The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 8, 1924, Page 12

(Continued from Page 1.) Two great struggles were being waged. First, the struggle between the Sov- iets, representing the masses, and the provisional government represent- ing the capitalists, landlords and mid- dle class groups. Second, the struggle inside the Sov- iets between the Bolsheviki and the Mensheviki and other non-revolution- ary parties. The cadets and the mensheviks ne- ver understood that following the overthrow of the czar not only one, but two governments had arisen in Russia. The Bolsheviks, the untiring students of the French revolution and the Marxian method, knew this and from the first day their strategy had twe objectives (a) the conquest of power for the Soviets and, (b) the cap- ture of the masses for the overthrow of capitalism as represented by the provisional government and the sub- stitution for it of the proletarian dic- tatorship. By May 19, the war policy of the provisidnal government, in spite of the efforts made to disguise it, coupled with the agitation of the Bolsheviki, had so aroused the masses that the formation of a coalition government was forced and the first period of the Russian revolution came to an end. The Bolsheviki opposed the forma- tion of the coalition government with the slogan of “all power to the Sov- iets!” The masses were still confused, however, and the executive committee of the council of Soviets, by a vote of 41 to 19 decided to allow its repre- sentatives to participate in the gov- ernment. Three groups composed the Soviet executive committee. The represent- tatives of the social-revolutionists, ex- pressing the aims of the middle class peasantry; the mensheviki represent- ing the intellectuals, the lower middle elass and certain sections of the skill- ed workers. The Bolsheviki, later joined by the left social-revolutionists after the split in that party represented the aims of the great-masses of workers and poor peasants. From this time on the history of the Russian revolution is the history of the conflict between the mensheviki and the right socialist - revolutionists and the Bolsheviki centering around the program for the Soviets—a strug- gle between reform and revolution. The reformists wished to subordi- nate the Soviets to the provisional government. They wished to post- pone all such measures as ending the war, distribution of the land and con- trol of the food supply until a con- stituent assembly could be called— they were middle class democrats and had no higher aim than a typical capi- talist democracy. The coalition government was form- ed and upon Kerensky the hopes of the world bourgeoisie were pinned. Agreement was reached by the execu- tive committee of the Soviets upon three points: 1.. The unity of the allied fronts. 2. The fullest confidence of the masses in the new cabinet. 3. Full power for the new gov- ernment. Ostensibly this represented the sur- render of the Soviets te the new gov- ernment composed of cadets, men- sheviks, populist-socialists and right social-revolutionists with Kerensky as minister of war and marine. This was the plan of the reformists. Actually it served to intensify the conflict between the revolutionists and the reformists within the Soviets— the conflict that Lenin had declared necessary as far back as April. Lenin had written in April and aroused a storm among the Bolshe- “After the March revolution, the state power passed into the hands of a new class, of another class—the bourgeoisie. “The passing of the state power from one class to another is the first principle of a revolution, not only in a strictly scientific sense, but also in a practical political sense. “To tht extent, the bourgeois, or the bourgeois democratic, revolution in Russia is COMPLETED. “But at this point we hear the shouts of objectors who call themselves ‘old Bolsheviki’: Didn’t we always main- tain that a bourgeois democratic re- volution is ended by a revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry? Is the agrarian revo- lution, which is a phase of the bour- beois democratic revolution, complet- ed? On the contrary, is it rather not @ fact that it has not yet begun? “My answer is: Bolshevist slogans and ideas in general have been con- firmed by history; but concretely things have developed somewhat dif- ferently than was expected, assum- ed a more original, peculiar and var- ied form. “To ignore, to forget this fact would mean to resemble those ‘old Bolshe- viki’ who more than once have play- ed a sad role in the history of our party by repeating senseless ‘learned formulae’ instead of studying the peculiarities of the new, the living, reality of things.” Lenin dealt with the fact (already mentioned above) that there were in existence