The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 30, 1924, Page 15

' Revolutionary Unionism vs. Weak-Kneed Reformism A few remarks on the Congress of the Red International of Labor Union (Profintern.) By MOISSAYE J. OLGIN. 'HE “respectable” philistines, bour- geois by social position and bour- geois by the grace of social reform- ism, calls us Communists, utopians, dreamers. This is what the Russian Dhilistines called the Russian revolu- tionaries twenty years ago here, in this estate of the tzars, in this “holy” Moscow where most of the graves of the one-time “respectable” and “prac- tical realists’ (graves, physical and political) are now rotting away in ig- nominious oblivion. When you travel the width of U.S.S.R. Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (It’s about time we knew what these initials mean) and observe the new forms of free proletarian life sprouting on virgin revolutionary soil, you laugh deris- ively at those clever ones who deem to annihilate you by the bombshell dreamer. But if you were to spend two weeks at the Congress of the Profintern (Red International of La- bor Unions—R. I. L. U.) with its de- tailed reports and masterly analysis of the world trade union movement, you would say that it is the “respec. table” social reformists of the Am. sterdam International who are tht actual utopians, whereas the move ment represented here, in this Hallo’ Columns of the Honse of the Unions is a movement of shrewd and circum spect practiciens who stu the so- cial forces of post war society, under- stand the trend of history, know the nature of the approaching enormous conflicts, and prepare the working masses for the role allotted to them by the development and decay of cap- italism,—the inevitable and unavoid- able struggle for power. There, lazy acquiescence in imper- ialist machinations; in most cases, actual aid to the forces that are rob- bing the working class of its subsis- tence minimum and preparing a new horrifying world catastrophe; at best, a pious hope that oily “democracy” will turn a cure-all for the “evils” of society and lead us painlessly and suavely, into_the haven of socialism. Here, a pitiless search for the truth, a keen application of past experi- ences to the solution of complicated problems, a courages facing of conse- quences, however difficult, a readiness to fight in a world where nothing can be gained without organized, consis- tent social warfare. Who are the dreamers? In certain respects the Profintern congress, less numerous and _ less sparkling than the great world con- gress of the Communist International, was even of a more fascinating na- ture than the latter. Here was a dealing with the everyday actualities of the workingmen’s. life. cnet ee ticle an honest description of what requires a book for its presentation. It will, perhaps, be best to enumerate the high lights of the congress. An inquiry among many leading delegates, including members of the presidium, seems to reveal a consen- sus of opinion that the following points were the most outstanding in the work of the congress: 1, The question of unity with the Amsterdam International ; 2. The question of strike strategy; 3. The colonial problem. Unity with the Amsterdam Interna- tional would mean a combination of all the forces of the working class in one big organization. It would mean, not only bringing the Russian trade unions into. line with the trade unions of wéstern Europe, but it would mean a solidification of the industrial inter. nationals (transport workers, miners, etc.) which are affiliated with the Am- sterdam International and which be- Ch. Rakovsky lutionary standpoint (Edo Fimmen, the Dutch leader, some of the British trade unionists), begin to fret under the rule of pure and simple social re- formism. The “rebellion” of these leaders, weak and toothless as it may be, is a reflection of deep fundamen- tal changes taking place in the mood of the large masses of the working class. Outwardly all this enormous molecular process expressed itself in an invitation extended by the Amster- dam International to the Russian un- ions (but not to the Profintern as a whole) to join it on the basis of its program and statutes. The Profintern Congress, of which the Russian unionists were an impor- tant part, had to take a stand. To go or not to go to Amsterdam? How far to go in concessions to the reform- ists? On what basis to agree to join Amsterdam? What shall be the fate of the Profintern if the Russian un- ions unite with the unions of the Am- The Soviet Delegation in London E. Preobrashensky Here was|gin to play a role in the labor move- felt the breath of that incessant strug-' ment of the world. There is no need gle which the industrial worker is] o¢ dilating’ over the importance of compelted to lead for his daily bread,| bringing all working class forces to- a struggle that is the daily bread of | gether, the working class. There were mostly men from the ranks of the la- bor unions, men who went thru the hell of shop work, strikes and lock- outs for years and decades. Here the question of the united front of labor assumed a more vivid aspect than even in the field of poTitical struggle. And the enemy, the immediate en- emy of the working class,—the social traitors who are often more danger- ous to the workers because not so easily recognized and not so readily _ Suarded against, than the bourgeoisie itself—appeared here as something tangible, something that stands every- where between the worker and his accession to power. I? one may“ say so, here was felt more keenly the odor of the earth. A practical appli- cation of one of the principles formu- lated by the Comintern congress, the Profintern discussion were more ab- sorbing in the same way as igs every application of a general principle to the unending variety of circum- stances in practi€al life. j Here, as at the Comintern gongress, the correspondent is painfully aware of the impossibility to give in an ar- over the enormous vistas which this would open before tha world proletariat. There is, however, one