The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 4, 1924, Page 8

American Imperialism and European Social-Democracy By L. Scania. Before we go any further into this very important question, let us see what rules has American capital as- signed to the radicals and menshe- viks, to the social-democracy of that same Europe which is to be put on rations. Social-democracy has been gen the task—and I am making this statement not in the spirit of a de- bating trick—to prepare the ground, e., to help politically to deliver Eu- rope to the mercies of an American ration. What are, after all; the social- democrats of Germeny, France and the socialists of all of Europe doing now? Let us look and see.- They are educating themselves and are try- ing to educate the laboring masses of Europe in the religion of American- ism. This-does not. mean that they have all turned presbyterian or quak- er, but it means that they have made a new political religion out of Ameri- canism, out of the role of American capital in Europe. They are teaching or trying to teach the laboring mass- es that without the “pacifying” role of American capital and without its loans, Europe will not be able to hold her own. They are opposing their own bour- geoisie, as the social-patriots of Ger- many are doing, not from the point of view of the proletarian revolution, not even from the point or vsew of social reforms, but from the point of view of exposing the — intolerance, greediness, chauvinism and ‘unwill- ingness of the German bourgeoisie to —_———.. master of their masters. This is the only clue to a proper understanding of the present position and policy of the Second International. He who does mot make this fact clear to him- self will fail to grasps the meaning of current events, will be merely skimming over the surface of things subsisting on vague, meaningless phraseology. 4 Moreover, favor courts favor. So- cial-democracy is paving thé way for American capital; is running in front of its chariot announcing its saving mission and glorifying in the coming of the American master. This work is not of little import. In former days imperialism would send missionaries as its advance guards.’ The © priest would, as a rule, be shot ‘by the sav- ages in the colonies and sometimes; even devoured. The’ warrior would come next to avenge the death of the holy man, and following’ in the foot- steps of the warrior would come the merchant and the administrator. American capital, in order to colo- nize Europe and to turn her into am American dominion of the new type, has no need for missionaries. Right there, in the midst of Europe, Ameri- can capital has found a political par- ty whose ‘sole function it is to pro- claim ‘to the people of the world the gospel of Wilson, the gospel of Cool- idge, the bible of stock exchanges of New York and Chicago.- Such is the present mission of European menshe- vism. . But I repeat again: This zeal of social-democracy does not remain un- rewarded. The mensheviks are de- riving quite -some advantages from the mire of poverty, how dare you re- sist the wishes of the American bour- geoisie? We shall mercilessly expose you before the masses of the German people!” Thus speaks the German social-democracy rising almost to the pathos of a revolutionary tribune - . in defense of the American bourgeoisie, “ The same thing can be observed in France. But because of the political traditions of France and because of the more decent reputation of the French franc, the tactics of the French ‘socialists: are more subtle, things are done there under cover. In substance, however, it is the game of the German social-democracy. The ‘party of Leon: Blum, Renaudel and Jean Longuet; bears the full responsi- bility for the, peace: at Versailles and for the Ruhr.occupation.;. There, is not a shadow of: a doubt now) that. the gov- ernment -of Herriot, supported by. the. socialists, does. not want to. evacuate) the Ruhr.. : Isut now the French socialists. can say to their ally Herriot: “The Amer- icans demand that you evacuate the Ruhr on certain conditions. This you have got to do, because now we, too, demand that.” The French socialists are putting out this demand not in the name of the French proletariat, but only because they want to subor- dinate the French bourgeoisie to the will of the American bourgeoisie. In this connection we must not forget the French bourgeoisie owes the American. bourgeoisie 3,700 million dollars. This means something!) America can at any moment shatter the French franc. Of course, the partial revival. of this half-dead in- valid, the Second International. For it is true that the Second, as well as the Amsterdam Internationals are again coming to life. Of course, they will not recover their pre-war vigor. Their former prestige is gone forever. The Communist International cannot be stricken out of existence, nor can this be done with the imperialist war which has seriously injured the spine of the Second International in many places at once. This is irreparable. And yet, with their spines broken, the Second and Amsterdam Internation- als are making new efforts to rise up and straighten out their broken backs with the aid of American crutches. The significance, of this fact must be fully realized: During the imperial- ist war the German social-democracy was the most intimate dlly of its bour- geoisie, was openly . co-operating ‘with the’ junkers. ° The’ same is true’ of the French socialists. How could an international function when its“com; ponent parts were madly killing each other, accusing and abusing each oth- er? Not even a mask or shadow of internationalism was left. All was broken to pieces. During the period of peace negotiations the