in Russia two state govern- ments; that of the bourgeois and, as he said sarcastically, “the revolution- ary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry which vol- untarily relinquishes power to the bourgeoisie, voluntarily converting it- self into an appendage of the bour- geoisie.” “And so," said Lenin, “the form- ula (of a revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat) has already become old. ... In the order of the day there is a new problem; the split WITHIN this dic- tatorship between the proletarian elements (the anti-war internation- alists and ‘Communists’ who stand for transition to the commune) and the petty bourgeois elements (Cheidse, Tseretelli, Steklov, social- revolutionists and other ‘revolution- ary’ anti-defeatist opponents of the movement toward the commune, adherents of ‘support’ of the bour-~ geois and the bourgeois govern- ment).” “He who speaks now only of a ‘revolutionary-democratic dictator- ship of the proletariat and peasant- ry,’ is behind the times, and because of that has de facto gone over to the petty bourgeoisie against the proletarian class struggle; he should be relegated to the museum of ‘Bolshevist’ pre-revolutionary relics.” ; Once the Bolsheviki had accepted the thesis of Lenin on the new situ- ation and the tactics indicated, the proletarian revolution drove ahead with resistless power. The Bolshe- viki by their own acts and the Rus- sian masses by theirs, gave the final answer to the confused and treacher- ous adherents of reformism. When the constituent assembly met all power was already in the hands of thé Soviets and it required but a handful of Red guards to send the “statesmen” khome—or to jail. The Bolsheviki had correctly esti- mated the revolutionary conscious- ness and will to power of the Russian workers. The Russian working class lived in a country where industry, in spite of the generally backward char- acter of the nation, was of a highly concentrated character. The advanc- ed section of the Russian workers had absorbed the Marxian theory to an extent unknown in any other coun- try. They had the record of the revo- lutionary efforts of the working class of Western Europe before them. Above all they had passed thru the bloody revolution of 1905 and its rich experiences were still fresh in their memories. The Russian masses were equipped for struggle as no other class has ever been equipped and they had the additional’ advantage that the Russian middle class was not the lusty petty bourgeois of West. ern Europe, but a feeble and spineless group composed of mere hangers-on of the big capitalists. Finally, the Russian workers had a revolutionary party with a history of struggle and a record of loyalty to and activity in all the conflicts of the workers from minor questions of wag- es and hours to armed uprisings. The Russian - working class had learned the lessons taught by the two great leaders of the masses—-Marx and Lenin. In 1847 Marx had written: “The state—the proletariat organized @s a ruling class” and Lenin ampli- fled it with “The major question of the revolution is the question of pow- er.” - Translated into organization, education and the armed struggle for power these simple phrases became, in Russia, November 18, 1917, the greatest of all working class state- ments—the first ploclamation of the council of people’s commissgars, sign- ed by Lenin as chairman. It reads: Comrades: Workers, Peasants, All who Toil! The workers’ and peasants’ revo- lution has finally been victorious in Petrograd, scattering and capturing the last remnants of the small bands of Cossacks duped by Kerensky. In Moscow the revolution was suc- cessful even before a few trainloads of our fighting forces arrived there from Petrograd. In Moscow the Junkers and other Korfitlovites have accepted the conditions of peace: the disarming of the Junkers, the dissolution of the “committees of safety.” From the front and from the provinces there flows in, daily and hourly, news of the support by the peasants in their villages of the new government and its decrees on peace and giving the land to the peasants, The success of the revolu- tion of workers and peasants is as- sured, for the majority of the people have already come out in its favor. It is quite clear that the land- holders and capitalists, the chino- viks (bureaucracy) and officeshold- ers, closely connected with the bour- geoisie, in a word, all those who are rich or who are aiding the rich, will be hostile to the new revolution, will oppose its success, will threaten to cease the activity of the banks, will ,disorganize or stop the work of certain institutions, will spread con- fusion and sabotage in every way, directly and indirectly. Every class conscious worker knows Very well that we must