The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 18, 1924, Page 2

fage Two MATTEOTTI BODY FOUND BURIED - BY ASSASSINS Mussolini Victim Was Horribly Mutilated (Special to the DAILY WORKER) ROME, August 17.—A naked and ‘horribly mutilated body, positively identified as that of Giocomo Matteotti, socialist de- puty who two months ago was murdered for attempting to ex- pose the crimes of the Musso- lini government, was found yes- terday afternoon near Crofano, a few miles from Rome. It was buried under fourteen inches of soil. A long steel.file had been plunged into the breast. Killed by Stiletto. Last Thursday evening. a waistcoat, recognized by police as having belonged to Matteot- ti, was found in a vault near Rome. It had been punctured with numerous holes, as if by a stiletto. No Public Funeral Allowed. Mussolini’s official order that no public funeral may be held for the murdered socialist, and that no public honors may be bestowed upon him, is arousing the anger of the workers, who,. thru their labor organizations, are planning to launch a manifesto to the Italian people to participate in @ mass funeral in deflance of the Fas- cisti. Mussolini has been forced to call to Rome the entire national militia, consisting of over 25,000 armed guards, to maintain order. Need for the national militia has been intensi- fied by the discontent which is rapidly Spreading among the carabinieri, a corps of 80,000 soldiers acting as royal guards, partly because their pay had been substantially reduced by or- der of Mussolini. Communists Ready to Act. The Communist Party of Italy has decided to call a general strike of all workers on the day of the funeral. Other parties of the constitutional op- | I. W. W. FIGHT BRINGS OUT ISSUES | (Continued from Page 1.) they have assumed the authority that rightfully belongs to the G. BE. B. Anyone who dares to disagree with them either is quieted or faces a gun, a “black jack” or a mob. They’toler- ate no opposition, “The General Bxecutive Board would have had to resort to the same tactics as Doyle, Fisher and Morris— which might have caused serious in- juries or even death on either or both sides, wholesale arrests of our mem- bers thruout the country, destroyed the organization, supported the ac- cusation hurled against it in the press, from the pulpit, and given added weight to the stool pigeons, spies and agents provocatures who have given testimony in court during the course of trials of our members charged with criminal-syndicalism, ete.—or appeal to the courts for an adjustment until such time as a general convention may be held. General Executive Board, Industrial Workers of the World. J. A. Griffith, Chas. Anderson, Fred W. Bowerman, James Rowan, P. D. Ryan, H. E. Trottler.” A general bulletin of the adminis- tration forces answers the charge of “gangsters” in the following state- ment: gt AE Are We Gangsters and Gunmen? “‘Gangsters and gunmen rule head- quarters! Thirty gangsters and gun- men beat up the G. E. B.!’ “So read the telegrams and state- ments of the self-styled G. BE. B. And in a signed statement they say again, ‘thirty_armed gunmen, most of whom were strangers, no doubt paid gunmen hired for that purpose, started sap- ping up on the G. E. B.’ “Why do they not mention the names of the men who put them out? Not one was a stranger. Hvery one was known to the disrupters. “So that members may know the names of all who put the disrupters on the street we sign our names and card numbers to this brief statement, and say without equivocation: WE PUT THEM OUT? “We ask you, the members of the I. W. W.: Are we gangsters and gun- men? Look us over, and count us. Yours for the I. W. W. “William Hanley, Card 194920, Sec’y |I. U. 110; Arthur Linn, Gard 407217, Chairman I. U. 110; J. M. Reilly, Card | X-4988, Sec’y I. U. 230; Chas. Gibson, position, however, chief among them |Card 273575, Chairman I. U. 230; For- the unified socialist party, of which | rest Edwards, Card 8714; Frank Gal- Matteotti was a member, have refused |lagher, Card 238964; Harry Drew, to co-operate on the ground that such|Card 244103; Sam Forbes, Card 196- action might “disturb the peace and |842; Mike Sapper, Card 195075; Her- general equanimity of the country.” |bert Mahler, Card 169793; Wm. Hood, A tremendous wave of indignation|Card 198890; Geo. D. Ellis, Card , against the Mussolini dictatorship, ris- | 296003; C. A. Kent, Card 415554; Jack ing even higher than the one which | Martin, Card X-36018; E. W. Latchem, shook the foundations of the Fascist |Card 80490. government when the crime was com-| Suffer from Syndicalist Prejudices. mitted, is expected to make itself} The charge that the administration manifest as the day of the funeral ap-| follows the Communists is, of course, proaches. far from the truth. Both sides