The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 11, 1924, Page 5

power when it pene- trates the masses.” “The idea becomes : —Karl Marx. By L. TROTSKY The chief source of world antagon- ism is the struggle between the United States and England. Why? Because Eggland is still the richest, the most powerful country next to. the United States. England is the main compet- itor, the chief obstacle on the path of American imperialism. Were England driven into acorner, were her strength undermined, or still better, were she knocked down entirely, then America could have a free hand in her imper- @list adventures. Surely, Japan could be easily taken care of. America has all the advantages on her side: money and iron, coal and oil, and also com- paratively good prestige in her polit- ical relations with China, which coun- try, as we know, America is supposed to be “liberating” from under the yoke of Japan. For America is always “liberating” somebody. That seems to be her vocation. The main antagon- ism then is between the United States and England. This antagonism is growing and gaining momentum. The English bourgeoisie has felt somewhat uneasy ever since the first - years after the treaty of Versailles. The English bourgeoisie is thoroughly familiar with the intricacies of finance. Anfi she cannot very well shut her eyes to the fact that the Ameri- ican dollar carries more weight than the English pound. She knows that predominance on the moaey market inevitably results in predominance also on the field of politics. The English bourgeoisie has always ex- ploited to the utmost the power of her pound sterling in her international relations, and now she is watching with horror the dawn of a new era, the era of dhe American dollar. The English bourgeoisie is trying |- not to succumb to despeir and is creating all kinds of illusions for her- self. The most authoritative English newspapers thus view the situation. They say: “True, the Americans are rich, but after all they are only novices in the imperialist game. They don’t know all the tricks and tactics of world politics. We, Englishmen, are incomparably more skillful. The Yan- kees will need our advice and leader- ship. Our inexperienced American cousins, who have suddenly grown so rich, will have to call on us for guid- ance in thatters of world politics. That will not be bad business at all. We shall be able to preserve our dignity and at the same time secure a decent fee for services rendered.” Of course, there is a grain of truth in that. I have already given expres- sion te my scepticism regarding the accomplishments of American sen- ators in the field of European geo- graphy. In order to do business with Europe on a large scale it would not seems superfluous to be equipped with a good knowledge of European geo- graphy. However, for the wealthy classes, the road to knowledge is al- ways open. We all know that the bourgeoisie has easy access to the arts and sciences. Many a millionaire son whose fathers may have been il- literate look almost like they were born into lordship. It is only the op- pressed classes, the proletariat, that are having a hard time in getting edugation, trying to acquire mastery of the elements of culture. The rich can always find, develop or hire spe- cialists in all the branches of science. The Americans are only beginning to realize their importance in world af- fairs, but have not gone yet very far in that respect. The development of the consciousness of American cap- italism as to its world mission has lagged behind the development of its ‘economic and political power. The SPECIAL MAGAZINE SUPPLEMENT THE DAILY WORKER. OCTOBER 11, 1924, The United States and Great Britain whole question must be discussed not from the point of view of present day events, but must be taken in the per- spective of time, not of many decades, but rather of a few short years. The mighty high tower of Amer- ican industry and economy will. soon be commanding the world. It is al- ready dominating world affairs to a considerable degree, but not yet to its full extent. The leading role of cap- italist Europe in world politics is only an heritage of her past economic strength, but that role no longer cor- responds with the impoverished state of Europe of today. It is true that America has not learned yet to fully utilize her strength, but she is gain- ing that knowledge in the laboratory of Europe’s miseries. For some time to come America will still need Eng- land as a guide in the ways of world the English bourgeoisie and it will be a difficult problem to root out from her the feeling that she is the ruler of the world. But America will do that job when she seriously takes it up. In vain is the English «capitalist cherishing hopes that he will take on the role of guide to the inexperienced American. Yes, there will be a tran- sition period. The issue involved, how- ever, is not one of skill and experience jin matters of world diplomacy, but of jactual power, of capital and industry. |And industrially, beginning with var- jieties of oats and ending with the best ‘types ef fast liners, the United States joccupy the first place in the, world. The production of necessities of life in the United states is from one-third to two-thirds of the production of the whole of humankind. Two-thirds of the world’s output of oil (in 1923—72 + AFTER WAR - politics. But only for.a short time. We know ‘how fast a wealthy