The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 27, 1924, Page 12

| Karl Ma (Continued from Page 1.) it on by a temporary understanding. This was so in the past, and will be so in the future. It is a matter of course that in the future sanguinary conflicts, as in all previous ones, the working men by their courage, resolu- tion, and self-sacrifice will form the main force in the attainment of vic- tory. As hitherto, so in the coming struggle, the petty bourgeoisie as a whole will maintaim an attitude of delay, irresolution, and inactivity as long as possible, in order that, as soon as victory is assured, they may arro- gate it to themselves and call upon the workers to remain quiet, return to work, avoid so-called excesses, and thus shut off the workers from the fruits of victory. It is not in the power of the workers to prevent the petty bourgeois democrats from doing that; but it is within their power to Tender their ascendancy over the. armed proletariat difficult, and to dictate to them such terms as shall make the rule of the bourgeois de- mocracy carry within itself from the beginning the germ of dissolution, and its ultimate substitution by the rule of the proletariat considerably facili- tated. The workers, above all, during the conflict and immediately afterwards, must try as much as ever possible to counteract all bourgeois attempts at appeasement, and compel the demo- crats to carry out their present ter- rorist phrases. They must act in such a manner that the revolytionary excitement does not subside immedi- ately after the victory. On the con- trary they must endeavor to main- tain it as long as possible. Far from opposing so-called excesses and mak- ing examples of hated individuals or public buildings to which hateful memories are attached by sacrificing them to popular revenge, such deeds must not only be tolerated, but their direction must be taken in hand. Dur- ing the fight and afterwards the workers must seize every opportun- ity to present their otvn demands be» side those of thé bourgeois demo- crats. They must demand guarantees for the workers as soon as the demo- crats propose to take over the reins of government. If necessary, these guarantees must be exacted and gen- erall e must see to it that the new rulers should bind themselves to every possible concession and promise, which is the surest way to compro- mise them. The workers must not be swept off their feet by the general elation and enthusiasm for the new order of things which usually follow upon street battles; they must quench all ardor by a cool and dis- passionate conception of the new con- ditions, and must manifest open dis- trust of the new government. Besides the official government they must set up a revolutionary workers’ govern- ment, either in the form of local exe- cutives and commercial councils, or @vorkers’ clubs or workers’ committees, so that the bourgeois democratic gov- ernments not only immediately lose all backing among the workers, but from the commencement find them- selves under the supervision and threats of authorities, behind whom stands the entire mass of the working class. In short, from the first moment of victory we must no longer direct our distrust against the beaten reaction- ary enemy, but against our former allies, against the party who are now about to exploit the common victory for their own ends only. (ii) In order that this party, whose betrayal of the workers will begin with the first hour of victory, should be frustrated in its nefarious work, it is necessary to organize and arm the proletariat. The arming of the whole proletariat with rifles, guns and ammunition must be carried out at once; we must prevent the revival of the old bourgeois militia, which has always. been directed against the workers. Where the latter measure cannot be carried out, ‘the workers must try to organize themselves into an independent guard, with their own chiefs and general staff, to put them- selves under the order, not of the + rx to the Communist League government, but of the revolutionary authorities set up by the workers. Where workers are employed in state service they must arm and organize in special corps, with chiefs chosen by themselves, or form part of the proletarian guard. Under no pretext must they give up their arms and equipment, and any attempt at dis- armament must be forcibly resisted. Destruction of the influence of bour- geois democracy over the workers, immediate independent and armed organization of the workers, and the exaction of the most irksome and compromising terms from the bour- geois democracy, whose triumph is for the moment unavoidable—these are the main points which the prole- tafiat, and therefore also the League has to keep in sight during and after the coming upheaval. (iii) As soon as the new govern- ment is established they will com- mence to fight the workers. In order to be able effectively to oppose the petty bourgeois democracy, it is in the first place necessary that the workers should be independently or- ganized in clubs, which should soon be centralized. The central author- ity, after the overthrow of the exist- ing governments, will at their earliest opportunity transfer its headquarters to Germany, immediately call to- gether a congress, and make the necessary proposals for the central- ization of the workers’ clubs under an Executive Committee, who will have their headquarters in the center of the movement. The rapid organiza- tion, or at least the establishment of a provincial union of the workers’ clubs, is one of the most important points in our considerations for in- vigorating and developing the Work- ers’ Party. The next result of the overthrow of the existing government will be the election of a national rep- resentation. The proletariat must see to it first that no worker shall be deprived of his suffrage by the trick- ery of the local authorities or gov- ernment commissioners; secondly, that beside the bourgeois democratic candidates there shall be put up every- where working-class candidates, who, as far as possible, shall be members of the League, and for whose success all must work with every possible means. Even in constituencies where there is no prospect of our candidate being elected, the workers must nev- ertheless put up candidates in order to maintain their independence, to steel their forces, and to bring their revolutionary attitude and party views before the public. They must not allow themselves to be diverted from this work by the stock argument that to split the vote of the democrats means assisting the reactionary par- ties., All such talk is but calculated to cheat the proletariat. The advance which the proletarian party will make thru its independent political attitude is infinitely more important than the disadvantage of having a few more reactionaries in the national representation. The victorious demo- crats» could, if they liked, even’ pre- vent the reactionary party having any secesss at all, if they only used their newly won power with sufficient en- ergy. The first point which will bring the democrats into conflict with the pro- letariat is the abolition of all feudal rights. The petty bourgeois demo- crats, following the example of the first French Revolution, will hand over the lands as