The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 18, 1924, Page 6

Lo case Nee re 1 i ‘ ; oy Page Six ‘THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO,, 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: $3.50....6 months $2.00..3 month By mall (in Chicago only)+ §8.00 per year 4.50....6 months $2.50...8 mont4s pt tt ES ic SEE ae SERRA Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY, WORKER 1118 W. Washington Bivd. $6.00 per year Chlioago, IIlInols J. LOUIS ENGDAHL \ WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB.... sresevsversnoeneess sees Editors .Business Manager Wntered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. ap 250 Advertising rates on application. Eee eee Another Fake Peace Is the war finally over? Bourgeois publicists, from the reactionary Chicago Tribune to the so- cialists, see in the adoption of the Dawes Plan the establishment of “peace.” Now, at last, the peoples of the world are to live in harmony and industrious labor, warble the pacifists and jingoes in unison. It is another fake. The leopard cannot change his spots, and capitalism cannot ayoid war. The so-called peace was but a continuation of the po- lities of war—just as the on-coming war will be the logical outcome and continuation of the policy of the Dawes peace. Peace and war are the inter- changable aspects of capitalist imperialism and exploitation. Capitalist war merges into capitalist peate and back again, just as naturally as the Dawes report is the “official policy of the United States” one day, entirely unofficial and informal on the next, and then again the official policy. The capitalist papers change the tune from day to day, but the keynote is always the same—Morgan rules. War- peace, peace-war, is a formula that Morgan can handle with equal facility. There will be no peace on earth until capitalism is abolished. Until that day there will be war— war between the nations, instigated at the will and for the profit of capitalists, which must finally be turned into the civil war between the exploiters and the exploited. All “peace” that is proclaimed until that time is false. ee The Musicians’ Wages Musicians used to consider themselves “profes: sional men,” not workers, just as many teachers and intellectual workers still do. But capitalism, thru its ruthless greed for surplus value, forces the most conservative workers of all kinds to realize their common foe and resort to common tactics to fight—sooner or later they must come to the strike, which in turn leads to other methods of struggle. These observations are called forth by the news that the Chicago Federation of Musicians is going on strike on Labor Day to enforce its demand for 10% increase in wages from the musical comedy shows and drama houses in this city. The employ- ing theatrical managers seem to be organizing an “open shop” drive, under the leadership of Geo. M. Cohan, who has become rich thru writing silly songs that wave the “red, white and blue,” wail about Broadway, and proclaim the virtues of 100%ism. Cohan’s affinity to a 100% Americanism seems to put him in unalterable opposition to a 10% wage increase. All of which shows that the theatrical business follows the same laws as the steel industry. And all of those who work for wages are forced, sooner or later, to recognize this fact and to organize themselves for struggle against the employing class. Wood and Gold : Again the news dispatches carry the name of Lieut. Osborne C. Wood, son of Maj. Gen. Leonard Wood, governor of the Philippines. And again the stories are of fabulous winnings on Wall Street, in transactions carried out by cable, supposedly bringing his “winnings” over the million dollar mark, Tf there are any workers so simple-minded as to believe that Wood, or any other bourgeois block- head, can become a modern King Midas overnight, producing gold to order over the cables, for these sitch stories will be acceptable. They take the place of the tales of Grim and Hans Anderson, or the “Thousand and One Nights.” But if one is in terested in reality rather than fairy tales, it is evi- dent at once that, in Wood and his gold, we have another of those instances of public position being cashed in thru the hurry-up methods of a Walling- ford. The origin of Wood’s million is yet shrouded in mystery. If we might hazard a guess, it will ul- timately be traced to manipulations in American imperialism, and the merciless exploitation of starving natives in the fabulously rich colonial possessions of the United States. Until some public benefactor comes along who can disclose the actual facts, the workers will beg to be excused from be- lieving the fantastic stories of the capitalist press. Between young Wood and his million lie connee- tions that involve the whole fabric of the rule of American business in South America and the Far East. Sit right down and send in your order for the First Communist Special Campaign Edition of the Matteotti Haunts Mussolini With the finding of the mutilated remains of Matteotti, murdered