The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 11, 1924, Page 9

‘ the Russian Soviet Republic in the Proletarian Dictatorship) Olgin uso good for workers and st the land- ' been com- re against the their power, age exploiter, r social own- f production. » opposed to workers can- Jeasant class. be ignorant, individualistic tself teaches co-operation, tarian state to relieve the vict?fms of] measure. “When he deals with -his this year’s drought will only tend to strengthen the bonds of unity be- tween the poorer peasants and their proletarian political partners. Against Luxuries. The rank and file worker is accus- tomed to scant earnest living. The rank and file worker looks askance at those who revel fn a luxurious life. The rank and file worker exercises own kind he makes proletarian mode of living, proletarian severity, prole- tarian simplicity thelaw and the standard. With the amassing of wealth; with the raising of the level of general well being, everybody will lead ‘a more comfortable and more refined existence. For the time being the demand of the worker is that there be no marked difference be- the most relentless control over the!tween the standard of living of the officials of his state, the leaders of his party, the functionaries of his institutions. The workers’ control gives no quarter, especially to peo- YEADQU ARTERS scutive Committee, Russian Communist Party rds collective labor other peasants. The mong the peasantry aged in building the st mg the peas- ad the working ng ¢ shows the ng cl is, here as ng its historic task. ss helps the peas- the old methods of o create new e&®- The working class nts in their fight ant exploiter. The 1s interested itself ; in @ thousand dif- e republic of work- is no mere theory, se. It is a historic working unity be- r and the. peasant. s his support to the of the working class es «that only the n achieve his ulti- The quick and ushed by the prole- f} ple identifying themselves with the revolution. A stranger, a man who does not share in the interests of the workers, may sometimes receive excessive renumeration. A “spec” (specialist), be he an engineer or a chemist or a trade expert, often re- ceives ten times as much as a Com- munist responsible worker. The nep- ‘man is allowed to grab, tho he is often being skinned by means of tax- ation and other duties. The workei’ pays to all these characters because he realizes that this is his tuition fee which is indispensable as long as the worker himself has not yet ac- quired the requisite knowledge and skill. The worker pays, at the same time hating the receivers, gradually replacing the outside specialists by the proletariat’s own. “red specs,” managers, technicians, experts in va- rious realms, starting a severe battle of competition against the nepman so as to replace him by co-operative un- dertakings. The workingman pays only because he knows that it must be so and that it is only a transitory S$ TT aT ALT PT ee eens highest Communist leader and. that of the average worker. The worker stands for equality as far is it can be realized in everyday life. This. pro- letarian psychology has put a stamp on the Soviet Republic as a whole, on all its classes. It has already be- come bad tone in Soviet Russia to shine in resplendent attire, in jew- els, in luxurious habitations. This proletarian public opinion is in itself a powerful check+on all those weak elements who would be inclined to misuse their official position for per- sonal profit. Collective Activities. The rank and file Russian worker is a collettive being, a member of a social unit. All his life is spent in co-operation with feliow workers. In his factory he is an integral part of an industrial organization. In his la- bor union he is part of a collective whole. In the Communist party he feels a soldier of a well-disciplined army. In his political activities he always appears hand in hand with workers’ and peasants’ masses. In cultural life he is never confined to himself, he is never céntered upon his: individual self-sufficiency, he is always workipg in co-operation with his comrades. The club, the singing group, the lecture, the reading circle, the dramatic organization, the mass performances, the sport field, the street manifestations,—everything is shared with others, everywhere the worker expresses himself as part of a social organization. The political ac- tivities of the working class,—Soviet elections, Soviet work, party work, union work,—are mass functions, cre- ative efforts for the benefit of the class, of the proletarian state, of the proletarian future. The rank and file Russian worker knows that he him- self must do the political work, he himself in co-ordination and conjunc- tion’ with the rest of his class. Therefore he scoffs at a system where a “citizen” casts his vote once in two yéars and rests inert the re- maining time. Therefore the Rus- sian worker fails to understand a system of “democracy” where politics is the specialty of profes- sional politicians while the masses have no share in the entire work of legislation, administration, judiciary, diplomacy, in shaping the budget and managing the other economic activi- ties of the country. The rank and. file Russian worker has had a taste MICHAEL GOLODNY A Proletarian Poet. of real democracy where not the bal- lot is the expression of self-govern- ment but the practical day-by-day po- litical work, Therefore. the Rus- sian worker knows something that is hidden from the patented jur- ists,—that the Soviet system is. as much superior to formal bourgeois democracy as socialism is superior to bourgeois exploitation. The Russian worker is not a legal “spec,” he does not split hairs over the finest judicial definitions. He knows the value of his proletarian order from his own practice. This order is the reverse of individualistic: one does not say, “I,” one says, “We’—economic, po- litical and cultural work is done on a collectivist basis. Organization. The Russian worker is thoroly or- ganized. The Russian worker has passed thru a powerful school of so- cial work. The Russian worker never looks upon