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\The Workers ee te ~ . sales By JOSEPH MANLEY, Campaign Manager, Workers Party. The Workers Party occupies a his- toric position in the present election campaign. The Workers Party is the only’ proletarian party that fights against capitalism, represented by Coolidge and Davis—and the left wing of Wall Street, represented by LaFol- lette. The Workers Party fights against the interests of this whole combina- tion and stands for the interests of the werkers and exploited farmers. Our immediate objective is therefore, to draw into the struggle, the larg- est possible section of the exploited masses. Our various party units, both in districts and locals, must be mob‘lized as never before, We raust come thru this campaign with thousands of new members, in- creased confidence among the masses and having brought them one step nearer the proletarian revolution. Our problem is to organize a mighty ma- chinery before we can accomplish the various tasks that will be necessary to the making of a successful elec- tion campaign. What the Federations Can Do. In this machinery our federations, being national in scope, occupy a fore- most position. The federation papers, thru. campaign articles and news items can issue special appeals and give much aid to the campaign. The federation papers can be useful in reaching otherwise inaccessible plac- es with our Communist program. The Federations Executive Committees should hold regular and frequent meetings to discuss and execute the work of the campaign. The Federations Secretaries occu- py a strategic position. They, by in- terest and effort, can contribute much. The district organizations, by prop- er planning and by frequent and care- fal consideration of the campaign problems. in their district. can co-or- dinate the work of the local units and the district as a whole. Duties of Local Units, The local units of our party are the real basis of this political campaign. Never before has our rank and file had such a splendid opportunity for general participation with a Commun- ist program in a great political strug- gle. Every member of a branch can and must engage in this political cam- paign to the fullest extent. The real battle must be fought by them. The burden of carrying out the campaign fight is upon ‘their shoulders. The local campaign committee can reach masses of workers with whom no other party unit comes in contact. Their objective is to strengthen the political influence of the party and spread the message of Communism. Foster-Gitlow Meetings. To crystallize the issue—to stimu- late the campaign and to appear be- fore the workers as a political party, the Foster-Gitlow meetings must oc- cupy extraordinary effort and inter- est. The Foster-Gitlow meetings must be viewed from an entirely different angle than the regular mass meetings held by our party. It must be remem- bered that these meetings are of our Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidates. In great political strug- gles in America, the candidates al- ways give voice to the platform of their party. Consequently, great poli- tical significance must be attached to these meetings. Masses, if intelli- gently approached, can be attracted to a political meeting in the midst of a heated campaign. Special efforts should be made to attract and reach large masses of industrial workers with the influence of these méetings. Get Signatures for Petitions. Probably the real drudgery of the campaign is that of securing petition signatures and placing our party on the ballot in the various states. This Party or in the is of fundamental importance. It must be successfully carried out—oth- erwise we cannot function as a poli- tical party in this campaign. The Campaign Needs Money. The raising of adequate finances is of equal importance. The campaign cannot be successfully conducted without money. The vigorous solicita- tion of campaign funds will add to the strength of the party as a whole, national, district and local. The workers are now interested in political questions. Spgcial campaign literature will carry our Communist message to places hitherto not pene- trated. This will increase the under- standing of our party aims and cre- ate for us a wider standing and pres- tige. The same applies to our gener- al party literature, which in this cam- paign should be specially pushed. The general party Mterature, if widely dis- tributed, will help to clear up much, of the confusion which now exists in the minds of many, otherwise intelli- gent workers, as to political ques- tions. It should be continuously pointed out that we are the only political par- ty that fights against capitalism. The revolutionary workers, who are anxi- ous to join in this. fight, must be drawn into our party. At all our campaign meetings, special appeals should be made for new members. Spread The “DAILY WORKER.” Hard as the election campaign may be, it would be still harder if not for our American Communist newspaper —The DAILY WORKER. The special campaign issues of the DAILY WORKER should be widely distribut- ed. They will make an appeal all their own. The DAILY WORKER must be placed where it can bring its appeal to millions of American work- ers in their own language. A -principle consideration in this campaign is to reach large masses of workers. This problem deserves spe- Elections cial attention from our ‘local units. Many are inclined to be content with efforts that only reach that sympa- thetic fringe always more or less close to otr ‘pamty and that general- ly accepts its leadership. We must mobilize all of our sympathizers. Com- mittees of sympathizers supporting the candidacies of Comrade Foster and Gitlow, and accepting ‘our elec- tion campaign program, must be or- ganized. ’ The development of finance capital and the trustification of ‘industry in America lead inevitably toward a po- litical solution of the various indus- trial problems confronting the Amer- ican workers, Campaign propaganda must emphasize the industrial prob- lems and suggest the political solu- tion which our party fights for. Our immediate program must be stressed when speaking and appealing to in- dustrial workers. Above all, this: campaign offers us a tremendous opportunity to educate the masses to the néed for a real fight against American imperialist capitalism. It can now be made clearer than ever before that the me- chanical development of industry with the consequent trustification pro- moted by finance capital and protect- ed by an ultra-capitalist state, make the carrying out by the workers of an international revolutionary pro- gram the only escape. The class struggle in America becomes ever sharper. To be the vanguard of this struggle is our role. Our party.must emerge from this campaign with an increased revolu- tiofiary spirit. Our. militant election campaign