Italian deputy, the long-suf- fering working cl of Italy has found a symbol around which to crystalize its rage, grief, and burning hatred against Mussolini and his Fascist brigands, accumulated thru three years of murder, arson, and rapine perpetrated by these hangmen of capitalism against the toilers. And again the socialists are attempting to play their historic role of lightening rod to divert the anger of the masses. The party to which Mat- teotto belonged has refused to co-operate in the public funeral arranged as the beginning of a desperate struggle against his murderers. Fortunately the Italian workers have the Com- munist Party of Italy, which has issued a call for a general strike on the day of the funeral, and which is taking the lead in the tremendous wave of indignation that is sweeping the masses of Italy into revolt against their murderous oppressors. If our Latin brother workers have fully learned the lessons of the last years, then not only Mussolini, but also his cowardly accomplices, the socialists, will soon be swept away. “The Golden Mean” The Milwaukee Leader, mouthpiece of decadent socialism and noisy progressivism, a la LaFollette, is again in a quest for the holy “golden mean.” Mr. Victor Berger takes the DAILY WORKER to task for its series of articles on the politics and economics of the LaFollette movement. He protests that on the one hand an extreme right journal says “LaFolletteism is Socialism” and that on the other hand, the DAILY WORKER, the expression of the extreme left, says that LaFollette and Wheeler are capitalist candidates. Then the lone socialist congressman brings solace unto himself by declaring that “the golden mean is in the right place. The truth lies between the two extremes.” This explanation is typical of the mechanical, fossilized formulas to which the Bergers, Hill- quits and O’Neals, have subjected the socialist movement in America. The fact of the matter is that there is a grain of truth in the criticism‘of LaFollette by the New York Commercial, the ex- treme right newspaper. If the New York Com- mercial would say that the socialism of Vietor Berger and his supporters is LaFolletteism, then it would be correct. With this agent of big business the truth stands on its’ head. All the DAILY WORKER is doing in its La- Follette series is to put this truth right on its feet. We are showing that the socialism of what was one the socialist party, is today unadulterated LaFolletteism. We are likewise showing that Messrs. LaFollette and Wheeler are committed to a continuation of the present system of the private ownership of the means of production and ex- change, of the present economic system of wage slavery thru the private ownership of capital. “Ai the very moment that Mr. Berger fired his broad side on behalf of the “golden mean,” the mosi trusted lieutenants of LaFollette in the Milwaukee Leader’s own state of Wisconsin were protesting vehemently at those questioning their being “fiercely individualistic.” In Wisconsin the LaFol- lette boosters insist that “the progressive program was devised to protect the rights of the individual.” We do not take particular delight in getting under the skin of those who buried the socialist party corpse at Cleveland on July fourth. Yet, we cannot help feeling that Berger and his aides are especially grieved because, in making our case, we have used their own findings and testimony, as they themselves have repeatedly presented it in thefv campaigns of yesterday against LaFollette. Haunted Cities Industry is slowing down. Unemployment grows. Down state in the Illinois coal fields it is estimated that 40,000 miners are idle. In the big cities the jobless army hovers continually about the gates of the shops and factories. The jobless wait and wait and wait for the “opening” that never comes. In the small towns, especially, the mining towns, DAILY WORKER, to be dated Saturday, August 80. The order blank appears on another page. Use it! oer the idle workers just haunt the street corners. They have no other place to go. The whistle on the mine tipple doesn’t blow, calling them to work. There are no other jobs. They just hang about and wait. The small bank account disappears, credit at the store exhausts itself, hunger sets in at home. This condition is labor’s big problem this year. It is Illinois labor’s biggest problem right now. This must be given thorough consideration at the state convention of the Illinois Federation of La- bor to meet next month at Peoria. Delegates now being elected to go to the Peoria convention should be instructed to push this issue, and demand that something be done. Up to the present time the Workers Party is the only organization that has taken up this prob- lem seriously. The Communists have taken the initiative in the drive to protect the jobless. But this matter must be considered by the whole of organized labor. Action will only be secured as a résult of tremendous pressure upon those in power from an aggressive rank and file movement. Workers! Unite in fighting the growing spectre of unemployment that haunts the land! Distribute a bundle of the DAILY WORKER'S first Special Campaign Edition, dated Saturday, August 30. A new member for the Workers Party is a new recruit to the revolutionary army. Become a recruiting sergeant for Communism. Get a member for the Workers Party. THE DAILY WORKER Monday, August Ts, 1024 Bukharin’s Report on World Program Editor’s Note.