are (Continued from page 1) and his platform have been too much of a bone to swallow. Therefore, the G. B. B. indorsed LaFollette with the specious plea that while the candi- dates for president and vice president do not come ‘from the ranks of the trade unions, and while “we” cannot accept the conomic implications of those elements of the platform which are designed to restore competitive in- . dustry, still LaFollette and Wheeler have been outstanding public (!) servants, fighting consistently for the publio (!) welfare. Against this indorsement Schloss- berg voted and promised to make public a statement on thé subject. It will be recalled that Schlossberg was the author of an article showing the difference between the third party and the labor party, an article’ which ‘was widely read. The rest of the members of the gen- eral executive board, who voted the indorsement to LaFollette, know that even if the senator should finally de- cide in January, 1925, that the time had come for the formation of a new Party, it would not be a labor party, but a third party, a party which would (Continued from Page 1.) at the Peoria convention of the IIli- nois State Federation of Labor. The local unions of the miners must pass resolutions instructing delegates to the convention to demand that the mine industry take care of all of its unemployed by the payment of unem- ployment benefits. The organization of unemployment councils will strengthen the demands of the unem- ployed and make the reactionary trade union officials and the coal oper- ators heed their program.” Howat Fought Unemployment. The administration of Alexander Howat in Kansas faced the unemploy- ment problem by compelling the mine owners to keep the mines open, distributing the work equally among all the miners of the Kansas district, James Mariotti, who was expelled as the Kansas district auditor for his al- RANK AND FILE IS FOR FOSTER SPRINGFIELD IS CITY OF JOBLESS be a melange of petty-botirgeoisie, la- bor fakers, rubber-tired farmers and jobless officeholders. The labor par- ty, they know, can only be achieved over the dead political body of LaFol- letteism, of petty-bourgeois leader- ship of the political labor movement. By the indorement of LaFollette, the national officials of the ‘Amalga- mated have dealt another blow to those militants who are doing all in their power to destroy the illusion of LaFolletteism and build the move- ment for class political action. In- stead of helping to do this, they ha succeeded in helping to nurture this danger to the American workers, and have greatly harmed the coming of the labor party. Let the Members Speak, The rank and file always has the last word to say, in the last analysis, In this case, it must stand plainly be- fore its national officialdom and flatly repudige the shameful indorse- ment of LaFollette. The issue in the labor movement is clear. Hither Fos- ter or LaFollette. The militant worker will choose, unhesitatingly, the candidates of the Workers Party. legiance to Howat, told the DAILY WORKER. “The Kansas field is now shot to pieces just as the Illinois field 4 Mariott! said. “But under Howat's administration the Kansas miners made every mine in the state remain open. We also refused to allow the operators to threaten or discharge miners in order to speed up produc: tion, as is done in Illinois at the pres- ent time. The most the operators were allowed to lay off a miner under Ho contract was five successive days, After that the operators were compelled to take the miner back to work.” Mariotti produced a letter from Howat in which Alex sald he had re- ceived over 95 per cent of the votes for nomination to run as president of the Kansas district, and over 96 per cent of the votes for nomination as international president in the next elections. permeated with syndicalist prejudices that require the sharpest criticism from the Communists, But the statement of the “Rank and File Committee’ does raise the issue of revolutionary polities against the pure-and-simple job organization tend- encies of the secessionists. This state ment says, in part: “Just as this fight embodies the po- icies of industrial unjonism in the class struggle, so it is true that it did not begin yesterday, nor start from the election or retirement of some of- ficial. “In the early years of the I. W. W., we were not much more than a propaganda group, and not a very big one at that. It was always a fear of the rebels in our organization in those days, that when some upheaval among the working class would attract a large membership into the I. W. W., it would be watered and lose its revo- lutionary punch. The rebels would be in a minority and unless they managed some way to hang together and keep up the revolutionary educational work, making the non-revolutionary