class in its upward climb changes its char- acter, its appearance and its mode of behavior. Let us take, for instance, the German bourgeoisie. It was not so very long ago that the Germans were considered shy, blue-eyed dream- ers, a nation of “poets and philos- ophers.” And only a few decades of capitalist development have turned the German bourgeoisie into a most aggressive, iron-bound imperialist class. It is. true that the day of judgment came too soon for the Ger- man bourgeoisie. And now we can again observe how the character of the German bourgeoisie is changing. He is fast acquiring on the European stage the habits and methods of a bea‘zn dog. The English bourgeoisie, on the other hand is of a more settled and heavier disposition. Its character has been formed during long cen- turies. Class consciousness and pride has penetrated the very flesh and blood, the very bones and marrow of per cent), which has now become the most important factor in industry and war, is being produced in the United States. It is true that the Americans are complaining that they are threat- ened with an oil shortage in the near future. I must conféss that soon after the war I regarded such complaints of the Americans as camouflage, as a means to conceal their greed for for- eign oil. But geologists actually con- firm the fact that, at the present rate of consumption, the resources of American oil will\be exhausted within 25-40 years. But by the end of such a period of time, with the aid of her industry and fleet, America will have grabbed the oil resources of all the nations of the world. a The predominant position of the United States is expressed in the following statistics. The United States are producing: wheat—25 per cent of world production, oats about 35- per cent, corn about 75 per cent, coal—50 per cent, pig iron—50 per cent, cast iron —60 per cent, steel—60 per cent, brass LS eens | SECOND SECTION This magazine supple- ment will appear every Saturday in The Daily Worker. —60 per cent, zinc—47 per cent. Amer- ica has 36 per cent of the world’s mile- age of railways, and her commercial fleet, which was practically non-ex- istent before the war, aggregates 25 per cent of the world’s tonnage. And, finally, America alone owns and uses 84.4 per cent of the total number of automobiles of the world. If in gold production America occupies a com- paratively modest place (14 per cent), she has managed, however, due to her favorable balance of trade, to hoard up in her vaults 44.2 per cent of the entire gold reserve of the world. The national income of the United States is 2% times more than the national incomés of England, France, Germany and Japan combined. It is these statis- tics that will settle all disputes. These figures spell eventual domination over land, sea and air. What do these figures presage to Great Britain? They foretell that even England will not Se able to avoid the common fate of all the capitalist coun- tries. England, too, will be put on a ration by America. Whether Lord Cur- son wants it or not, he, too, will have to go on a ration. But we must add this. When England will have reached such a stage that she will have to accept openly the American ration, Lord Curson will no longer be at the helm of~state affairs. No, he is too proud and snobbish. This job of re- conciling England to the inevitability of an American ration will be assigned by the English capitalists to MacDon- ald. The self-respect of the politicians of the English bourgeoisie will not per- mit them to acquiesce in reliquishing to America the political prestige and wer of the greatest empire in the world for the price of a scanty ration. There will be needed here the pious eloquence of a MacDonald, Henderson and the Fabians in order to exert pressure over the English petty bour- geoisie and to persuade the English workers that it is best to have peace and agreement with America on the terms of American capitalism. But what does reconcilation with Uncle Sam mean? The above - mentioned statistics tell an eloquent story. And the substance of that story is that England can have peace, if she agrees to go on a ration or else she will have to get ready for war. All this time England has been re- treating before America. The Wash- ington “disarmament” conference is still fresh in our memory. President Harding had invited to the conference England, Ftance and Japan and in the most cold-blooded manner had offered England to limit her navy. This was done despite the fact that England had always preached the doctrine that he must remain, in view of her peculiar geographic position, the “ruler of the seas,” and that the strength of her navy must always ex- ceed the combined strength of the two next strongest navies in the world. The United States have once and for- ever put an end to all such notions. President Harding began his speech at the Washington conference, as_ befits such an important occasion, with the solemn statenrent that “the con- science of civilization has awakened,” ete, etc. He wound up, however, in a more business-like language: To you, England—he said—I will allow 5 units of strength on the seas, for myself I will take (for the present) 5 units, to France we shall give 3 units and to Japan 3 units. Why such a co-relation? Before the war the American navy was a good deal smaller than the English, but during the war the American navy grew con- (Continued on page 8) ; ; } i / i