—Here is the con- cluding installment of the report given by Nicholas Bukharin on the question of the world Communist program to the Fifth World Con- gress of the Communist Interna- tional. This will be followed by the supplementary report made by the German Communist, August Thal- heimer. It will appear in an early issue of the DAILY WORKER. Bukharin said: Oa we Comrades, I am coming to the end of my report. But I should like to say a few words on the agrarian ques- tion. This question was very fully discussed at our congress. We have before us Comrade Lenin’s theses and the results of the work of our vari- ous commissions. Nevertheless, I should like to say a few more words. There is a certain tendency within our Tanks, which, I think, constitute a considerable danger. On this ques- tion there was a very great differ- ence between the Second and the Third International. It is certainly true, that the Second International paid very little attention to the agrar- ian and peasant question. But there is already a»tendency among some of our comrades to deduce from our atti- tude towards the peasantry, that in agriculture, there is no difference be- tween small and big enterprises. These comrades contend that we need only organize the peasant par- ties or re-organize our own parties on a proletarian-peasant basis. In the Big production is more progressive than small production, Well, we are now in a different epoch. Our task does not‘consist in prognosticating the development of agriculture. Our task is to find an ally and we must adopt a different orientation to be able to break down the power of capitalism. For this pur- pose we are even entitled to parcel out farms at the expense of big land- ed property, in order to secure an al- ly. For this is thé main point. At present, it is not a question of prog- nosticating if big enterprises are su- perior to smaller enterprises, but, of finding means to overthrow capital- ism. This is our present orientation, and everything else is based on it. To win over the peasantry, we must be able to give it something, in accord- ance with the nature of the various countries and the social importance of the peasantry in these countries. For the high price we have to pay now for the progress of revolution, we will be compensated later, when we shall have the pre-requisites of dictatorship—the entire industry in our own hands. Then we shall be able to introduce more progressive forms of agriculture. Why? With your permission, I will make a very important but purely theoretical re- mark. One of the greatest contradic- tions in the capitalist system, especially during the last decades of capitalist methods of production, consisted in the gulf which existed between industry and agridulture. During that period we witnessed an ever-growing dispropor- face of this tendency, we must state | tion between the growth of produc- here most emphatically that we ad- here to the principle of big enterpris- es in agriculture. We believe that the development of big agricultural enterprises is the only means to in- crease agricultural production. But the solution of this problem is dif- ferent now than in the pre-war per- iod. Before the war, during the per- iod of so-called healthy capitalism, our main task consisted in getting rid of all. relics of fuedalism, of sweep- ing away all obstacles which stood in our way. We asked: Does victory belong to big or small production? Contrary to the revisionists, we said: tive forces in industry and the growth of productive forces in agriculture. Why? I am unable to give a detailed answer to this question. The most important phenomenon in this con- nection, is the appearance of a new factor, the so-called absolute-rent. Comrades will find this subject fully explained in the third volume of “Capital.” But this is an absolute fact.* Thus, the obstacles in the way of technical progress, of the applica- tion of modern machinery in agricul- ture are connected with absolute rent in agriculture. And that is why we have disproportionaté development. Agriculture was, so to speak, under the yoke of industry. We can and shall free agriculture from this yoke to the extent in which we get rid of this disproportionality of capitalist methods of production. If from the view point of economic rationality, we stand to lose something by parcel- ling the estates of big landowners, we shall be compensated, and compensat- ed generously, thru the abolition of absolute rent, thru co-operation with the peasantry and the systematic in- tervention of socialized industries in agriculture. I think that in this