new members absorb a_ revolutionary rather than a non-revolutionary policy, they would be out-voted and the or- ganization would be ruined in the long run,.as. far as its service to in- dustrial emancipation was concerned. For we must have revolutionary EDU- CATION and a big ORGANIZATION in order to have EMANCIPATION. “When we speak of this fear on the part of the rebels in the early I. W. W., we recognize and must admit as a fact that there have always been two factions, conservatives and pro- gressives, in the orgnization. The one contends for purely job unionism. These fellow workers would not be bothered with the revolutionary char- acter of the industrial union move- ment. If they could get a union that would function in their particular in- dustry for wages and hours, then they would be willing to let the revolution- ary class struggle on a broad scale go to the devil. The lack of solidarity here is the fatal flaw, for if, in all industries this could work, and really advance the géneral standard of the whole work- ing class—then there would be no revolutionary or other argument. against it. But industrial union self- ishness is just as fatal to working class interests as the craft selfishness and narrowness of the) American Fakeration of Labor. Industrial union narrowness is likely the next mis-step from craft narrowness on the road to the struggle for revolution. We must avoid the mis-step, and not imagine that we are tremendously “con- structive” because we are fighting for job organization. “The key to this controversy lies in the fact that the crisis which th rebels in the early I. W. W. feare has at last come upon us. Up to about the time of the war, the organization was, 2 we said before, a propaganda league directed and led by a pretty good revolutionary element, in fact the revolutionary ideal dominated the field and the purely job unionist did not control the I. W. W. “We used to be lucky if we had five thousand members in good standing. We got all swelled up when we got to fifteen thousand about 1915 or 1916. We were simply overwhelmed when the tremendous boom of war indus- tries, coupled with a resentment against war that was attracted by our old anti-militarist agitation, brought tens of thousands of new members in- to our organization in 1916-1917. We found ourselves with over a hundred thousand members along the begin- ning of the war. But we were over- whelmed in more ways than one. “Many of our best rebels were im- prisoned or deported. Many others were s0 tickled to see members pour- ing into the organization that they forgot the old worry about what would happen to their revolutionary policy and made hay while the sun sho? In more than one way this greatly benefited the organization. But other things had to be considered. Among them was the necessity for looking out for this strong economic organiza- tion we were building up. War per- secution had to be taken into account. We had to defend our imprisoned fel- low workers, and a whole deferisive movement took place that led, as Fel- low Worker George Williams has pointed out, to a lack of ‘spirit and ag sion.’ f Side by side with this defensive tactic, and the denial of the part of force as the decisive factor in the class struggle, too much of a purely job unionism grew up. If our members will examine the history of our organ- ization during recent years, they will see that both grew up at the same time. - “We point out that we do not op- pose Rowan merely because he is an ego-maniac bent on rule or ruin. That is one reason. But we oppose Rowan because he stands for seces- soiy and a job union that will not fight in the class struggle in a revolu- tionary manner. “For the same reason that we op- pose Rowan and Bowerman, we are supporting Fellow Workers Tom Doyle and Joe Fisher. We are not behind them just because it is Doyle and Fisher, or merely because we think they are following the proper legal tactics, but because they are opposed to splitting the I. W. W, a “It must be clearly understood that we are not opposed to job control or large and powerful unions. On thet DAILY WORKER contrary we profoundly believe that the more workers organised in unions the better. Wé do pot share the an- tagonism some fellow workers feel to unions that get beyond the propaganda stage. Without large unions the workers are defengeless. But we op- pose the type of union which goes over to mythical “independence” and which thinks the class struggle begins for the first time when it goes on strike and stops when it gets an agreement. “The rank and file of the I. W. W. is opposed to splits of this kind. Really there are two kinds, because some fellow workers have another peculiar notion which has naturally come out of our growth of recent years. Not long ago this was shown by