inevitably meet with such opposition, that the higher offi- cials are opposed to the people and will not surrender their charges to the people without opposition, not for a moment do they tremble before the threats and sabotage of the sup- porters of the bourgeoisie. Behind us are the majority of the people. Behind us are the majority of the toilers and the oppressed of all the world. We are fighting in the cause of justice, and our victory is certain. The opposition of the capitalists and of the higher officials will be broken. Not a man will be deprived by us of his possessions without a special law for the nationalization of the banks and syndicates. This law is being drawn up. Not a single worker will be deprived of a copek; on the contrary, aid will be given him. Without establishing any new imposts, for the present, the gov- ernment will first take up the task of a strict supervision and control of the collection of taxes already es- tablished, without any concealment whatever. In the name of these just de- mands, the vast majority of the peo- ple have rallied around the Provi- sional Workers’ and Peasants’ gov- ernment. Comrades and Toilers: Remem- ber that it is you who now con- trol the government. No one will help you unless you yourselves unite and take all government functions into your hands. From now on your Soviets are the organs of govern- ment power, fully authorized, de- cisive organs. Soldiers, The Party and Class That Made It Possible Rally around your Soviets. Strengthen them. Take hold your- selves of this task, from below, and wage relentless -warfare on all at- tempts at anarchy on the part of drunkards, hooligans, counter-revo- tutionists, Junkers, Kornilovites, Introduce strict control over pro- duction and an inventory of prod- ucts. Arrest and bring before the revolutionary tribunals of the peo- ple, all persons who injure the cause of the people, whether this injury takes the form of sabotage (destruc- tion and interruption) of production, or that of hoarding supplies of grains or products, or that of hold- ing up carloads of grain, or disor- ganizing the activity of the rail- roads, telegraph, post office, and in general, any form of opposition to the great common cause of peace, of assuring to the worker control over the’production and distribution of goods. Comrades: workers, soldiers, pea- sants, all who toil! Put all thé power in your districts into the hands of your Soviets, Preserve and guard as the apple of your eye, the land, grain, the factories, tools, prod- ucts, transportation — all these are henceforth your common posses- sion. Gradually, in agreement with the majority of the peasantry, and with their approval, as we learn the lessons of their practical experience and that of the workers, we shell advance steadfastly and unwaver- ingly to the realization of socialism, in which we shall be aided by the advanced workers of the most civil- ized countries and which will give to the nations permanent peace and delivery from all oppression and from all exploitation. When Communists are accused of being visionary, of neglecting the “practical” things, of underestimat- ing the importance of the petty re- forms of which the liberals and so- cialists and other “practical” persons make major objectives, and if this criticism weighs upon them, it would be well to read at such times the pro- clamation of the first workers’ govern- ment in the world—a document so practical and at the same time so revolutionary that capitalism will ne- ver recover from the effect it pro- duced. So was the Russian revolution born. It has written many brilliant pages of working class history since but none of them are so filled with lessons for the world’s workers as the record of the eight months from March to No- vember, 1917. Built on the solid foundation of ommunist knowledge and the work- ing class will to power, the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics forces re- cognition from its enemies the world over—enemies whose strength de- clines in proportion to the speed with which the working class learns the lessons of the Russian Revolution. Russian Comrades to - Sing and Dance at Anniversary Party Tonight, Sat., Nov. 8, the grand con- cert and ball in celebration of the set to make this a big party. Held under the auspices of the Russian branches of the Young Workers’ League and the Workers Party every- body will be there, young and—all others (Communists never grow old). It will be held at the Workers’ ceum, 2733 Hirsh Blvd., and begins at the concert which con- tains a real revolutionary program. There will alse be speakers in Rus- instructed to be present at Sunday, Nov. 9, at 6 p, m. You will get your and place you are to help in the campaign. 722 Blue island on Sun-