con- nection, we must bear in mind what Lenin said in his last article. We had a special form of so-called agra- rian socialism in the country-side even in the time of capitalist pros- perity. This was a very peculiar ideology. It had its material basis in the growth of peasant organiza- tions which were under the hegemony of big landowners, priests, etc. There were agricultural syndicates, co-op- eratives, and various other forms of organization, asin Denmark, for in- stance. It is on this basis that the so-called agrarian and co-operative so- clalism developed. All this, of course, was utopian. To believe that tend- encies coming from this side would develop into Anti-Capitalist organiza- tions, was a semi-capitalist illusion. But comrades, the establishment of proletarian dictatorship changes the situation in this respect. The former development of all these institutions, was the only possible development in a capitalist organism and under a capitalist state power. All these in- stitutions became part and parcel of the organism and economic body of the capitalist state. But, under pro- letarian dictatorship, when industries are socialized, the growth of these in- stitutions (wherever it is possible to replace the hegemony of the big land- owners, etc., by the economic hege- mony of the proletariat) means that these institutions become part and parcel of the proletarian economic body. e That is why this question has a very different aspect in the epoch of oroletarian dictatorship. And this is very important. Comrades, we believe that in ac- cordance with the decision of the Fourth Congress, we must also have a tactical strategic section in the plan of our program. I think that we shall have to discuss this section of our program a little later, when the com- mission will have made some head- way in its work and when the final or almost final draft will be before you. I think it will be more expedient to do this after the discussion, for I hope that there will be a discussion, To re-capitulate my main ideas: I think that the reports presented at the Fourth Congress must be the basis of our new attitude towards this question. What is actually new is the declaration of our philosophy and the more comprehensive treat- ment of the new economic policy which I propose should be regarded as the economic policy of the victori- ous prqjetariat. This is the most important part of my report, and I think that in draw- ing up our plan, we must elaborate these points very carefully in order to clear away any possible doubts on this subject. I am absolutely opposed to raising the question of the elabora- tion of the program. I think we shall do the right thing if we go from here. with the approval plan which the con- gress shall decide should be dis- cussed, and if we leave the final de- cision to the next congress. What we need now, are definite lines for our future activity. It is not an easy proposition, but this should not alarm us. We will elaborate this program, provided that comrades show a little interest in it. Surely it cannot be. that the critical capacity of the International should be cen- tered in Boris alone. This lack of in- terest in theoretical questions which was always a characteristic of re- formist tendencies, is a dangerous symptom. Nearly in all parties, in- cluding the Russian Party, lack of in- terest in theoretical questions was always a sign of opportunism. We must do our utmost to combat theo- retical opportunism and scepticism. There are enough forces in the Inter- national to solve atso theoretical problems. (Applause). LaFollette Plays with Old Party Corruption (Continued from Page 1.) yer of Wisconsin. A certain Charles T. Pfeister, who held many positions of trust and confidence in moneyed and manufacturing corporations, was charged with bribery, fraudulent granting of franchises, and other crimes against the public, Pfeister iad Senator Sawyer try to bribe La “ollette to “fix things” up with the sudge who was to try hig case, Judge siebecker, LaFollette’s brother-in- aw. Of course, LaFollette refused the bribe and openly declared that Saw- yer had attempted to buy him. But that is where this case of rank cor- ruption ended. Sawyer was never prosecuted. LaFollette never did any- thing to securé a criminal indictment against Sawyer. And Pfeister, mem- ber of the firm of Pfeister-Vogel and Company, which nas for years been promoting a blacklist against organ- ized labor while it was at the same time supporting the so-called “good government” league, also escaped harsh treatment. This bitter foe of the workingmen was handled with silk gloves in the “Model Common- wealth.” Recently Mr. Pfeister be- came associated with Judge Backus, a member of the LaFollette machine, in the board of directors of the Mil- waukee Sentinel, a Hearst publica- tion. Not Free From Corruption. When LaFollette was governor of Wisconsin, he had the opportunity he is now seeking as president to banish graft and corruption from govern- ment. How successful LaFollette was