a fellow worker writing in the Industrial Worker saying that if too many work- ers who were not class-conscious came into the I. W. W., ‘we would cut it to the bene’ to save it from dilution. “This is a very bad mistake, be- cause if the revolutionary movement is to go onward to final success it is compelled to go hand in hand with large and growing industrial unions. To ‘cut the organization to the bone’ would mean for the rebels to expel all the membership who don't fully understand the theory of the class struggle. That is altogether foolish, impossible and injurious to the cause of emancipation. We would be noth- ing but a sect again. Let us go for- ward, not backward. “To sum up: As rank and file members of the I. W .W. who believe in the class struggle for working class emancipataion, we oppose Rowan and Bowerman and the others who stand for secession and independent job unionism. Secession and. splits are always an injury, just as solidarity and unity is always helpful. We do not want to see these large unions without centralization with the I. W. W., We also oppose the idea of mak- ing a little revolutionary sect out of the I. W. W. after it has got a start and a chance to build up powerful unions. We oppose every split, seces- sion or withdrawal because we are revolutionary industrial unionists, be- cause we believe three things go to- gether, EDUCATION, ORGANIZA- TION and BMANCIPATION. Chicago Labor Body Eats Big Dish of Crow (Continued ‘from page 1) labor program consisted of only 60 words, that it did not deal with the Vital interests of labor. ' LaFollette’s Friends, He also showed how LaFollette was supported by Rudolph Spreckels, the sugar king, from California, where Mooney and Billings are imprisoned. He showed that other supporters of LaFollette are Vanderlip, the banker, and W. T. Rawleigh, of’ Freeport, Tl, head of a non-union $18,000,000 concern. “These are the open shoppers back- ing LaFollette,” said Johnstone. “It you workers believe that the interests of all are the same, then you should be for LaFollette, But if you believe that @ class struggle is waging in this country, then you should be for Fos- ter and Gitlow, the Workers Party ticket in this campaign.” Small and Klan. Johnstone also showed that Govern- or Len Small was being supported by the Ku Klux Klan in this campaign, that under the Small regime a young worker was murdered in a court room in Southern Illinois, that in this state 40,000 coal miners are idle, a problem that the organized workers of the state are asked not to discuss. Johnstone declared that after this election is over the class conscious workers of the country will again de- mand that a labor party be organized. Secretary Edward N. Nockels, in y- ply to Johnstone, declared that the Communists were ungrateful to Gov- ernor Small, who had pardoned sev- eral members of the Communist-La- ‘bor Party, seized in the Palmer red raids of 1920. 4 This was the tenor of speeches made by Delegates Walt and Flora. They were ably answered by Delegate Andrew Overgaard. ~Ex-Anarchist Talks. “You are working for Foster and Gitlow because you are on the payroll of the Communist Party,” shouted An- ton Johannsen, ex-anarchist, now delegate from the carpenters. “You are all under instructions from Mos- cow.” Overgaard Exposes Johannsen. “Johannsen is the last man to at- tack the Communists on that ground,” aid Andred Overgaard, delegate trom the machinists’ union. “Johannsen is now working for the American Feder. ation of Labor, and Gompers is all right with him. But when he had a job as organizer for the Amalgamated Clothing Workers he attacked Gomp- ers regularly. Debs No Longer a Leader. “Debs is no longer a leader of the workers. He follows thefr cottails. When they are about to make a mis- take he does not attempt to correct them. Does LaFollette,” continued Overgaard, “offer anything substan- tial to the workers? C®h Len Small do anything about unemployment? Of course not.” f Charles F. Wills, manager of the official organ of the federation, raved on for a while at the DAILY WORK- DR. He appeared annoyed to find the DAILYWORKER sold at working class gatherings. After Wills spoke, debate was arbi shut off and the vote taken. burg, have closed thelr doors recently, Hillquit awd Berger Quarrel over Effort to Define Progressive By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. ‘ODAY, Victor L. Berger and Morris Hillquit are quarreling about the meaning of the word “progressive” in politics. They will be scrapping about a lot of other things, more im- portant, before this election campaign is over. ES * * * * Hillquit says that,.