The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 8, 1924, Page 7

N judging the territorial branch and the slop nucleus the question always to be answered is: which is most effective for carrying out the Party program? Well, let’s take the recent Workers Party election campaign. Speed plus efficiency are especially heeded in the parliamentary work. There must be quick and systematic mobilization of the Party membership for all the du- ties in connection with the election campaign: speakers, literature distri- bution, collection of finance, etc. Very well. How does our Party function thru the present form of organization, thru the territorial branches? First, the National office, let us say, issues a set of instructions for the conduct and arrangement of campaign meetings, the widest distribution of literature, collection of funds and so on. This notice of instructions -goes to every branch secretary, C. C. C., D. E. C. Our press, to help along, also carries the instructions and propaganda. Party Branch Slow in Getting Started. Our party branches generally ‘meet every two weeks, some less often. The branch secretary receives the in- structions from the national office. Even if he sends out letters, which is rare, for a special branch meeting, about two weeks elapse before the branch meets to take action on the Party instructions and program for the election campaign. It is safe te say about one-half of the branch, at best, shows up at the meeting. A dis- cussion takes place—where to sell or give away literature, the difficulty of collecting money (a thousand reasons given here) how to secure petitions, if required, and many other things with which every comrade is ac- quainted, A few comrades are awake to get- ting to work in the unions or on the job. But on the whole, life is desul- tory, they declaim: it will take a long time before the masses are awak- ened, and more of the same. With religious resignation many comrades continue to await The Day. Only a small part of the branch membership —who will deny?—is mobilized for the elections’ campaign after much delay and exertion. Branch Depends on Active Few. The election campaign is on! A few street meetings, pretty good crowds—a fairly exotic feeling among the comrades aiding in street meet- ing work. A couple, at the most, new members brought into the Party. A few neighborhood indoor meetings held with middling success and fail- ures. Comrades discouraged, cynical, some dogged and faithful. A bare handful of the comrades aided in put- ting even these meetings over. The meetings deal with very general is- sues, phrasily but not meatily put; no real talk on how to aid the workers in the shops. A huge demonstration meeting follows. Thousands attend, including for the first time in the cam- paign, hundreds of our Party members and sympathizers. The International is sung, stirring speeches are made, much literature is sold, the comrades feel elated. Then they file home and fér most of them the elections cam- paign is over, except to read the votes the Communists got. There is house to house distribu- literature, more than usual Party is hammering away at Who does not know how diffi- to get an appreciable out to distribute iy g EEE : | E i : i Bee ge 3 Z | gt il eas | Be from the election campaign, with ite easier, perhaps hectic, means of arous- ing the workers, because our organiza- tional structure is deficient, how much more deficient is it for more vital and dynamic actions—in strikes, demonstrations, DAILY WORKER drives, and the like? Unspeakable and yet, it must be noted that the present branch form of organization is historically an electoral machinery. It seems its even poor for that. Now, how about the Shop Nucleus and the Communist election cam paign? It beats the old all hollow for speed,” efficiency, results. How? As- sume we have a Party of Shop Nuclei, what happens? The National Office issues its pro- gram and instructions to the secre- taries of the Shop Nuclei. The Shop Nucleus is the Party unit consisting of the comrades working in the same shop, factory, or mill. Within 24 hours after receipt of instructions from the N, O., the Shop Nucleus members can hold a meeting and lay out their work. The nucleus members concern themselves mainly with propagandiz- ing the other workers in the shop. Shop Nucleus Gets Quick Action. The comrades know their fellow workers, somewhat at any rate. They have @ knowledge of the workers’ needs, all of them are directly and constantly up against the same prob- lem, whether it be the boss or shop conditions, strikes. There is a basis of approach by the comrades to the other workers. The discussion can start on baseball or the Prince of Party Campaigns: Thru Branch or Shop Nuclei? 2 tern ate Wales and can easily end in a discus- sion on economic conditions, politics, the candidates in the field, the Com- munist program. The workers know each other, that counts a good deal, approach is not so difficult. So, first, the Party nucleus can get together almost immediately. They can lay out a program of work in the shop; how to start discussion on top- ics of the day, sell or distribute the DAILY WORKER or other literature to the shopmates, appeal for funds. Does any comrade doubt how much more successful our October 26—No- vember 2 literature distribution week, successful as it was, would be if systematically distributed directly on the job? As for propaganda meet- ings, these vital shop discussions and political discussions are worth a dozen neighborhood meetings, altho these conld still and will take place, but let us hope in better fashion. Even from a standpoint of collect- ing money from our own comrades, did you ever stop to think how mueh easier a comrade would give up some money when he has just got paid off and has it? A few days later, it’s spent for various things—slim chance to get it from him then. One machine shop nucleus in Chicago illustrates that by a regular weekly donation to the Party collected on the job. An accepted duty. Shop Nucleus Is Organized to Work Most important to see is that the Party campaign work brings results because the Party unit is organized for work on the job. If the shop is unionized, the nucleus can lay out work in the union in support of the campaign. The instrument of the shop nucleus in this case would be the T. U. B. L., in which, of course, every union comrade is active. Com- rades speak of the shop fractions, Party committees of action and propa- ganda in the shop, doing this work. They might, but they don’t. The rea- son for that is because the work isn’t permanently organized like that.