private property to the peasants; that is, they will leave the agricultural laborers as they are, and will but create a petty bourgeois peasantry, who will pass thru” the same cycle of material and spiritual misery in which the French peasant now finds himself, The workers, in the interest of the agricltural proletariat as well as in their own, must oppose all such plans. They must demand that the confis- cated ands shall be nationalized and converted into settlements for the associated groups of the landed pro- letariat; all the advantages of large- scale agriculture shall be put at their disposal; these agricultural colonies, worked on the co-operative principle, shall be put in the midst of the crumbling bourgeois property institu. tions. Just as the democrats have combined with the small peasantry so we must fight shoulder to shoul- der with the agricultural proletariat. Further, the democrats will’ either work directly for a federal tepublic or at least, if they cannot avoid the re- public one and indivisible, will seek to paralyze the centralization of govern- ment by granting the greatest possible independence to the municipalities and provinces. The workers must set their face against this plan, not only to secure the one and indivisible Ger- man republic, but to concentrate as much power as possible in the hands of the central government. They need not be misled by democratic platitudes about freedom of the com- munes, self-determination, etc. In a country like Germany, where there are so many medieval remnants to be swept away and so much local and provintial obstinacy to be overcome, under no circumstances must par- ishes, towns, and provinces be allowed to be made into obstacles in the way of the revolutionary activity which must emanate from the center. That the Germans should have to fight and bleed, as they have done hitherto, for every advance over and over again in every town and im every province separately cannot be tolerated. As in France in 1793, so it is today the task of the revolutionary party in Germany to centralize the nation. We have seen that the democrats will come to power in the next phase of the movement, and that they will be obliged to propose measures of a more or less socialist nature. It will be asked what contrary measures should be proposed by the workers. Of course they cannot in the begin- ning propose actual Communist meas- ures, but they can (i) compel the democrats to attack the old social or- der from as many sides as possible; disturb their regular procedure and compromise themselves, and concen- trate in the hands of the state as much as possible of the productive forces, means of transport, factories railways, etc. (ii) The measures of the democrats, which in any casé are not revolutionary but merely reform- ist, must be pressed to the point of turning them into direct attacks on private property; thus, for instance, if the petty bourgeoisie propose to purchase the railways and factories, the workers must demand that such railways and factories, being the property of the reactionaries, shall simply be confiscated by the state without compensation. If the’ demo- crats propose proportional taxation, the workers must demand progressive taxation; if the democrats themselves fighter for the middle class. possible to place tories. Unemployment— . + SAPP An eEeeeeeeee eee nere 4113 Washington Blvd. Stir the Shops! The very best place to carry on a working class campaign is in the shops and factories where the workers It is there that minds are open to the measures, parties and candidates that stand for concrete solutions of the problems of bread and butter facing the working class. It is in the shops that the workers will see most clearly, for example, the difference between Foster, the union organizer and fighter for the workers, and LaFollette, the lawyer and (Editorial Daily Worker.) THE ABOVE “HITS THE NAIL” on the head. Nothing could be added to that. It’s up to you reader, to do everything physically THESE PAMPHLETS in the hands of the workers you work together with in shops and fac Sell them everywhere. Now is the time. The LaFollette IMlusion— As revealed in an Analysis of the Political Role of Senator LaFollette, by Jay Lovestone. Single copy............. Parties and Issues in the Election Campaign— By Alexander Bittelman. Questions and answers, how the dif- ferent parties view the conditions affecting the working class. It's a gem. No worker should go to the polls this year without first reading this pamphlet................:ssssssssssssssesessescsers Why It Occurs and How to Fight It, by Earl R. Browder. This Pwye ned deals with the most important issue before the work- In lots of 5 or more at 35 per cent discount. Place your orders at once. LITERATURE DEPARTMENT Workers Party of America declare for a moderate progressive tax, the workers must insist on a tax so steeply graduated as to cause the collapse of large capital; if the demo- crats propose the regulation .of the national debt, the workers must de- mand state bankruptcy. The demands of the workers will depend on the pro- posals and measures of the democrats. If the German workers will only come to power and to. the enforce- ment of their class interests after a prolonged revolutionary development, they will at least gain the certainty that the first act of this revolutionary drama will coincide with the victory of their class in France, and this will surely accelerate the movement of their own emancipation. But they themselves must accomplish the greater part of the work; they must be conscious of their class interests and take up the position of an inde- pendent party. They, must not be di- verted from their course of proletar- ian independence by the- hypocrisy of the democratic petty bourgeoisie. Their battle-cry must be: “The revo» lution in permanence.” London, March, 1850. Marx-Engels-Lenin (Continued from Page 7.) hated enemy overthrown in a territory. covering one-sixth of the earth’s sur- face and the capitalist system fighting for its very life and the Communist International, the product of his brain, rapidly gathering together the revolu- tionary workers of the world for a final assault on the capitalist system and the establishment of Workers’ So- viet Republics in every country of the world. Lenin could die with a smile on his lips. On this anniversary of the founding of the First International, the Com- munists of America could pay no more fitting honor to the great revolution- ary trinity whose_names will stand out as beacon lights to the oppressed proletariat of all countries guiding them along the path to victory, than to sit down at the feet of the masters Marx, Engels and Lenin and secure the knowledge necessary to lead the masses and rout the perverts who would make of Marxism and later on of Leninism a cud for sophists to chew on and to misinterpret. The revolutionary workers of the world can today pay homage to their ead leaders with a light heart more confident than ever of ultimate vic- tory as the edifice of capitalism prop- ped up by the bayonets of the hired janissaries of the bourgeoisie, is shaking to its foundation. gather to earn their living. wobeavecene sssseceeseceeene t povoteasinsbiotimiatestbenosat easgesenereocssescseosectens OO Chicago, II,