFollette movement swept like itical field, And for some time to| tidal wave over the farmer-labor come, that is until the La¥ollette| ment, submerging it and drowning | movement will begin showing con-| out. “sa crete and practical signs of its antag-| The defection to LaFollette of th onism to the working class, the great|former supporters of the fi bo bulk of the laboring masses of this| party movement reduced the Ji country will progressively accept the|convention to a mere fraction LaFollette movement as their political} anticipated size. By the time expression, This means, that the| Cleveland conference of the ©. question of trying to build a farmer-|A. those organizations not c! labor party, which shall base itseli|pathetic to the Workers’ on the mass organizations of the _ (Continued on next tween the revolutionary forces and| gfe against their oppressors. the bureaucracy, together with a ten-|parative strength of dency of the lower strata of the or-|ical parties cannot ganized workers, the unorganized,|ly by the election and the unemployed, to look to the list politicians con! revolutionary elements for practical) machinery have robbed the LaFollet! political leadership. movement of probably a million votes, THE POLITICAL SITUATION. [nd have cut down the vote of the From now on it will be the policy ann ssa tae Fagen capitalist at- its pacifistic phraseology. all the other labor Meutenants of La- ; an ie mn anti-labor Therefore, the LaFollette movement 1. ‘The victory of reaction in the| Workers sip ol & traction of attitude assumed by the national con- in America and the future LaFollette presidential elections, which resulted] ¥9* Teally ventions of the two old parties which party, should be considered the Ame: in the election of Coolidge and Dawes| 2. The LaFollette movement, al-|completed the disillusionment of the lean expression of democratic pacit- by a tremendous majority after a cam-|though supported in this election|rank and file and made it impossible | j] ou ism, the objective meaning of which paign in which they stood openly as| mainly by industrial workers and poor|for Gompers to endorse either Cool- {ff is, in the words of the Fifth Congress the candidates of big business, streng-| farmers, is a political alliance of five or Davis without seriously en- }j}of the Communist International, as thens big capital in the seat of power) distinct social groups, These are; his leadership. The above |] II | follows: in the United States. It demonstrated |(a) small and medium bankers, mer- “That the bourgeoisie can no longer the ing|chants, and manufacturers; (b) rich rule according to its old methods, that relsed| q t tor ee | this period reflects the instability of in} 0 (a) in § of | commo 1 action. — it |i] the capitalist structure, its decline, the labor — cracy; and (@) : vi , ; b ; which is beginning to develop in a des- conding curve, é Ay