little point which has to be con- sidered in relation with such pros- pects, and that is, “What for should this tinity be achieved? What is the use to be made of this consolidation of the world proletarian forces?” The gentlemen from Amsterdam, at their Vienna congress of this summer, made it clear that they would like to have the Russian unions join their International on the basis of its con- stitution and statutes, ie. they would like to see the Russian unions as tame, as devoid of the class spirit, as willingly collaborating with the bour- geoisie. and as inactive in the class struggle as those “respectable” union bureaucrats have made the o¥ganiza- tions under their guidance. This is a prospect unacceptable to the Profin- tern, and there would have been no need of discussing the problem of unity with the reformists if not for the Amsterdam left wing. The Vi- enna congress manifested that there is no unity in Amsterdam itself. There is a left wing which, tho timid and muddle-headed and far from a revo- sterdam Internationals? What shall be the fate of the International Propa- ganda Committees (I. P. C.’s.) set up by the Profintern to work among the Industrial Internationalists? Will we not weaken instead of strengthening the world union movement? Shall the Profintern mark the first step without awaiting formal invitation from the adversary?- What effect would all this have on the Communist move- ment of the various countries? There was heat in the discussion. There was passion. There was a feel- ing of historic responsibility which made many a heart throb with anx- iety. There was a feverish scrutiny of all the circumstances. The nature of reformism as such, the nature of the left wing, the present galvanization of reformism which makes it appear to be passing thru a period of re- vival, the situation of the union move- ment in every country, the particular situation in Great Britain under the “labor” regime of MacDonald, the gen- eral trend of the class-struggle in the world, the. prospects of the revolution, —all this passed review before the mind of the delegates who faced, and were fully aware that they faced, a problem such as is seldom put before a body of revolutionaries. Those days when the question of unity of the world labor movement was before the Congress, may be considered the cru- cial days of this big and colorful gathering. But the delegates assembled were Communists, and they were under the leadership and-in close contact with the master minds of the Comintern. They had a few fundamental truths to be guided by, and they finally reached decisions which were ac- cepted unanimously. The Profintern wants unity, It declares its readiness to establish unity. This is not a mere maneuver as some fear, and even a few friends, would like to intepret it. The Profintern knows that in a-world where capitalism is becoming more organized and more ‘concentrated every day, only an organized and con- centrated labor movement can lead the class-struggle both on a national and international scale. The Profin- tern has no reverence for this or that form of existing organization. Con- trary to the Amsterdamers, it does not emphasize the “dignity” of its or- ganization. It will sacrifice this so- called dignity if the interests of the working class and the revolution re- quire it. The Profintern will make the first move toward unity. But it understands unity as meaning acon- solidation of the working class forces for the class-struggle against capital- ism. It values unity only if it en- hances the power of the proletariat nd accelerates its revolutionary 1xovement. It will not join under onditions which would prevent the evolutionary elements from conduct- ag a vigorous class revolutionary ropaganda among the working masses. On the other hand, it believés in ‘the revolutionary spirit of the masses. t knows that, however misled and befogged by reformed chieftains, the workers will rally under the revolu- tionary banner when approached by determined class revolutionary lead- ers. It is, therefore, not afraid to be in the minority. Moreover, the Con- gress, as a body of Communists, knew that it is the duty of Communists to seize every opportunity which would open for them an approach to the broad working masses. * Unity with the Amsterdam International would offer a large field for revolutionary work among the masses. The Profin- tern, therefore, says to Amsterdam: let us come together; let us unite the world proletarian forces; but let us do it for the class struggle; we, the Red ones, will abide by majority de- cisions as far as action is concerned, but. we demand the right of free criti- cism and free propaganda of our opin- ions; we are for proletarian de- mocracy, and therefore let the world proletariat itself, in Congress assem- bled, decide upon the practical con- ditions for unity. The steps taken by the Profintern and the Russian unions are known. The Russian unions answered the Amsterdam International with a pro- posal to call a conference of an equal number of representatives from each side to discuss the problem of their uniting with the Amsterdam Interna- tional. The Profintern is going to write a letter (and by the time this reaches America the letter will prob- ably have been sent) to Amsterdam with a proposal to discuss in a con- ference of an equal number of repre- sentatives the problem of calling an International Unity Congress on the basis of proportional representation. Thus the question of a united front in the union movement enters a new phase. When this letter is printed new developments will have taken place. One thing must be empha- sized, and this was expressed at the Congress as resolutely and as un- equivocally as possible. The Profin- tern, and the Russian unions, will never weaken their propaganda of revolutionary class-struggle. The steps towards unity on the part of the Profintern and the Russian unions are not a move to create a united front from above inasmuch as the unity campaign will be developed by the revolutionary trade unionists, the (Continued on page 7.)