“‘A progressive is one who has a definite program of economic and social reform, the test being the positive constructive character of such a pro- ram.” . Berger claims that, “This definition and test would fit Dawes and Mussolini even better than Hillquit or Foster. Dawes and Mussolini have a definite program of economic and social reform, and It is rather of a ‘positive character.’ And both Dawes and Mussolini insist that their program is ‘constructive’.” Berger sums up by charging that Hillquit's definition is @ poor one, and then substitutes his own as follows: “The only way to recognize a progressive is to learn which way he is facing—forward or backward. If a man faces backward, he is no ‘progressive’'—no matter what his program.” * * * * Both Hitiquit and Berger are trying to define the kind of company they are keeping in the LaFollette campaign. But a much better definition of this outfit was given by Robert M. LaFollette, Jr., son of the Wisconsin senator, when the LaFollette convention was being held in Cleve- land. “Bob, Jr.” defined the progressive movement back of his father as, “A melange.of middle class intelligentsia, petit bourgeoisie and*trade union bureaucracy struggling to find a formula for class collaboration.” * * * cS It is an effort on the part of Hillquit and Berger, to blind their few remaining followers to the truth of the analysis of young LaFollette, that leads them to frame their own des- criptions of their political bedfellows. Hillquit’s definition is the usual makeshift of a lawyer. Berger successfully riddles it, But Berger indicts himself and his party in his defini- tion. The Milwaukee socialist editor and congressman still hypnotizes himself into the belief that he is facing “for- ward.” ; * * * Berger and the whole world socialist movement of the Second International faced definitely backward when it gave its support to the capitalist war of 1914. j That backward-looking position was Abinknenge tained in the refusal to support the establishment o' Rule in Russia. It was emphasized in the aid given the counter-revolu- tionary forces that waged war on Soviet Russia. It became permanent in the coalition of secialist forces with those of the capitalists to fight the rise of the Com- munists to power, in practically every country. cg * * * Berger truly says that, “If a man faces backward, he is no ‘progressive'—no matter what his program.” No matter what phrases Berger and his fellow socialists may adopt, in their programs and in their speeches, they are, nevertheless, the faithful allies of the lovers of the capitalist social order, among whom LaFollette stands in the first rank, with Gom- pers, the labor reactionary, and the-millionaires, Spreckles and Vanderlip. main- Soviet Berger has always been known for his bluff and bluster. Only a super-ego, in Berger's position, could pen the lines: “The definition of a progressive should always include the idea of working for a gradual forward advance of an economic and social idea. And the test—ought to be the answer to the question: Did the man stand up for his pro- gram when it was difficult or dangerous to stand? There is no other test.” a * * * Berger's brand of socialism, for instance, with its sup- poe were tested in the German reichstag, when Karl iebknecht stood alone against kaiserism. Liebknecht stood up and fought for-his program, when it was difficult and dangerous to take his stand. Liebknecht stood facing for- ward, with ooeers whole Second (Sociallst) International turning its back upon him. * * °* ° “However,” Berger, “I don’t care much for defini- tions. Definitions are words at best. We want deeds.” But that gets neither Berger nor Hillquit on safer “grounds, They are betrayed both by their words and their deeds. . All progress today is toward the abolition of capitalism. All is reaction that séeks to maintain the capitalist system. Berger and Hillquit are today in the camp of the most ardent supporters of the capitalist social order that keeps the masses of the workers and farmers in slavery. They are reactionists facing backward. Junior Reds Sock 3 Pills Home to Only 2 of the Other Side By a score of 3 to 2, the Marshfield juniors’ baseball team took the cup from the Winchester Athletic Club team in spite of the latter's greater age. Itz Kaplan, pitcher for the Marshfield young Communists, put them all out of the box. George Greenberg, star manipulator of the bat, socked the ball all the way out, putting himself on third base and sending two of his teammates into the sweet vicinity of the home plate. The skill and evident superiority of the Marshfield Babe Ruths made the Winchester hopefuls turn laven- der with envy. The juniors are so tickled about their victory that they aim to take a shot at some of the big teams in the very near future. District Convention Of Russian Branche: Indorses C. E. C. Stand The district convention of the Rus- sian branches of the Workers Party of the North Western states, held here Saturday and Sunday, indorsed the po- sition taken by the central exegutive committee of the party in putting up Communist candidates in the coming election. A report on the activities of the central exeoutive committee was giv-, en by Comrade Arne Swabeck, dis- trict organizer of the party. Cam- paign Manager Joseph Manley also spoke. Cuban Unemployment Growing. CUBA, Aug. 18.