a meeting as upon a pic- nic, never thinks of a conference as a “good time.” The Russian worker has an earnest attitude towards his problems and duties. fh Russia, non- attendance of committee meetings, of party school lectures, of union ses- sions, is an unusual occurence. In Russia, highfalutin firey speeches are almost unknown. In a business- like, practical, prosaic manner does the Russian proletarian functionary deliver his oration. Seriously, pati- ently and attentively does the audi- ence listen, tho it may be tired after a day’s .work. Not even the term “speech” is now current in the Rus- sian political practice: instead the worlds “lecture” or “report” are com- monly used. Every lecture and report must contain an array of facts which could be jotted down in a notebook and retold to others. The Russian worker has learned to listen, to com- prehend, to judge, to decide. The Russian worker has learned to re- main silent where the problem is clear to him or where others have made the necessary vemarkse. The Russian worker has learned to un- tangle the most complicated prob- lems and to find solutions. The Rus- sian worker seems to be continually preoccupied with immediate practical questions of state interest; he seems so restrained; cool, unconcerned; back of this absorption in the press- ing immediate work, however, there is a tremendous endurance, an iron- clad will, a readiness to guard the October Revolution to the very last breath. Ruthless Toward Foes. The rank and file Russian worker is severe towards himself and severe towards his foes. The Russian worker has no use for kid gloves. He has never cut intellectual capers. He does not coat bitter facts with a sa- liva of sweetish words. The Russian worker has an adequate name for every fact and a proper valuation for every action. The Russian worker does not claim to have introduced universal equality; he bluntly and brazenly declares that what he has introduced is proletarian dictator. ship, i. e., a system where the work- ing class and part of the peasants dominate all other classes and groups. The Russian worker declares the frankest and most outspoken fashion that the aim of the proletar- fan dictatorship is to uproot, exter minate and annihilate all exploiting groups and classes. If anybody ap- peals in the name of abstract “jus- tice,” the worker will say that it is a supreme act of proletarian justice to abandon exploitation together with the exploiting classes. If anybody shields himself with the claim of “equality,” the worker will say that there can be no equality between the workingman and the nepman since the workingman is the creator of all and the nepman is a pest. And if anybody complains of “oppressivn,” the worker will say that this is his avowed aim,—to oppress his class enemies and to continue his oppres- sion until they disappear from the face of the earth. If a bourgeois watchdog of an Abramovitch wags his tail and’ spits out a question as to why, then, the workers are dis- satisfied when they are being op- pressed by the capitalists, the Rus- sian worker would anawer: “Stop your slimy blubbering! We know that the aim of your question is the defense of capitalism. We, the work- ers, haye nothing to do with ‘eternal justice.’ We are fighters in the class struggle. When we are being op- pressed, we kick, we fight, we re- volt, knowing that we are right, that we have produced all the wealth of the world, that we are being robbed of the fruit of our laber and that ‘without us humanity camnot exist. Now that we have acquired power we shall exterminate the bourgeoisie be- cause it is useless, because it inter- feres with the program of mankind, because it fs a parasite and because the future will witness a society de- void of class divisions. You menshe- viks have pity with the bourgeoisie. you demand equality and justice for the parasite class: we, the workers, understand you full well and we send you to the devil together with your masters.” The Russian worker is relentless in self-discipline and merciless towards his foe He is not sentimental. f He is a man of iron. He has created a police and a secret service, an army and a judiciary to protect his power. When the white guards and the black socialists, equipped with the money of the imperialist governments and blessed by international capitalism, start fomenting revolts and upheavals in the Soviet Republic, the working class hits hard, hits ruthlessly so the plotters may forget to try again. *> *+ @ This is what the Soviet Republic is based on; this is the guarantee of its future. Long live U. S. S. R.! Long live Proletarian Dictatorship! MAN AND WOMAN By Robin Dunbar. In the upper bourgeois circles, man is known by his success; i. e., his abili- ty to exploit a great number of slaves. Woman is recognized there by her ability to fasten herself parasitically on a sticcessful man, and to cling there tenaciously. Illustrations: Hen- ry Ford and any of the Vanderbilt wo- men or the Goulds, or Mr. and Mrs. Hearst. In the middle bourgeois strata, man is known by his talents; i. e., his power to extract money from the high- er bourgeoisie. Woman is famous there for the same thing plus her abil- ity to exploit her sex attraction. Ex- amples: Nicholas Murray Butler and Peggy Joyce; Albert Fall and Evelyn Nesbit. In the lower or bohemian bourgeois clans man is known by his knack of knogking the mazuma out of the next higher class, for instance, Rudolph Valentino, Fatty Arbuckle, Cal Cool- idge. Woman precisely for the same thing plus her knack of selling her sex favors; Mabel Norman and the movie stars, actresses, and demi- monde of ill-repute like Castle, Thaw, et al. Among the militant sections of the working class, the unions, the Com- munists and the revolutionists, man is known by his ability to organize his class to fight the bourgeoisie; Lenin, Foster, Zinoviev. Woman here becomes prominent partly as 4 fighter and partly as the supporter and pro- tector of those who fight. Examples: Krupskaya, Luxemburg, Zetkin. ne Monee fp ale tpg Pago amt 0 o hype a major cam nm rallies you'll help dtahes them. sis