must drive" home to work- érs everywhere, at the grass roots and in the mines, the burning necessity for the organization of Soviets and the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship. We must answer Im- perialist America with Soviet Amer- ica. Presidential Candidates OLITICAL parties are judged by the records of their leaders as well as by their platforms. The Republican Party as befits the favorite political tool of the dominant wing of American capitalism has nom- inated as its candidates for president and vice president of the United States two notorious labor, haters and strikebreakers, one of them Calvin Coolidge, having become a national figure when he succeeded in breaking the Boston Policemens’ Strike in 1919. Whether he broke it or not he claimed credit for it. There is no doubt but his heart was in the right place fop capitalism. General Charles G. Dawes, or Hell an’ Maria, as he is more popularly kngwn, has not a broken strike to his credit, but he is the founder of an or- ganization known as the Minute Men of the Constitution, the main object of which was to protect scabs and smash labor unions. The organization started with a fanfare of trumpets and much advertising but it was a miscar- riage and the General takes pains now to keep its name out of his vocabu- lary. A fitting pair to represent the Republican Party! Then we have the leading candidate on the Democratic ticket, an attorney for the House of Morgan and for sev- eral other big financial interests in- cluding the Standard : Oil Company. Mr. Davis has spent his life in the service of Big Business. He has been employed at various times by big cor- porations to fight labor unions, And when this fact was published after his nomination he claimed that he de- fended Mother Jones, organizer for the United Mine Workers of America, ’ to show how impartial he was. But facts contradicted him and the DAILY WORKER is able to publish the story of his connection with thé prosecution of Mother Jones and several other mine leaders 20 years ago. A typical lackey of Big Business is John W. Davis. , Charles W. Bryan, vice-presidential J candidate on the Democratic ticket is a political accident. He was selected to occupy the tail end of the Davis bandwagon only because the Demo- cratic strategists feared that his brother William would bolt the ticket unless the family was given a sop. Charles W. is the bone thrown to the so-called liberal Democrats. He will do his master’s bidding and has fifo record behind him that means any- thing one way or the other. Robert Marion LaFollette has been a political stormy petrel for decades. While he oftentimes disagreed with the Republican Party he stayed within its folds and did not even follow Roosevelt in 1912 when Terrible Teddy threw the harpoon into Taft and paved the way for Woodrow Wilson to land in the White House. LaFol- lette was the bosom friend of Boise Penrose, the most reactionary man in the Republican Party. His anti-war attitude, mild tho it was, brot him into disfavor with the plutes and It is this incident in his career more than any- thing else that has given him the reputation of being a radical. Burton K, Wheeler is an ambitious lawyer whose sole claim to progres- siveness is his refusal to join in hounding radicals in Butte, Montana, during the war. His prosecution of Harry Daugherty before a senate in- vestigating committee got him into the limelight. Even the so-called liberals among the six prominent capitalist candi- dates above named have never done anything constructive in behalf of the working class. They believe in the capitalist system and want to pre- serve it. They would clip its claws, perhaps, and endeavor to make it omre bearable, but overthrow it they would not, : Let us compare the records of the capitalist candidates to those who are carrying the Communist banner in these elections, William Z. Foster and Benjamin Gitlow. Foster has been active in the revo- lutionary and trade union movement since he was twenty years old. Born of working-class parents he was obliged to go t6 work when ten years old and has followed several occupa- tions such as, type founder, steam en- gineer, railroad brakeman and rail- road conductor. He joined the Socialist Party in 1900 and was expelled with the left wing from that organization in the State of Washington in 1909 by the reactionary officialdom. He joined the Industrial Workers of the World, went to Europe to study conditions there and on his return announced his conviction that the I. W. W. policy of dual unionism was wrong. Every step in Foster’s career was directed by his desire to help the working class. Having reached the conclusion that dual unionism strengthened the reactionary elements in the labor unions and separated the radicals from the masses, Foster proceeded to organize the radicals for effective work inside the trade unions. In 1917 he was secretary of a com- mitte that organized 200,000 packing workers. After that he was secretary of a committee that organized 250,000 steel workers and led a strike in which 400,000 of Gary’s steel slaves participated. Comrade Foster has been to Russia three times s' he Soviet Republic was established and has written’ sev- eral books on labor topics. Foster has devoted his energy, his ability and his life to the interests of the working class and the hatred which the -capitalists bear towards him is a testimony to his fidelity to the working-class movement. Benjamin Gitlow has been an active member of the trade union move- ment since 1913. He is a member of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers. Gitlow joined the Socialist Party in 1910, In 1917 he was elected on an anti-war program to the New York legislature. He associated himself with the left wing of the Socialist Party and was co-editor with John Reed of the Revolutionary Age in 4 By T. J. O'Flaherty 1918-19. He was arrested on November 8, 1919, and was the first in the United States to be placed on trial as a Com- munist. He served three years of the ten year sentence imposed on him and is now indicted on a criminal syndicalism charge in the state of Michigan. The records of the two Communist candidates speak louder than words. While their capitalist opponents have shown by their every act, that they stand for the present robber system that breeds wars and misery for the masses, Foster and Gitlow are devot- ing their lives to the task of throwing the capitalists off the backs of the workers, and to establishing a Work- ers and Farmers government that will] begin to lay the foundation of a Com: munist society. MY COMPLIMENTS TO THE DAILY WORKER DR. M. WISHNER DENTIST ‘ 800 W. North Ave., Cor. Halsted St. Lincoln 9010 Meet us at the Prudential Restaurant | 752 NORTH AVE. The only place to eat. George E. Pashas COZY LUNCH 2426 Lincoln Avenue One-half — a Imperial ” CHICAGO