same condi- tions prevailed: The peace of Versail- les was only a ratification of the re- sults of the imperialist war by the signatures of diplomats: Not a bit of international solidarity: was in evi- dence! Essentially the same situa- tion prevailed during the Ruhr -occu- pation. But now the great “crush ’em all} —American capital—is coming to Eu- rope and says: “Here is your repara- THE FELLOWS THAT PLEDGE PEACE pan ‘MAKE WAR The League of Nations come to terms with the humane, de-. jrecently, during the period of bitter /civil strife that the social-democracy mocratic pacifist capital of America. This is at present the main issue in the political life of Europe and es- pecially of Germany! we are witnessing the transformation of the European social-democracy in- to a political agency of American cap- ial. This transformation is not at all surprising. If we keep in mind the fact that socialdemocracy has be- come the agency of the bourgeoisie, it will be clear that social-democracy, by the very logic of its political de- generacy had to become the tool of the most powerful, mightiest bour- geoisie in the world, the arch-bour- geoisie, i. e, the bourgeoisie of the United States. Inasmuch as American /eapital is taking upon itself the task of unifying Europe, of teaching Eu- rope how to settle her disputes about reparations, war indemnities, etc., and inasmuch as thé money-bag is in the hands of the American bour- geoisie, it becomes necessary for the social-democracies of Germany and France, in order to continue their policy of serving the bourgeoisie, to gradually transfer their attegiance to the chief boss instead of obeying their own bourgeoisie. Yes, the big boss has come to Europe: American capi- tal. Therefore, it is quite natural for the social-democracies of Europe to become politically dependent upon the their mode of behavior. It was only had to take upon itself the actual In other words armed defense of the bourgeoisie against the working class, the same bourgeoisie which in fact was in al- liance with the Fascisti. Noske is the living embodiment of this post-war policy of the German social-democ- racy. And how do things stand today? Today the social-democracy is. playing a different role. The German social- democracy can afford now the luxury of maintaining an opposition to the bourgeoisie. The social-democrats can, now criticise their own bourgeoisie thus differentiating themselves from the capitalist parties. But what is the nature of this opposition’ The German social-democracy thus speaks to its bourgeoisie: “You, the German bourgeoisie, are selfish, greedy, stupid and crafty, but there is on the other side of the Atlantic an- other bourgeoisie, one that is rich and powerful, but at the same time, noble, liberal and pacifist. This bourgeoisie has now come to us again and wishes to give us 800 million marks in hard cash’ to. restore the value of our much- dilapidated mark (and promises of a stabilized gold mark sound good in Germany). What then are you kick- ing about? What is it that makes you feel so blue? You that had thrown the beloved fatherland headlong into a a American bourgeoisie will not attempt to do that. No. She has come to Europe to introduce order and not to cause bankruptcies. Yes, she will not attempt to, but she could, if she want- ed to. It is all in her power. In view of this collossal debt of almost four billions the arguments of Renaudel and Blum sound quite convincing to the French bourgeoisie. At the same time the social-democrats in Germany France and other countries are able to pursue the policy of an opposition to their own bourgeoisie on specific issues, thus stealing their way back into the confidence of certain sections of the working class. Moreover, this. present situation opens up for the menshevist parties of various parts of Europe certain pos- sibilities for united “action.” Even now the social-democracy of Europe appears to be quite a harmonious body. This fact is in a way new. For the past ten years, since the beginning of the imperialist war, there was not a single case of co-ordinated , action on the part of the European social- democracy. Now, such an opportunity has presented itself, and the menshe- viks are now all, in one co-ordinated chorus singing a hymn to American imperialism supporting its program, its international function and its great mission. And here we ana the causes for the —.deChomiver 24 tion plan and here is your program, gentlemen of the menshevist parties!” And social-democracy accepts this program as the basis for its activity. This new program has united the so- cial-democracy of France, Germany, England, Holland and Switzerland. For every Swiss~ trader now hopes that Switzerland will increase her trade in watches after peace and or- der has been restored in Europe by the enterprising Americans. And the petty bourgeoisie, which most nearly finds its expression in the social-de- mocracy, is now united spiritually up- on the program of Americanism. In other words, the Second International has now a unifying program, the pro- gram which General Dawes has brought over from Washington. The situation is, indeed, paradoxi- cal. At a time when American capi- tal is starting out on its most thievish exploit, it has the opportunity of mas- querading as a savior and peace re- storer, as the personification. of his- toric justice, incidentally. mapping out “international” policies for social-de- mocracy which the latter accepts and _ recognizes as even more expedient than its former nationalistic policies. The expediency lies in this, that while your own bourgeoisie is right here: at home and all ‘its misdeeds can be immediately seen, American (Continued on page 5.)