—-The unemployment ranks here are growing in boundless Proportions due to the constant ar- rival of large numbers of unskilled laborers from southern Hurope and also by the release of laborers in the sugar industry, Idaho Banks Close, .BOISE, Aug. 17.—Three southern male's banks, all small institutions and oc.,-d at Montpelier, Rierie and Rex- Monday, August 18, 1524 FOSTER FLAYS MORGAN TWINS IN FIRST TALK LaFollette Gets His in Youngstown Meeting (Special to’ The Daily Worker) ‘YOUNGSTOWN, Ohio, Aug. 17—"The evils under which the workers suffer can only be abol- ished with the abolition of the capitalist system, the substitu- tion of the capitalist dictator- ship with the dictatorship of the workers and poor farmers, with the establishment of the Soviet Republic of America,” said William Z. Foster, presi- dential candidate of the Work- ers Party in the opening speech of the campaign here today. Steel Slaves Attend. The meeting, held on the an- niversary of the alleged intro- duction of the 8-hour day in the steel industry, was attended by masses of steel workers from the heart of-Mahoning Valley. Foster's speech, which was listened to attentively by the men he led in the great steel strike of 1919, was frequently interrupted by prolonged ap- plause. Foster’s speech, in part, is as fol- lows: The acceptance speech of Calvin Coolidge delivered in the corrupt po- litical atmosphere of Washington, is typical of the philosophy of modern American capitalism. It flagrantly denies the corruption of the govern- ment and ruthless exploitation of the working class, Coolidge on Unemployment. Speaking of the period when his administration took office, Coolidge says: “A great revival of industry took place, which is now spreading to agriculture, Complaints of unem- ployment have ceased, wages have in- creased.” This is bunk. Millions of workers are unemployed and still further mil- lions are being driven from the land. The relief for agriculture which Cool- idge speaks of, is.no relief to the farmers. The millions in credit sup- posedly to help the farmers will in reality, help the agricultural bankers. An apologetic note creeps into Cool- idge’s speech when he speaks of the oil scandals. He says, “The people of this country hate corruption. They know my position. They know the law will be enforced.” Al that the workers know about law enforcement under Coolidge is that he cringed in the face of the defiance of ‘the crook, Daugherty. It was not Coolidge who drove Daugherty from office, but the sheer weight 6f Daugherty’s crimes, which still go unpunished. Coolidge stands for law enforcement—the en- forcement of law against the work- ers. Coolidge will smash their strikes with bayonets, if necessary.. His New England record proves that. The Morgan Twins. The speech of Coolidge and the oth- er acceptance speech by that other twin of the House of Morgan, Mr. Davis, delivered at Clarksburg, West Virginia, can both be classed as clear cut programs for the unqualified con- tinuation of capitalism and the ex- ploitation of the working class. And Mr. LaFollette, too, in what- ever speeches he will make, will stand also for the present system of capitalism. Perhaps Mr. LaFollette wants capitalism, and {ts wars, and industry, somewhat purified, but just the same, he stands foursquare for the present system of exploitation as stand Coolidge and Davis. The Workers Party is against capi- talism. We will tell the workers and Poor farmers in the present election campaign that the cause of oorrup- tion, the cause of the Republican oil scandal, the cause of the Democratic aeroplane scandal, are all a common cause—capitalism. For Soviet Republic. tell them that unemployment, misery, starvation, and all the evils under which they suffer can only be abol- ished with the abolition of the talist system, the substitution capitalist dictatorship with the torship of the workers and poor ers, with the establispment of Soviet Republic of America. Federal Reserve Brings Suicide COMERTOWN, Mont.—Four small children and a widow survive John Myers, & Comertown farmer who killed himself in desperation after the federal reserve board's deflation of the farmers had brought poverty and debt to the family. He had pulled the trigger of his shotgun with his toe as he lay in bed, muzzle against his breast. The little children ran screaming out of the with / i Ay a a ner rrr vennnrinnnNeaynnTiinnernneennerr nO