as a purity crusader in his guberna- torial career and to what extent La Follette would bring “tlean” govern- ment to Washington if elected presi- dent, can best be seen from the con- ditions which prevailed in his state when he was governor. If we examine the files of the So- cial-Demoicratic Herald, the predeces- sor of the Larollette mouthpiece, the Milwaukee Leader of today, we find the f@llowing description of “clean” government under “Battling Bob's” governorship: “The so-called half-breeds, or the followers of Robert M. LaFollette, are by instinct, make-up, and past history as wicked a set of grafters as their stalwart brethren ever dared to be. As a matter of fact, there is a con- stant flux from the stalwarts to the half-breeds and vice-versa, according to how the jobs and the "graft that was to be gotten, reached around— for the men who did not get any, im- mediately turned ‘reformers.’ Theo- dore Zilmer, one of the present 1 ers of the stalwarts, was one of the original LaFollette men and original half-breeds in Milwaukee, “The office ot sheriff made a stal- wart of him. The present leader of the half-breeds, Fred C. Lorenz, was formerly a friend of Payne and Pf ster. Otto Seidel, ono of the self-cot fessed grafters, ran on the kalf-breeds’ ticket last fall. And all in all, there is not the least doubt in anybody's mind that the half-breeds are in no way or shape better than either the Stalwarts or Democrats. Only they happon to have the district. attorney for the period of the campaign on their side.” (August 12, 1905). And in the Milwaukee Sentinel of October 1, 1905, we are given the fol- lowing insight into the reign of hon- est government in the model common- wealth: “The grand jury which has been in session since early in June, probing graft in city and county gov- ernment, made its final report to Judge Brazee of the Municipal Court at ten o’clock last night and was dis- charged. Twenty-four indictments were returned with its final report, as follows: “William Murphy, former alderman of the third ward, two indictments, charged with ‘perjury in connection with testimony against two ‘reform- ers’ before the grand jury. “One of the sensations of the even- ing was the indictment against Wil- liam Murphy. It will be remembered that several days ago Murphy wrote a letter to the grand jury saying he was ready to furnish it with some in- formation. He was summoned, but as soon as the jury ascertained that he had evidence of bribery to furnish against two ‘reformers’ and LaFol- lette leaders, the jury excused him, He told his experience to the news- papers, and the jury, finding public sentiment aroused, thought best to let the former alderman testify, es- pecially since for weeks the district attorney had been trying to get Mur- phy to testify on graft. “Murphy Went before the jury and said that one of the so-called ‘re- formers’ had given him $400.00 for his vote for the Wells tunnel grants. He also charged that another ‘reform- er’ had given him, through his agent, $50.00 for his vote for a sidetrack.” The orgy of corruption in LaFol- lette’s Wisconsin commonwealth, par- teularly when “Battling Bob” held undisputed political sway, is summed up in this fashion by the Social-Demo- cratic Herald, of October 21, 1905. “The bribery, stealing and open de- bauchery in Milwaukee was such that even the bribers could not stand it any longer. Public opinion compelled the district attorney about two and a half years ago to ask the criminal court for a grand jury. Since then several indictments have been re- turned. Over a hundred city and county officials have been indicted. They have been indicted for almost any crime that public officials could possibly commit.” P Campaign Funds Are Secret. Despite all the demands of the La Follette forces for publicity in con- gressional and senatorial campaigns, these “progressives” have not been so anxious to put such policies into effect in Wisconsin where they are masters of the political situation. In the Milwaukee Journal of January, 3, 1922, we are given the following in- dictment of the LoFollette machine: “For nearly two years the Wisconsin Progressive League worked in the state to bring about the LaFollette Blaine victory. The league now says it was ‘educational’ and it has failed to file a record of its expenditures. No one knows to what extent money influenced the primary, nor the source whence the money came, The LaFol- lotte candidates filed personal reports os enaeag., but nothing is disclosed relative to the prolonged period of preparation.” Backs Capitalist Politicians. In essence, LaFollette’s political machine is like the political machines of the corrupt and reactionary cliques dominated by the biggest capitalist interests. The Wisconsin senator has been a rather glib talker for many years against big whips, bosses, and misleaders utilizing their hold on the government either for service to big corporate interests or for their own ends. Looking into LaFollette’s ac- tual doings over a span of years in