-of the shop nucleus, the basic Party unit, is. Of course, shop work is difficult, in many ways, but less difficult and no more dangerous than is a terri- torial branch. Communist work always has its dangers. That phase of it has no bearing here except inso- far as dangers can be removed. That can be discussed another time. And, comrades, lest we forget, we want a mass party, a mass Commun- ist Party, a Communist Party of and in close contact ‘with the workers, exercising ideological control and trying physically to be with them, This shop nucleus and shop nucleus work makes it possible. Bolshevize the Party Thru Shop Nuclei. Without elaborating further, it should be plain that in election cam- paign activity and more so in the other Party campaigns and activities, the shop nuclei offer the best medi- ums for Communist propaganda and organization. Shop nuclei will help us Bolshevize, Leninize the party. Forward to Shop Nuclei! Letters from Our Readers Use It On The Boss. To the DAILY WORKER:—I read your encouraging article asking work- ers to write something of their ex- perience in the shop, mine, mill, ete. So I thought and asked myself, should I or should I not write of the con- dition in the shop I worked? No, was my answer. I shall not write, because my vocabulary is too poor to express half as much as I feel about the boss and foreman and all the parasites sucking the blood of the workers. No, said I, until I will be able to act, fight, write and call the masses to fight against the capitalist class. I said no until I bought a paper which claims to be a friend of the poor, and also “fights” for them. Then it made my, blood boil. An article like that in a paper where Mr. LaFollette will be the Moses to free the American workers from mis- ery and our present deplorable sys- tem. No! Impossible! I looked again and again whether I bought the kind of a paper I was looking for. Yes, it was the same. But how in the world did Mr. Hillquit feel when’ he read that article. How could our great “savior” Mr. Berger sit m congress and read an article in his paper where it says, “There is not work—and there cannot be work, plenty of work—for all who are willing to work—aunder the wage and profit system of industry.” And how could Mr. Zigman, Kauf- man, Pearlstein, read in their paper food and plenty of it; good clothing and plenty of it; good homes, well lo- cated, well furnished, and plenty of Hillquit, Berger, London, Abe Cahn all the rest of their clique read pee eee EE mines; toil on the railways, ih the shops, mills and factories—composed also of men and women who are un- employed. Clearly it is up to them.” Now, workers read it again and again; read it to the people who be- lieve in the doctrine of that paper; read what it further states: “Without personal hatreds, without any malice whatever, the socialists fraternally seek peace, justice, plenty, life, a full glad life for all. We know that mod- ern machinery, modern tools, modern kénwledge, modern methods and means of production make it prac- ticable for those who are willing to work to produce abundantly for all whe are willing to work; and that thus want and fear of want can be re- moved from. the lives of all who are willing to work—in a wholesomely reconstructed socialized society.” Who made all those statements? Whom do they represent? Do they mean it? Do they actually fight for it? Ha! Ha! No! I will leave it to the readers, to all of those who be- lieved and still, do believe in their honesty to find out for themselves how corrupted. and hypocritical are the statements made by people who in reality do not believe a word they say. How many proposals for the amalgamation of the unions were brot to conventions where they used all means, directly or indirectly to de- feat them; for they did not succeed in defeating them completely. How many workers and farmers will they ask and iafluencte to vote for a labor faker and an old cheap republican politician, Mr. LaFollette, who is against the labor party, against chang- ing the capitalist system to a work- ers’ and farmers’ government? How many workers were starving from hunger and were put in prisons and killed under the social democratic regime of Germany? How many workers will be con- demned to work ten and twelve hours a day and lower wages in Germany and all other capitalist countries if the Dawes’ plan with the help of the social democrats all over the world will be put into effect? ; No! We know you and those who doubt it will find out how hypocritical and demogogic to act different than Editor’s Note——If your vocabulary were as impoverished as you modestly state, that would be an added reason for venturing a description of your boss or the conditions under which you work, rather than a_ polemic against the yellow socialists, which is a task likely to exhaust even a gener- ous supply of English. Permit me to say that, tho your editorial is appreciated and is publish- ed partly because of its merit and partly by way of encouraging yourself and others to accept our invitation literally, at the same time, indigna- tion against Berger, Hillquit, et al., is a poor substitute for a brief descrip- tion of some incident that may have occurred at your place of employment. The DAILY WORKER would prefer ten words from the lips of a wage slave on the events of the day than a string of curses at the system in general from a college professor. Read the article in the magazine again, and follow the suggestions made there. We do not care anything about your style, your grammar or your vocabulary, but in the name of Marx, let us have facts, not editorials. That was the very thing Comrade O’Pilaherty’s article sought to protect us against, but the foe has again burst thru our breastworks. Come again comrade. Let us have the facts, let the boss be whom he may. Open Forum, Sunday Night, Lodge Room, Ashland Auditorium. LEARN ESPERANTO The International Language The following a are received ‘ ree: Esperanto for All, grammar and vocabulary. Esperanto and its Critic by Prof. Collinson. - 525 7th St.. Rockford, til. WORKERS’ ESPERANTO ASSN., Res. 1632 S. Trumbull Ave. Phone Rockwell 5050 MORDECAI SHULMAN ATTORNEY-AT-LAW 701 Association Building 19 S. La Salle Street who writes and believes in all that which is said, his place is in the Work- ers Party of America. J. MARCUS, , St. Louis, Mo. Member of the Y. W. L. CHICAGO Dearborn 8657 Central 4945-4947