politics and power, we find that his machine has served to build gods and make bosses out of as many tools of the big exploiters as have the ma- chines of the democratic and repub- lican parties. Thus the Milwaukee Leader of March 14, 1918, unfolds the following tale of “Battling Bob” placing himself squarely behind the worst type of employing class politicians and tools: ‘So Senator Robert Marion LaFol- lette, according to the Free Press, places himself squarely back of the candidacy of James Thompson. “That's an old story. ‘Bob’ placed himself squarely back of Isaac M. Stephenson in his day. ‘Bob’ placed himself squarely back of Jim David- son a little later. ‘Bob’ placed himself squarely back of Francis E. McGov- ern. ‘Bob’ placed himself also square- ly back of Irvine Lenroot, and ‘Bob’ placed himself squarely back of Paul O. Husting as a ‘fair-minded’ Demo- crat, “We-could mention a dozen other prominent politicians in Wisconsin behind whom Robert M. LaFollette ‘placed himself squarely.” With the exception of those who have died— all of these, proteges of ‘Bob’ are great jingoes, reactionaries, and pro- fiteer patriots today, As a matter of fact, every one of them, after Robert M. LaFollette had placed himself squarely behind him, turned clear around and placed his right foot squarely upon the solar plexus of ‘Bob’ with telling effect. “The only exception to this rule that we know of just now, is Colonel John J. Hannan, ‘Bon’s’ purveyor of good will and who sticks to him with remarkable fidelity. But it is not quite clear whether John is squarely ened ‘Bob’ or ‘Bob’ squarely behind John. “And now Robert M. LaFollette places himself squarely behind Mr. Thompson. This gentleman at least cannot disappoint ‘Bob’ much. Thomp- son already promises the most vigor- ous prosecution of the war, and, therefore, if he wants to be con: ent he must oppose ‘Bob’ after tion.” ‘ Among the progressive saviors or honest men in capitalist: government with whom LaFollette associated him- If at one time or another, in his program or whom the LaFollette ma- chine supported are the following men who blossomed out into supine servants and vigorous defenders of the blackest employing class inter- ests: Albert J. Beveridge, of Indi- ana; Albert B. Cummins, of Iowa, author of the Esch-Cummins act; Hi- ram W. Johnson, of California; the fake Teapot Dome investigator, Sen- C- ator Irvine L. Lenroot, of Wisconsin; Miles Poindexter, Washington; Gif- ford Pinchot, now governor of Penn- sylvania; William Allen White, of Kansas, and Medill McCormick of In- ternational Harvester Trust fame. Finally, at this very moment, the differences between the cogs in the wheels of the LaFollette machine and the active supporters of,-and work- ers for, Coolidge in Wisconsin, are so thin and so vague, that Mr. Arthur Evans, was led to the following view of the situation in the Chicago Tri- bune of August 15: “Thus the Coolidge movement in Wisconsin is being directed largely by elements quite as closely identi- fied with the progressive legislation that made the state famous ten and twenty years ago, as were the pres- ent LaFollette captains, and even closer. “The ‘regulars’ scorn the word ‘con- servative’ in this state, and they make much of saying the active Cool- idge workers here are advanced, ‘con- structive, and up to all Wisconsin's standards of progressivism.” New Russian Film The Beauty and the Bolshevik is the title of a new, fascinating Red Army romance, that has arrived in the United States from Russia and will be shown at the Lenox Theater, 111th Street and Lenox Avenue, New York, August 22nd to 29th. Story Based on Civil War. This story is based on the events in Soviet Russia toward the end of the Civil War. A Red Army brigade set- tles;down after four years of fighting in a little village—there it becomes the center of the village life. It brings joy to the poor and rouses the resent- ment of the-rich- landowners. The Red Army soldiers are seques- tered in the homes of the villagers. Kombrig Ivanov, the Red Army Com- mander, finds himself housed in the home of a rich priest—Kulak. And, as inevitably happens, there is a young daughter—the Beauty. Courting With the ¥ABC of Communism.” In a short time Kombrig and the Beauty find much in common. The Red Commander interests her in com- munism and they are seen together making love with Bukharin’s “. And then, as you would expect, Kom- brig asks for her hand in manpiage. Marriage Old and New. As an, orthodox bourgeois young lady, she proposes a high church cere. mony, with full ritual. Kombrig, how- ° ever, hag thrown off the superstitions of past and insists on a civil mar- riage. " A break is imminent, . . . How Kombrig finally wins the Beauty, the ingenious scheme he car- ries out, can best be known by the latest Russian Art Production, The Beauty and the Bolshevik, The picture is replete with stirring scenes of the Red Army in action, of the struggles between the poor peas ants and the rich landowners and many other events typical of the new